The Jews and Modern Capitalism (2024)

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Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (1911) is a book by Werner Sombart, an English translation by Mordechai Epstein was published in 1913 as The Jews and Modern Capitalism.

Translator’s Introductory Note

Werner Sombart is undoubtedly one of the most striking personalities inthe Germany of to-day. Born in 1863, he has devoted himself to research in economics, and has contributed much that is valuable to economic thought. Though his work has not always been accepted withoutchallenge, it has received universal recognition for its brilliance, and hisreputation has drawn hosts of students to his lectures, both at Breslau,where he held the Chair of Economics at the University (1890–1906),and now in Berlin at the Handelshochschule, where he occupies a similar position.But Sombart is an artist as well as a scholar; he combines reasonwith imagination in an eminent degree, and he has the gift, seldom enoughassociated with German professors, of writing in a lucid, flowing, almost eloquent style. That is one characteristic of all his books, whichare worth noting. The rise and development of modern capitalism hasbeen the theme that has attracted him most, and his masterly treatmentof it may be found in his Der moderne Kapitalismus (2 vols., Leipzig,1902). In 1896 he published Sozialismus und soziale Bewegung, whichquickly went through numerous editions and may be described as one ofthe most widely read books in German-speaking countries.1 Die deutscheVolkswirtschaft im 19ten Jahrhundert appeared in 1903, and Das Proletariat in 1906.For some years past Sombart has been considering the revision ofhis magnum opus on modern capitalism, and in the course of his studiescame across the problem, quite accidentally, as he himself tells us, ofthe relation between . The topic fascinated him, and he set about inquiring what that relationship precisely was. The results of his labours were published in the book of which this is an English edition.

The English version is slightly shorter than the German original.The portions that have been left out (with the author’s concurrence) arenot very long and relate to general technical questions, such as the modern race theory or the early history of credit instruments. Furthermore, everything found within square brackets has been added by the translator.My best thanks are due to my wife, who has been constantly helpfulwith suggestions and criticisms, and to my friend Leon Simon for theverse rendering on pp. 000–000.

M. E. London, April 21, 1913.

Notes to Introduction

1. An English version was prepared by the present writer and issued byMessrs. J. M. Dent & Co. in 1909, under the title Socialism and the Social Movement.

2. Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben. Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot.1911.

Part I; The Contribution of the Jews to Modern Economic Life

Chapter 1 Introductory

Two possible methods may be used to discover to what extent any groupof people participated in a particular form of economic organization.One is the statistical; the other may be termed the genetic.By means of the first we endeavour to ascertain the actual numberof persons taking part in some economic activity — say, those whoestablish trade with a particular country, or who found any given industry — and then we calculate what percentage is represented by the members of the group in which we happen to be interested. There is no doubtthat the statistical method has many advantages. A pretty clear conception of the relative importance for any branch of commerce of, let ussay, foreigners or Jews, is at once evolved if we are able to show byactual figures that 50 or 75 per cent of all the persons engaged in thatbranch belong to either the first or the second category named. Moreespecially is this apparent when statistical information is forthcoming,not only as to the number of persons but also concerning other or morestriking economic factors — e.g., the amount of paid-up capital, thequantity of the commodities produced, the size of the turnover, and soforth. It will be useful, therefore, to adopt the statistical method in questions such as the one we have set ourselves. But at the same time it willsoon become evident that by its aid alone the complete solution cannotbe found. In the first place, even the best statistics do not tell us everything; nay, often the most important aspect of what we are trying todiscover is omitted. Statistics are silent as to the dynamic effects which8/Werner Sombartstrong individualities produce in economic, as indeed in all human life— effects which have consequences reaching far beyond the limits oftheir immediate surroundings. Their actual importance for the generaltendency of any particular development is greater far than any set offigures can reveal. Therefore the statistical method must be supplementedby some other.But more than this. The statistical method, owing to lack of information, cannot always be utilized. It is indeed a lucky accident that wepossess figures recording the numberof those engaged in any industryor trade, and showing their comparative relation to the rest of the population. But a statistical study of this kind, on a large scale, is really onlya possibility for modern and future times. Even then the path of theinvestigator is beset by difficulties. Still, a careful examination of various sources, including the assessments made by Jewish communities ontheir members, may lead to fruitful results. I hope that this book willgive an impetus to such studies, of which, at the present time, there isonly one that is really useful — the enquiry of Sigmund Mayr, of Vienna.When all is said, therefore, the other method (the genetic), to whichI have already alluded, must be used to supplement the results of statistics. What is this method? We wish to discover to what extent a group ofpeople (the Jews) influence or have influenced the form and development of modern economic life — to discover, that is, their qualitative or,as I have already called it, their dynamic importance. We can do thisbest of all by enquiring whether certain characteristics that mark ourmodern economic life were given their first form by Jews, i.e., eitherthat some particular form of organization was first introduced by theJews, or that some well-known business principles, now accepted on allhands as fundamental, are specific expressions of the Jewish spirit. Thisof necessity demands that the history of the factors in economic development should be traced to their earliest beginnings. In other words, wemust study the childhood of the modern capitalistic system, or, at anyrate, the age in which it received its modern form. But not the childhoodonly: its whole history must be considered. For throughout, down tothese very days, new elements are constantly entering the fabric of capitalism and changes appear in its characteristics. Wherever such are notedour aim must be to discover to whose influence they are due. Oftenenough this will not be easy; sometimes it will even be impossible; andscientific imagination must come to the aid of the scholar.Another point should not be overlooked. In many cases the people/9who are responsible for a fundamental idea or innovation in economiclife are not always the inventors (using that word in its narrowest meaning). It has often been asserted that the Jews have no inventive powers;that not only technical but also economic discoveries were made bynon-Jews alone, and that the Jews have always been able cleverly toutilize the ideas of others. I dissent from this general view in its entirety.We meet with Jewish inventors in the sphere of technical science, andcertainly in that of economics, as I hope to show in this work. But evenif the assertion which we have mentioned were true, it would provenothing against the view that Jews have given certain aspects of economic life the specific features they bear. In the economic world it is notso much the inventors that matter as those who are able to apply theinventions: not those who conceive ideas (e.g., the hire-purchase system) as those who can utilize them in everyday life.Before proceeding to the problem before us — the share of the Jewsin the work of building up our modern capitalistic system — we mustmention one other point of importance. In a specialized study of thiskind Jewish influence may appear larger than it actually was. That is inthe nature of our study, where the whole problem is looked at from onlyone point of view. If we were enquiring into the influence of mechanicalinventions on modern economic life the same would apply: in a monograph that influence would tend to appear larger than it really was. Imention this point, obvious though it is, lest it be said that I have exaggerated the part played by the Jews. There were undoubtedly a thousandand one other causes that helped to make the economic system of ourtime what it is. Without the discovery of America and its silver treasures, without the mechanical inventions of technical science, without the ethnical peculiarities of modern European nations and their vicissitudes, capitalism would have been as impossible as without the Jews. In the long story of capitalism, Jewish influence forms but one chapter. Its relative importance to the others I shall show in the new edition of my Modern Capitalism, which I hope to have ready before long.This caveat will, I trust, help the general reader to a proper appreciation of the influence of Jews on modern economic life. But it must betaken in conjunction with another. If on the one hand we are to makesome allowance, should our studies apparently tend to give Jews a preponderating weight in economic affairs, on the other hand, their contribution is very often even larger than we are led to believe. For ourresearches can deal only with one portion of the problem, seeing that all10/Werner Sombartthe material is not available. Who to-day knows anything definite aboutthe individuals, or groups, who founded this or that industry, established this or that branch of commerce, first adopted this or that business principle? And even where we are able to name these pioneers withcertainty, there comes the further question, were they Jews or not?Jews — that is to say, members of the people who profess the Jewish faith. And I need hardly add that although in this definition I purposely leave out any reference to race characteristics, it yet includesthose Jews who have withdrawn from their religious community, andeven descendants of such, seeing that historically they remain Jews.This must be borne in mind, for when we are determining the influenceof the Jew on modern economic life, again and again men appear on thescene as Christians, who in reality are Jews. They or their fathers werebaptized, that is all. The assumption that many Jews in all ages changedtheir faith is not far fetched. We hear of cases from the earliest MiddleAges; in Italy, in the 7th and 8th centuries; at the same period in Spainand in the Merovingian kingdoms; and from that time to this we findthem among all Christian nations. In the last third of the 19th century,indeed, wholesale baptisms constantly occurred. But we have reliablefigures for the last two or three decades only, and I am therefore inclinedto doubt the statement of Jacob Fromer that towards the end of thetwenties in last century something like half the Jews of Berlin had goneover to Christianity.1

Equally improbable is the view of Dr. Wemer,

Rabbi in Munich, who, in a paper which he recently read, stated thataltogether 120,000 Jews have been baptized in Berlin. The most reliablefigures we have are all against such a likelihood. According to these, itwas in the nineties that apostasy on a large scale first showed itself, andeven then the highest annual percentage never exceeded 1.28 (in 1905),while the average percentage per annum (since 1895) was 1. Nevertheless, the number of Jews in Berlin who from 1873 to 1906 went over toChristianity was not small; their total was 1869 precisely.2The tendency to apostasy is stronger among Austrian Jews, especially among those of Vienna. At the present time, between five and sixhundred Jews in that city renounce their faith every year, and from 1868to 1903 there have been no less than 9085. The process grows apace; inthe years 1868 to 1879 there was on an average one baptism annuallyfor every 1200 Jews; in the period 1880 to 1889 it was one for 420–430Jews; while between 1890 and 1903 it had reached one for every 260–270.3/11But the renegade Jews are not the only group whose influence onthe economic development of our time it is difficult to estimate. Thereare others to which the same applies. I am not thinking of the Jewesseswho married into Christian families, and who, though they thus ceasedto be Jewish, at any rate in name, must nevertheless have retained theirJewish characteristics. The people I have in mind are the crypto-Jews,who played so important a part in history, and whom we encounter inevery century. In some periods they formed a very large section of Jewry.But their non-Jewish pose was so admirably sustained that among theircontemporaries they passed as Christians or Mohammedans. We aretold, for example, of the Jews of the South of France in the 15th and16th centuries, who came originally from Spain and Portugal (and thedescription applies to the Marannos everywhere): “They practised allthe outward forms of Catholicism; their births, marriages and deathswere entered on the registers of the church, and they received the sacraments of baptism, marriage and extreme unction. Some even took orders and became priests.”4

No wonder then that they do not appear as

Jews in the reports of commercial enterprises, industrial undertakingsand so forth. Some historians even to-day speak in admiring phrase ofthe beneficial influence of Spanish or Portuguese “immigrants.” So skilfully did the crypto-Jews hide their racial origin that specialists in thefield of Jewish history are still in doubt as to whether a certain familywas Jewish or not.5

In those cases where they adopted Christian names,

the uncertainty is even greater. There must have been a large number ofJews among the Protestant refugees in the 17th century. General reasons would warrant this assumption, but when we take into consideration the numerous Jewish names found among the Huguenots the probability is strong indeed.6Finally, our enquiries will not be able to take any account of allthose Jews who, prior to 1848, took an active part in the economic lifeof their time, but who were unknown to the authorities. The laws forbade Jews to exercise their callings. They were therefore compelled todo so, either under cover of some fictitious Christian person or underthe protection of a “privileged” Jew, or they were forced to resort tosome other trick in order to circumvent the law. Reliable authorities areof opinion that the number of Jews who in many a town lived secretly inthis way must have been exceedingly large. In the forties of last century,for example, it is said that no less than 12,000 Jews, at a moderateestimate, were to be found in Vienna. The wholesale textile trade was at12/Werner Sombartthat time already in their hands, and entire districts in the centre of thecity were full of Jewish shops. But the official list of traders of 1845contained in an appendix the names of only sixty-three Jews, who weredescribed as “tolerated Jewish traders,” and these were allowed to dealonly in a limited number of articles.7But enough. My point was to show that, for many and various reasons, the number of Jews of whom we hear is less than those who actually existed. The reader should therefore bear in mind that the contribution of the Jews to the fabric of modern economic life will, of necessity,appear smaller than it was in reality.What that contribution was we shall now proceed to show.

Chapter 2 The Shifting of the Centre of Economic Life since the Sixteenth Century

One of the most important facts in the growth of modern economic lifeis the removal of the centre of economic activity from the nations ofSouthern Europe — the Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese, with whommust also be reckoned some South German lands — to those of theNorth-West — the Dutch, the French, the English and the North Germans. The epoch-making event in the process was Holland’s suddenrise to prosperity, and this was the impetus for the development of theeconomic possibilities of France and England. All through the 17th century the philosophic speculators and the practical politicians among thenations of North-Western Europe had but one aim: to imitate Holland incommerce, in industry, in shipping and in colonization.The most ludicrous explanations of this well-known fact have beensuggested by historians. It has been said, for example, that the causewhich led to the economic decline of Spain and Portugal and of theItalian and South German city states was the discovery of America andof the new route to the East Indies; that the same cause lessened thevolume of the commerce of the Levant, and therefore undermined theposition of the Italian commercial cities which depended upon it. Butthis explanation is not in any way satisfactory. In the first place, Levantinecommerce maintained its pre-eminence throughout the whole of the 17thand 18th centuries, and during this period the prosperity of the maritimecities in the South of France, as well as that of Hamburg, was veryclosely bound up with it. In the second place, a number of Italian towns,/13Venice among them, which in the 17th century lost all their importance,participated to a large extent in the trade of the Levant in the 16th century, and that despite the neglect of the trade route. It is a little difficultto understand why the nations which had played a leading part until the15th century — the Italians, the Spaniards, the Portuguese — shouldhave suffered in the least because of the new commercial relations withAmerica and the East Indies, or why they should have been placed atany disadvantage by their geographical position as compared with thatof the French, the English or the Dutch. As though the way from Genoato America or the West Indies were not the same as from Amsterdam orLondon or Hamburg! As though the Spanish and Portuguese ports werenot the nearest to the new lands — lands which had been discovered byItalians and Portuguese, and had been taken possession of by the Portuguese and the Spaniards!Equally unconvincing is another reason which is often given. It isasserted that the countries of North-Western Europe were strong consolidated states, while Germany and Italy were disunited, and accordingly the former were able to take up a stronger position than the latter.Here, too, we ask in wonder whether the powerful Queen of the Adriaticwas a weaker state in the 16th century than the Seven Provinces in the17th? And did not the empire of Philip II excel all the kingdoms of histime in power and renown? Why was it, moreover, that, although Germany was in a state of political disruption, certain of its cities, likeHamburg or Frankfort-on-the-Main, reached a high degree of development in the 17th and 18th centuries, such as few French or English citiescould rival?This is not the place to go into the question in all its many-sidedness.A number of causes contributed to bring about the results we have mentioned. But from the point of view of our problem one possibility shouldnot be passed over which, in my opinion, deserves most serious consideration, and which, so far as I know, has not yet been thought of. Cannotwe bring into connexion the shifting of the economic centre from Southern to Northern Europe with the wanderings of the Jews? The meresuggestion at once throws a flood of light on the events of those days,hitherto shrouded in semi-darkness. It is indeed surprising that the parallelism has not before been observed between Jewish wanderings andsettlement on the one hand, and the economic vicissitudes of the different peoples and states on the other. Israel passes over Europe like thesun: at its coming new life bursts forth; at its going all falls into decay.14/Werner SombartA short résumé of the changing fortunes of the Jewish people since the15th century will lend support to this contention.The first event to be recalled, an event of world-wide import, is theexpulsion of the Jews from Spain (1492) and from Portugal (1495 and1497). It should never be forgotten that on the day before Columbus setsail from Palos to discover America (August 3, 1492) 300,000 Jews aresaid to have emigrated from Spain to Navarre, France, Portugal and theEast; nor that, in the years during which Vasco da Gama searched forand found the sea-passage to the East Indies, the Jews were driven fromother parts of the Pyrenean Peninsula.1It was by a remarkable stroke of fate that these two occurrences,equally portentous in their significance — the opening-up of new continents and the mightiest upheavals in the distribution of the Jewish people— should have coincided. But the expulsion of the Jews from thePyrenean Peninsula did not altogether put an end to their history there.Numerous Jews remained behind as pseudo-Christians (Marannos), andit was only as the Inquisition, from the days of Philip II onwards, became more and more relentless that these Jews were forced to leave theland of their birth.2

During the centuries that followed, and especially

towards the end of the 16th, the Spanish and Portuguese Jews settled inother countries. It was during this period that the doom of the economicprosperity of the Pyrenean Peninsula was sealed.With the 15th century came the expulsion of the Jews from the German commercial cities — from Cologne (1424–5), from Augsburg(1439–40), from Strassburg (1438), from Erfurt (1458), from Nuremberg(1498–9), from Ulm (1499), and from Ratisbon (1519).The same fate overtook them in the 16th century in a number ofItalian cities. They were driven from Sicily (1492), from Naples (1540–1), from Genoa and from Venice (1550). Here also economic declineand Jewish emigration coincided in point of time.On the other hand, the rise to economic importance, in some casesquite unexpectedly, of the countries and towns whither the refugees fled,must be dated from the first appearance of the Spanish Jews. A goodexample is that of Leghorn,3

one of the few Italian cities which enjoyed

economic prosperity in the 16th century. Now Leghorn was the goal ofmost of the exiles who made for Italy. In Germany it was Hamburg andFrankfort4

that admitted the Jewish settlers. And remarkable to relate, a

keen-eyed traveller in the 18th century wandering all over Germanyfound everywhere that the old commercial cities of the Empire, Ulm,/15Nuremberg, Augsburg, Mayence and Cologne, had fallen into decay,and that the only two that were able to maintain their former splendour,and indeed to add to it from day to day, were Frankfort and Hamburg.5In France in the 17th and 18th centuries the rising towns wereMarseilles, Bordeaux, Rouen — again the havens of refuge of the Jewish exiles.6As for Holland, it is well-known that at the end of the 16th centurya sudden upward development (in the capitalistic sense) took place there.The first Portuguese Marannos settled in Amsterdam in 1593, and verysoon their numbers increased. The first synagogue in Amsterdam wasopened in 1598, and by about the middle of the 17th century there wereJewish communities in many Dutch cities. In Amsterdam, at the beginning of the 18th century, the estimated number of Jews was 2400.7

But

even by the middle of the 17th century their intellectual influence wasalready marked; the writers on international law and the political philosophers speak of the ancient Hebrew commonwealth as an ideal whichthe Dutch constitution might well seek to emulate.8 The Jews themselvescalled Amsterdam at that time their grand New Jerusalem.9Many of the Dutch settlers had come from the Spanish Netherlands,especially from Antwerp, whither they had fled on their expulsion fromSpain. It is true that the proclamations of 1532 and 1539 forbade thepseudo-Christians to remain in Antwerp, but they proved ineffective.The prohibition was renewed in 1550, but this time it referred only tothose who had not been domiciled for six years. But this too remained adead letter: “the crypto-Jews are increasing from day to day.” They tookan active part in the struggle for freedom in which the Netherlands wereengaged, and its result forced them to wander to the more northerlyprovinces.10 Now it is a remarkable thing that the brief space duringwhich Antwerp became the commercial centre and the money-market ofthe world should have been just that between the coming and the goingof the Marannos.11It was the same in England. The economic development of the country, in other words, the growth of capitalism,12 ran parallel with theinflux of Jews, mostly of Spanish andPortuguese origin.13It was believed that there were no Jews in England from the time oftheir expulsion under Edward I (1290) until their more or less officiallyrecognized return under Cromwell (1654–56). The best authorities onAnglo-Jewish history are now agreed that this is a mistake. There werealways Jews in England; but not till the 16th century did they begin to16/Werner Sombartbe numerous. Already in the reign of Elizabeth many were met with,and the Queen herself had a fondness for Hebrew studies and for intercourse with Jews. Her own physician was a Jew, Rodrigo Lopez, onwhom Shakespeare modelled his Shylock. Later on, as is generallyknown, the Jews, as a result of the efforts of Manasseh ben Israel, obtained the right of unrestricted domicile. Their numbers were increasedby further streams of immigrants including, after the 18th century, Jewsfrom Germany, until, according to the author of the Anglia Judaica,there were 6000 Jews in London alone in the year 1738.14When all is said, however, the fact that the migration of the Jewsand the economic vicissitudes of peoples were coincident events doesnot necessarily prove that the arrival of Jews in any land was the onlycause of its rise or their departure the only cause of its decline. To assertas much would be to argue on the fallacy “post hoc, ergo propter hoc.”Nor are the arguments of later historians on this subject conclusive, andtherefore I will not mention any in support of my thesis.15 But the opinions of contemporaries always, as I think, deserve attention. So I willacquaint the reader with some of them, for very often a word suffices tothrow a flood of light on their age.When the Senate of Venice, in 1550, decided to expel the Marannosand to forbid commercial intercourse with them, the Christian merchantsof the city declared that it wouldmean their ruin and that they might aswell leave Venice with the exiles, seeing that they made their living bytrading with the Jews. The Jews controlled the Spanish wool trade, thetrade in Spanish silk and crimsons, sugar, pepper, Indian spices andpearls. A great part of the entire export trade was carried on by Jews,who supplied the Venetians with goods to be sold on commission; andthey were also bill-brokers.16In England the Jews found a protector in Cromwell, who was actuated solely by considerations of an economic nature. He believed that hewould need the wealthy Jewish merchants to extend the financial andcommercial prosperity of the country. Nor was he blind to the usefulness of having moneyed support for the government.17Like Cromwell, Colbert, the great French statesman of the 17thcentury, was also sympathetically inclined towards the Jews, and in myopinion it is of no small significance that these two organizers, both ofwhom consolidated modern European states, should have been so keenlyalive to the fitness of the Jew in aiding the economic (i.e., capitalistic)progress of a country. In one of his Ordinances to the Intendant of/17Languedoc, Colbert points out what great benefits the city of Marseillesderived from the commercial capabilities of the Jews.18 The inhabitantsof the great French trading centres in which the Jews played an important role were in no need of being taught the lesson; they knew it fromtheir own experience and, accordingly, they brought all their influenceto bear on keeping their Jewish fellow-citizens within their walls. Againand again we hear laudatory accounts of the Jews, more especially fromthe inhabitants of Bordeaux. In 1675 an army of mercenaries ravagedBordeaux, and many of the rich Jews prepared to depart. The TownCouncil was terrified, and the report presented by its members is worthquoting. “The Portuguese who occupy whole streets and do considerable business have asked for their passports. They and those aliens whodo a very large trade are resolved to leave; indeed, the wealthiest amongthem, Gaspar Gonzales and Alvares, have already departed. We arevery much afraid that commerce will cease altogether.”19 A few yearslater the Sous-Intendant of Languedoc summed up the situation in thewords “without them (the Jews) the trade of Bordeaux and of the wholeprovince would be inevitably ruined.”20We have already seen how the fugitives from the Iberian Peninsulain the 16th century streamed into Antwerp, the commercial metropolisof the Spanish Netherlands. About the middle of the century, the Emperor in a decree dated July 17, 1549 withdrew the privileges which hadbeen accorded them. Thereupon the mayor and sheriffs, as well as theConsul of the city, sent a petition to the Bishop of Arras in which theyshowed the obstacles in the way of carrying out the Imperial mandate.The Portuguese, they pointed out, were large undertakers; they hadbrought great wealth with them from the lands of their birth, and theymaintained an extensive trade. “We must bear in mind,” they continued,“that Antwerp has grown great gradually, and that a long space of timewas needed before it could obtain possession of its commerce. Now theruin of the city would necessarily bring with it the ruin of the land, andall this must be carefully considered before the Jews are expelled.” Indeed, the mayor, Nicholas Van den Meeren, went even further in thematter. When Queen Mary of Hungary, the Regent of the Netherlands,was staying in Ruppelmonde, he paid her a visit in order to defend thecause of the New Christians, and excused the conduct of the rulers ofAntwerp in not publishing the Imperial decree by informing her that itwas contrary to all the best interests of the city.21 His efforts, however,were unsuccessful, and the Jews, as we have already seen, left Antwerp18/Werner Sombartfor Amsterdam.Antwerp lost no small part of its former glory by reason of thedeparture of the Jews, and in the 17th century especially it was realizedhow much they contributed to bring about material prosperity. In 1653a committee was appointed to consider the question whether the Jewsshould be allowed into Antwerp, and it expressed itself on the matter inthe following terms: “And as for the inconveniences which are to befeared and apprehended in the public interest — that they (the Jews)will attract to themselves all trade, that they will be guilty of a thousandfrauds and tricks, and that by their usury they will devour the wealth ofgood Catholics — it seems to us on the contrary that by the trade whichthey will expand far beyond its present limits the benefit derived will befor the good of the whole land, and gold and silver will be available ingreater quantities for the needs of the state.”22The Dutch in the 17th century required no such recommendations;they were fully alive to the gain which the Jews brought. When Manassehben Israel left Amsterdam on his famous mission to England, the DutchGovernment became anxious; they feared lest it should be a question oftransplanting the Dutch Jews to England, and they therefore instructedNeuport, their ambassador in London, to sound Manasseh as to hisintentions. He reported (December 1655) that all was well, and thatthere was no cause for apprehension. “Manasseh ben Israel hath been tosee me, and did assure me that he doth not desire anything for the Jewsin Holland but only for those as sit in the Inquisition in Spain and Portugal.”23It is the same tale in Hamburg. In the 17th century the importanceof the Jews had grown to such an extent that they were regarded asindispensable to the growth of Hamburg’s prosperity. On one occasionthe Senate asked that permission should be given for synagogues to bebuilt, otherwise, they feared, the Jews would leave Hamburg, and thecity might then be in danger of sinking to a mere village.24 On anotheroccasion, in 1697, when it was suggested that the Jews should be expelled, the merchants earnestly entreated the Senate for help, in order toprevent the serious endangering of Hamburg’s commerce.25 Again, in1733, in a special report, now in the Archives of the Senate, we mayread: “In bill-broking, in trade with jewellery and braid and in the manufacture of certain cloths the Jews have almost a complete mastery, andhave surpassed our own people. In the past there was no need to takecognizance of them, but now they are increasing in numbers. There is/19no section of the great merchant class, the manufacturers and those whosupply commodities for daily needs, but the Jews form an importantelement therein. They have become a necessary evil.”26 To the callingsenumerated in which the Jews took a prominent part, we must add thatof marine insurance brokers.27So much for the judgment of contemporaries. But as a completeproof even that will not serve. We must form our own judgment fromthe facts, and therefore our first aim must be to seek these out. Thatmeans that we must find from the original sources what contributionsthe Jews made to the building-up of our modern economic life from theend of the 15th century onward — the period, that is, when Jewishhistory and general European economic progress both tended in the samedirection. We shall then also be able to state definitely to what extent theJews influenced the shifting of the centre of economic life.My own view is, as I may say in anticipation, that the importance ofthe Jews was twofold. On the one hand, they influenced the outwardform of modern capitalism; on the other, they gave expression to itsinward spirit. Under the first heading, the Jews contributed no smallshare in giving to economic relations the international aspect they bearto-day; in helping the modern state, that framework of capitalism, tobecome what it is; and lastly, in giving the capitalistic organization itspeculiar features, by inventing a good many details of the commercialmachinery which moves the business life of to-day, and co-operating inthe perfecting of others. Under the second heading, the importance ofthe Jews is so enormous because they, above all others, endowed economic life with its modern spirit; they seized upon the essential idea ofcapitalism and carried it to its fullest development.We shall consider these points in turn, in order to obtain a propernotion of the problem. Our intention is to do no more than ask a question or two, and here and there to suggest an answer. We want merely toset the reader thinking. It will be for later research to gather sufficientmaterial by which to judge whether, and to what extent, the views as tocause and effect here propounded have any foundation in actual fact.

Chapter 3 The Quickening of International Trade

The transformation of European commerce which has taken place sincethe shifting of the centre of economic activity owed a tremendous debtto the Jews. If we consider nothing but the quantity of commodities that20/Werner Sombartpassed through their hands, their position is unique. Exact statistics are,as I have already remarked, almost non-existent; special research may,however, bring some figures to light that will be useful. At present thereis, to my knowledge, only some slight material on this head, but itsvalue cannot be overestimated.It would appear that even before their formal admission into England — that is, in the first half of the 17th century — the extent of thetrade in the hands of Jews totalled one-twelfth of that of the whole kingdom.1

Unfortunately we are not told on what authority this calculation

rests, but that it cannot be far from the truth is apparent from a statement in a petition of the merchants of London. The question was whetherJews should pay the duty on imports levied on foreigners. The petitioners point out that if the Jews were exempted, the Crown would sustain aloss of ten thousand pounds annually.2We are remarkably well informed as to the proportion of tradingdone by Jews at the Leipzig fairs,3

and as these were for a long period

the centre of German commerce, we have here a standard by which tomeasure its intensive and extensive development. But not alone for Germany. One or two of the neighbouring countries, especially Bohemiaand Poland, can also be included in the survey. From the end of the 17thcentury onwards we find that the Jews take an increasing share in thefairs, and all the authorities who have gone into the figures are agreedthat it was the Jews who gave to the Leipzig fairs their great importance.4It is only since the Easter fair of 1756 that we are able to comparethe Jewish with the Christian traders, as far as numbers are concerned,for it is only from that date that the Archives possess statistics of thelatter. The average number of Jews attending the Leipzig fair was asfollows: —1675-1680 4161681-1690 4891691-1691 8341701-1710 8541711-1720 7691721-1730 8991731-1740 8741741-1748 7081767-1769 995/211770-1779 16521780-1789 10731790-1799 14731800-1809 33701810-1819 48961820-1829 37471830-1839 6444Note especially the speedy increase towards the end of the 17th and18th centuries and also at the beginning of the 19th.If we glance at the period 1766 to 1839, we see that the fairs werevisited annually by an average of 3185 Jews and 13,005 Christians —that is to say, the Jews form 24.49 per cent, or nearly one-quarter of thetotal number of Christian merchants. Indeed, in some years, as for example between 1810 and 1820, the Jewish visitors form 33% per cent ofthe total of their colleagues (4896 Jews and 14,366 Christians). This issignificant enough, and there is no need to lay stress on the fact that inall probability the figures given in the table are underestimated.The share taken by Jews in the commerce of a country may sometimes be ascertained by indirect means. We know, for example, that thetrade of Hamburg with Spain and Portugal, and also with Holland, inthe 17th century was almost entirely in the hands of the Jews.5

Now

some 20 per cent. of the ships’ cargoes leaving Hamburg were destinedfor the Iberian Peninsula, and some 30 per cent for Holland.6Take another instance. The Levant trade was the most importantbranch of French commerce in the 18th century. A contemporary authority informs us that it was entirely controlled by Jews — “buyers,sellers, middlemen, bill-brokers, agents and so forth were all Jews.”7In the 16th and 17th centuries, and even far into the 18th, the tradeof the Levant as well as that with, and via, Spain and Portugal, was thebroadest stream in the world’s commerce. This mere generalization goesfar to prove how preeminent, from the purely quantitative point of view,the Jews were in forwarding the development of international intercourse.Already in Spain the Jews had managed to obtain control of the greaterportion of the Levant trade, and everywhere in the Levantine ports Jewish offices and warehouses were to be found. Many Spanish Jews at thetime of the expulsion from Spain settled in the East; the others journeyed northwards. So it came about that almost imperceptibly theLevantine trade became associated with the more northerly peoples. In22/Werner SombartHolland, more especially, is the effect of this seen: Holland became acommercial country of world-wide influence. Altogether, the commercial net, so to say, became bigger and stronger in proportion as the Jewsestablished their offices, on the one hand further afield, on the other incloser proximity to each other.8

More particularly was this the case

when the Western Hemisphere — largely through Jewish influence —was drawn into the commerce of the world. We shall have more to sayon this aspect of the question in connexion with the part the Jews playedin colonial foundations.Another means by which we may gain a clear conception of whatthe Jews did for the extension of modern commerce is to discover thekind of commodities in which they for the most part traded. The qualityof the commerce matters more than its quantity. It was by the characterof their trade that they partially revolutionized the older forms, and thushelped to make commerce what it is to-day.Here we are met by a striking fact. The Jews for a long time practically monopolized the trade in articles of luxury, and to the fashionableworld of the aristocratic 17th and 18th centuries this trade was of supreme moment. What sort of commodities, then, did the Jews specializein? Jewellery, precious stones, pearls and silks.9

Gold and silver jewellery,

because they had always been prominent in the market for preciousmetals. Pearls and stones, because they were among the first to settle inthose lands (especially Brazil) where these are to be found; and silks,because of their ancient connexions with the trading centres of the Orient.Moreover, Jews were to be found almost entirely, or at least predominantly, in such branches of trade as were concerned with exportation on a large scale. Nay, I believe it may with justice be asserted thatthe Jews were the first to place on the world’s markets the staple articlesof modern commerce. Side by side with the products of the soil, such aswheat, wool, flax, and, later on, distilled spirits, they dealt throughoutthe 18th century specially in textiles,10 the output of a rapidly growingcapitalistic industry, and in those colonial products which for the firsttime became articles of international trade, viz., sugar and tobacco. Ihave little doubt that when the history of commerce in modern timescomes to be written Jewish traders will constantly be met with inconnexion with enterprises on a large scale. The references which quiteby accident have come under my notice are already sufficient to provethe truth of this assertion.11/23Perhaps the most far-reaching, because the most revolutionary, influence of the Jews on the development of economic life was due to theirtrade in new commodities, in the preparation of which new methodssupplanted the old. We may mention cotton,12 cotton goods of foreignmake, indigo and so forth.13 Dealing in these articles was looked upon atthe time as “spoiling sport,” and therefore Jews were taunted by oneGerman writer with carrying on “unpatriotic trade”14 or “Jew-commerce,which gave little employment to German labour, and depended for themost part on home consumption only.”15Another great characteristic of “Jew-commerce,” one which all latercommerce took for its model, was its variety and many-sidedness. Whenin 1740 the merchants of Montpelier complained of the competition ofthe Jewish traders, the Intendant replied that if they, the Christians, hadsuch well-assorted stocks as the Jews, customers would come to themas willingly as they went to their Jewish competitors.16 We hear the sameof the Jews at the Leipzig fairs: “The Jewish traders had a beneficialinfluence on the trade of the fairs, in that their purchases were so varied.Thus it was the Jews who tended to make trade many-sided and forcedindustry (especially the home industries) to develop in more than onedirection. Indeed, at many fairs the Jews became the arbiters of themarket by reason of their extensive purchases.”17But the greatest characteristic of “Jew-commerce” during the earlier capitalistic age was, to my mind, the supremacy which Jewish traders obtained, either directly or by way of Spain and Portugal, in thelands from which it was possible to draw large supplies of ready money.I am thinking of the newly discovered gold and silver countries in Central and South America. Again and again we find it recorded that Jewsbrought ready money into the country.18 The theoretical speculator andthe practical politician knew well enough that here was the source of allcapitalistic development. We too, now that the mists of Adam Smith’sdoctrines have lifted, have realized the same thing. The establishment ofmodern economic life meant, for the most part, and of necessity, theobtaining of the precious metals, and in this work no one was so successfully engaged as the Jewish traders. This leads us at once to thesubject of the next chapter, which deals with the share of the Jews incolonial expansion.24/Werner Sombart

Chapter 4 The Foundation of Modern Colonies

We are only now beginning to realize that colonial expansion was nosmall force in the development of modern capitalism. It is the purpose ofthis chapter to show that in the work of that expansion the Jews played,if not the most decisive, at any rate a most prominent part.That the Jews should have been keen colonial settlers was only natural, seeing that the New World, though it was but the Old in a new garb,seemed to hold out a greater promise of happiness to them than crossgrained old Europe, more especially when their last Dorado (Spain)proved an inhospitable refuge. And this applies equally to all colonialenterprises, whether in the East or the West or the South of the globe.There were probably many Jews resident in the East Indies even in mediaeval times,1

and when the nations of Europe, after 1498, stretched

out their hands to seize the lands of an ancient civilization, the Jewswere welcomed as bulwarks of European supremacy, though they cameas pioneers of trade. In all likelihood — exact proofs have not yet beenestablished — the ships of the Portuguese and of the Dutch must havebrought shoals of Jewish settlers to their respective Indian possessions.At any rate, Jews participated extensively in all the Dutch settlements,including those in the East. We are told that Jews were large shareholders in the Dutch East India Company.2

We know that the Governor of

the Company who, “if he did not actually establish the power of Holland in Java, certainly contributed most to strengthen it,”3

was called

Cohn (Coen). Furthermore, a glance at the portraits of the Governors ofthe Dutch colonies would make it appear that this Coen is not the onlyJew among them.4

Jews were also Directors of the Company;5in short,

no colonial enterprise was complete without them.6It is as yet unknown to what extent the Jews shared in the growth ofeconomic life in India after the English became masters there. We have,however, fairly full information as to the participation of the Jews in thefounding of the English colonies in South Africa and Australia. There isno doubt that in these regions (more particularly in Cape Colony), wellnigh all economic development was due to the Jews. In the twenties andthirties of the 19th century Benjamin Norden and Simon Marks came toSouth Africa, and “the industrial awakening of almost the whole interior of Cape Colony” was their work. Julius Mosenthal and his brothersAdolph and James established the trade in wool, skins, and mohair. Aaronand Daniel de Pass monopolized the whaling industry; Joel Myers com-/25menced ostrich fanning. Lilienfeld, of Hopetown, bought the first diamonds.7 Similar leading positions were occupied by the Jews in the otherSouth African colonies, particularly in the Transvaal, where it is saidthat to-day twenty-five of the fifty thousand Jews of South Africa aresettled.8

It is the same story in Australia, where the first wholesale trader

was Montefiore. It would seem to be no exaggeration therefore that “alarge proportion of the English colonial shipping trade was for a considerable time in the hands of the Jews.”9But the real sphere of Jewish influence in colonial settlements, especially in the early capitalistic period, was in the Western Hemisphere.America in all its borders is a land of Jews. That is the result to which astudy of the sources must inevitably lead, and it is pregnant with meaning. From the first day of its discovery America has had a strong influence on the economic life of Europe and on the whole of its civilization;and therefore the part which the Jews have played in building up theAmerican world is of supreme import as an element in modern development. That is why I shall dwell on this theme a little more fully, even atthe risk of wearying the reader.10The very discovery of America is most intimately bound up withthe Jews in an extraordinary fashion. It is as though the New Worldcame into the horizon by their aid and for them alone, as though Columbus and the rest were but managing directors for Israel. It is in this lightthat Jews, proud of their past, now regard the story of that discovery, asset forth in the latest researches.11 These would seem to show that it wasthe scientific knowledge of Jewish scholars which so perfected the art ofnavigation that voyages across the ocean became at all possible. AbrahamZacuto, Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy at the University ofSalamanca, completed his astronomical tables and diagrams, theAlmanach perpetuum, in 1473. On the basis of these tables two otherJews, Jose Vecuho, who was Court astronomer and physician to John IIof Portugal, and one Moses the Mathematician (in collaboration withtwo Christian scholars), discovered the nautical astrolabe, an instrument by which it became possible to measure from the altitude of thesun the distance of a ship from the Equator. Jose further translated theAlmanack of his master into Latin and Spanish.The scientific facts which prepared the way for the voyage of Columbus were thus supplied by Jews. The money which was equally necessary came from the same quarter, at any rate as regards his first twovoyages. For the first voyage, Columbus obtained a loan from Louis de26/Werner SombartSantangel, who was of the King’s Council; and it was to Santangel, thepatron of the expedition, and to Gabriel Saniheg, a Maranno, the Treasurer of Aragon, that the first two letters of Columbus were addressed.The second voyage was also undertaken with the aid of Jewish money,this time certainly not voluntarily contributed. On their expulsion fromSpain in 1492, the Jews were compelled to leave much treasure behind;this was seized by Ferdinand for the State Exchequer, and with a portion of it Columbus was financed.But more than that. A number of Jews were among the companionsof Columbus, and the first European to set foot on American soil was aJew — Louis de Torres. So the latest researches would have us believe.12But what caps all — Columbus himself is claimed to have been aJew. I give this piece of information for what it is worth, without guaranteeing its accuracy. At a meeting of the Geographical Society ofMadrid, Don Celso Garcia de la Riega, a scholar famous for his researches on Columbus, read a paper in which he stated that ChristobalColon (not Columbus) was a Spaniard who on his mother’s side was ofJewish descent. He showed by reference to documents in the town ofPontevedra, in the province of Galicia, that the family of Colon livedthere between 1428 and 1528, and that the Christian names found amongthem were the same as those prevalent among the relatives of the Spanish admiral. These Colons and the Fonterosa family intermarried. Thelatter were undoubtedly Jews, or they had only recently been converted,and Christobal’s mother was called Suzanna Fonterosa. When disorders broke out in the province of Galicia the parents of the discoverer ofAmerica migrated from Spain to Italy. These facts were substantiatedby Don Celso from additional sources, and he is strengthened in hisbelief by distinct echoes of Hebrew literature found in the writings ofColumbus, and also because the oldest portraits show him to have had aJewish face.Scarcely were the doors of the New World opened to Europeansthan crowds of Jews came swarming in. We have already seen that thediscovery of America took place in the year in which the Jews of Spainbecame homeless, that the last years of the 15th century and the earlyyears of the 16th were a period in which millions of Jews were forced tobecome wanderers, when European Jewry was like an antheap into whicha stick had been thrust. Little wonder, therefore, that a great part of thisheap betook itself to the New World, where the future seemed so bright./27The first traders in America were Jews. The first industrial establishments in America were those of Jews. Already in the year 1492 Portuguese Jews settled in St. Thomas, where they were the first plantationowners on a large scale; they set up many sugar factories and gaveemployment to nearly three thousand Negroes.13 And as for Jewish emigration to South America, almost as soon as it was discovered, the streamwas so great that Queen Joan in 1511 thought it necessary to take measures to stem it.14 But her efforts must have been without avail, for thenumber of Jews increased, and finally, on May 21, 1577, the law forbidding Jews to emigrate to the Spanish colonies was formally repealed.In order to do full justice to the unceasing activity of the Jews inSouth America as founders of colonial commerce and industry, it willbe advisable to glance at the fortunes of one or two colonies.The history of the Jews in the American colonies, and therefore thehistory of the colonies themselves, falls into two periods, separated bythe expulsion of the Jews from Brazil in 1654.We have already mentioned the establishment of the sugar industryin St. Thomas by Jews in 1492. By the year 1550 this industry hadreached the height of its development on the island. There were sixtyplantations with sugar mills and refineries, producing annually, as maybe seen from the tenth part paid to the King, 150,000 arrobes of sugar.15From St. Thomas, or possibly from Madeira,16 where they had for along time been engaged in the sugar trade, the Jews transplanted theindustry to Brazil, the largest of the American colonies. Brazil thusentered on its first period of prosperity, for the growth of the sugarindustry brought with it the growth of the national wealth. In those earlyyears the colony was populated almost entirely by Jews and criminals,two shiploads of them being brought thither annually from Portugal.17The Jews quickly became the dominant class, “a not inconsiderable number of the wealthiest Brazilian traders were New Christians.”18 The firstGovernor-General was of Jewish origin, and he it was who broughtorder into the government of the colony. It is not too much to say thatPortugal’s new possessions really began to thrive only after Thomé deSouza, a man of exceptional ability, was sent out in 1549 to take matters in hand.19 Nevertheless the colony did not reach the zenith of itsprosperity until after the influx of rich Jews from Holland, consequenton the Dutch entering into possession in 1642. In that very year, a number of American Jews combined to establish a colony in Brazil, and noless than six hundred influential Dutch Jews joined them.20 Up to about28/Werner Sombartthe middle of the 17th century all the large sugar plantations belonged toJews,21 and contemporary travellers report as to their many-sided activities and their wealth. Thus Nieuhoff, who travelled in Brazil from1640 to 1649, says of them:22 “Among the free inhabitants of Brazil thatwere not in the (Dutch West India) Company’s service the Jews were themost considerable in number, who had transplanted themselves thitherfrom Holland. They had a vast traffic beyond the rest; they purchasedsugar-mills and built stately houses in the Receif. They were all traders,which would have been of great consequence to the Dutch Brazil hadthey kept themselves within the due bounds of traffic.” Similarly weread in F. Pyrard’s Travels:29 “The profits they make after being nine orten years in those lands are marvellous, for they all come back rich.”The predominance of Jewish influence in plantation developmentoutlasted the episode of Dutch rule in Brazil, and continued, despite theexpulsion of 1654,24 down to the first half of the 11th century.25 On oneoccasion, “when a number of the most influential merchants of Rio deJaneiro fell into the hands of the Holy Office (of the Inquisition), thework on so many plantations came to a standstill that the productionand commerce of the Province (of Bahio) required a long stretch of timeto recover from the blow.” Later, a decree of the 2nd March 1768 ordered all the registers containing lists of New Christians to be destroyed,and by a law of 25th March 1773 New Christians were placed on afooting of perfect civic equality with the orthodox. It is evident, then,that very many crypto-Jews must have maintained their prominent position in Brazil even after the Portuguese had regained possession of it in1654, and that it was they who brought to the country its flourishingsugar industry as well as its trade in precious stones.Despite this, the year 1654 marks an epoch in the annals of American-Jewish history. For it was in that year that a goodly number of theBrazilian Jews settled in other parts of America and thereby moved theeconomic centre of gravity.The change was specially profitable to one or two important islandsof the West Indian Archipelago and also to the neighbouring coastlands,which rose in prosperity from the time of the Jewish influx in the 17thcentury. Barbados, which was inhabited almost solely by Jews, is a casein point.26 It came under English rule in 1627; in 1641 the sugar canewas introduced, and seven years later the exportation of sugar began.But the sugar industry could not maintain itself. The sugar producedwas so poor in quality that its price was scarcely sufficient to pay for/29the cost of transport to England. Not till the exiled “Dutchmen” fromBrazil introduced the process of refining and taught the natives the artof drying and crystallizing the sugar did an improvement manifest itself. As a result, the sugar exports of Barbados increased by leaps andbounds, and in 1661 Charles II was able to confer baronetcies on thirteen planters, who drew an annual income of £10,000 from the island.By about the year 1676 the industry there had grown to such an extentthat no fewer than 400 vessels each carrying 180 tons of raw sugar leftannually.In 1664 Thomas Modyford introduced sugar manufacturing fromBarbados into Jamaica,27 which in consequence soon became wealthy.Now, while in 1656, the year in which the English finally wrested theisland from Spain, there were only three small refineries in Jamaica, in1670 there were already 75 mills at work, many of them having anoutput of 2000 cwts. By 1700 sugar was the principal export of Jamaica and the source of its riches. The petition of the English merchantsof the colony in 1671, asking for the exclusion of the Jews, makes itpretty plain that the latter must have contributed largely to this development. The Government however, encouraged the settlement of still moreJews, the Governor in rejecting the petition remarking28 that “he was ofopinion that his Majesty could not have more profitable subjects thanthe Jews and the Hollanders; they had great stocks and correspondence.”So the Jews were not expelled from Jamaica, but “became the first traders and merchants of the English colony.”29 In the 18th century theypaid all the taxes and almost entirely controlled industry and commerce.Of the other English colonies, the Jews showed a special preferencefor Surinam.30 Jews had been settled there since 1644 and had receiveda number of privileges — “whereas we have found that the Hebrewnation . . . have . . . proved themselves useful and beneficial to thecolony.” Their privileged position continued under the Dutch, to whomSurinam passed in 1667. Towards the end of the 17th century theirproportion to the rest of the inhabitants was as one to three, and in 1730they owned 115 of the 344 sugar plantations.The story of the Jews in the English and Dutch colonies finds acounterpart in the more important French settlements, such as Martinique,Guadeloupe, and San Domingo.81 Here also sugar was the source ofwealth, and, as in the other cases, the Jews controlled the industry andwere the principal sugar merchants.The first large plantation and refinery in Martinique was established30/Werner Sombartin 1655 by Benjamin Dacosta, who had fled thither from Brazil with900 co-religionists and 1100 slaves.In San Domingo the sugar industry was introduced as early as 1587,but it was not until the “Dutch” refugees from Brazil settled there that itattained any degree of success.In all this we must never lose sight of the fact that in those criticalcenturies in which the colonial system was taking root in America (andwith it modern capitalism), the production of sugar was the backbone ofthe entire colonial economy, leaving out of account, of course, the mining of silver, gold and gems in Brazil. Indeed, it is somewhat difiicultexactly to picture to ourselves the enormous significance in those centuries of sugar-making and sugar-selling. The Council of Trade in Paris(1701) was guilty of no exaggerated language when it placed on recordits belief that “French shipping owes its splendour to the commerce ofthe sugar-producing islands, and it is only by means of this that the navycan be maintained and strengthened.” Now, it must be remembered thatthe Jews had almost monopolized the sugar trade; the French branch inparticular being controlled by the wealthy family of the Gradis of Bordeaux.32The position which the Jews had obtained for themselves in Centraland South America was thus a powerful one. But it became even moreso when towards the end of the 17th century the English colonies inNorth America entered into commercial relations with the West Indies.To this close union, which again Jewish merchants helped to bring about,the North American Continent (as we shall see) owes its existence. Wehave thus arrived at the point where it is essential to consider the Jewishfactor in the growth of the United States from their first origins. Oncemore Jewish elements combined, this time to give the United States theirultimate economic form. As this view is absolutely opposed to that generally accepted (at least in Europe), the question must receive full consideration.At first sight it would seem as if the economic system of NorthAmerica was the very one that developed independently of the Jews.Often enough, when I have asserted that modern capitalism is nothingmore or less than an expression of the Jewish spirit, I have been told thatthe history of the United States proves the contrary. The Yankees themselves boast of the fact that they throve without the Jews. It was anAmerican writer — Mark Twain, if I mistake not — who once considered at some length why the Jews played no great part in the States,/31giving as his reason that the Americans were as “smart” as the Jews, ifnot smarter. (The Scotch, by the way, think the same of themselves.)Now, it is true that we come across no very large number of Jewishnames to-day among the big captains of industry, the well-known speculators, or the Trust magnates in the country. Nevertheless, I uphold myassertion that the United States (perhaps more than any other land) arefilled to the brim with the Jewish spirit. This is recognized in manyquarters, above all in those best capable of forming a judgment on thesubject. Thus, a few years ago, at the magnificent celebration of the250th anniversary of the first settlement of the Jews in the United States,President Roosevelt sent a congratulatory letter to the Organizing Committee. In this he said that that was the first time during his tenure ofoffice that he had written a letter of the kind, but that the importance ofthe occasion warranted him in making an exception. The persecution towhich the Jews were then subjected made it an urgent duty for him tolay stress on the splendid civic qualities which men of the Jewish faithand race had developed ever since they came into the country. In mentioning the services rendered by Jews to the United States he used anexpression which goes to the root of the matter — “The Jews participated in the up-building of this country.”33 On the same occasion exPresident Cleveland remarked: “I believe that it can be safely claimedthat few, if any, of those contributing nationalities have directly andindirectly been more influential in giving shape and direction to theAmericanism of to-day.”34Wherein does this Jewish influence manifest itself? In the first place,the number of Jews who took part in American business life was neverso small as would appear at the first glance. It is a mistake to imaginethat because there are no Jews among the half-dozen well-known multimillionaires, male and female, who on account of the noise they make inthe world are on all men’s lips, therefore American capitalism necessarily lacks a Jewish element. To begin with, even among the big Truststhere are some directed by Jewish hands and brains. Thus, the Smelters’Trust, which in 1904 represented a combination with a nominal capitalof 201,000,000 dollars, was the creation of Jews — the Guggenheims.Thus, too, in the Tobacco Trust (500,000,000 dollars), in the AsphaltTrust, in the Telegraph Trust, to mention but a few, Jews occupy commanding positions.36 Again, very many of the large banking-houses belong to Jews, who in consequence exercise no small control over American economic life. Take the Harriman system, which had for its goal the32/Werner Sombartfusion of all the American railways. It was backed to a large extent byKuhn, Loeb & Co., the well-known banking firm of New York. Especially influential are the Jews in the West California is for the most parttheir creation. At the foundation of the State Jews obtained distinctionas Judges, Congressmen, Governors, Mayors, and so on, and last butnot least, as business men. The brothers Seligman — William, Henry,Jesse and James — of San Francisco; Louis Sloss and Lewis Gerstle ofSacramento (where they established the Alaska Commercial Company),Hellman and Newmark of Los Angeles, are some of the more prominentbusiness houses in this part of the world. During the gold-mining periodJews were the intermediaries between California and the Eastern Statesand Europe. The important transactions of those days were undertakenby such men as Benjamin Davidson, the agent of the Rothschilds; AlbertPriest, of Rhode Island; Albert Dyer, of Baltimore; the three brothersLazard, who established the international banking-house of Lazard Freresof Paris, London and San Francisco; the Seligmans, the Glaziers andthe Wormsers. Moritz Friedlaender was one of the chief “Wheat kings.”Adolph Sutro exploited the Cornstock Lodes. Even to-day the majorityof the banking businesses, no less than the general industries, are in thehands of Jews. Thus, we may mention the London, Paris and AmericanBank (Sigmund Greenbaum and Richard Altschul); the Anglo-Californian Bank (Philip N. Lilienthal and Ignatz Steinhart); the Nevada Bank;the Union Trust Company; the Farmers’ and Merchants’ Bank of LosAngeles; John Rosenfeld’s control of the coalfields; the Alaska Commercial Company, which succeeded the Hudson Bay Company; the NorthAmerican Commercial Company, and many more.36It can scarcely be doubted that the immigration of numerous Jewsinto all the States during the last few decades must have had a stupendous effect on American economic life everywhere. Consider that thereare more than a million Jews in New York to-day, and that the greaternumber of the immigrants have not yet embarked on a capitalistic career. If the conditions in America continue to develop along the samelines as in the last generation, if the immigration statistics and the proportion of births among all the nationalities remain the same, our imagination may picture the United States of fifty or a hundred years hence asa land inhabited only by Slavs, Negroes and Jews, wherein the Jews willnaturally occupy the position of economic leadership.But these are dreams of the future which have no place in thisconnexion, where our main concern is with the past and the present./33That Jews have taken a prominent share in American life in the presentand in the past may be conceded; perhaps a more prominent share thanwould at first sight appear. Nevertheless, the enormous weight which, incommon with many others who have the right of forming an opinion onthe subject, I attach to their influence, cannot be adequately explainedmerely from the point of view of their numbers. It is rather the particular kind of influence that I lay stress on, and this can be accounted forby a variety of complex causes.That is why I am not anxious to overemphasize the fact, momentous enough in itself, that the Jews in America practically control anumber of important branches of commerce; indeed, it is not too muchto say that they monopolize them, or at least did so for a considerablelength of time. Take the wheat trade, especially in the West; take tobacco; take cotton. We see at once that they who rule supreme in threesuch mighty industries must perforce take a leading part in the economic activities of the nation as a whole. For all that I do not labour thisfact, for to my mind the significance of the Jews for the economic development of the United States lies rooted in causes far deeper than these.As the golden thread in the tapestry, so are the Jews interwoven as adistinct thread throughout the fabric of America’s economic history;through the intricacy of their fantastic design it received from the verybeginning a pattern all its own.Since the first quickening of the capitalistic spirit on the coastlandsof the ocean and in the forests and prairies of the New World, Jews havenot been absent; 1655 is usually given as the date of their first appearance.37 In that year a vessel with Jewish emigrants from Brazil, whichhad become a Portuguese possession, anchored in the Hudson River,and the passengers craved permission to land in the colony which theDutch West India Company had founded there. But they were no humblepetitioners asking for a favour. They came as members of a race whichhad participated to a large extent in the new foundation, and the governors of the colony were forced to recognize their claims. When the shiparrived, New Amsterdam was under the rule of Stuyvesant, who was nofriend to the Jews and who, had he followed his own inclination, wouldhave closed the door in the face of the newcomers. But a letter datedMarch 26, 1665, reached him from the Court of the Company inAmsterdam, containing the order to let the Jews settle and trade in thecolonies under the control of the Company, “also because of the largeamount of capital which they have invested in shares of this Company.”3834/Werner SombartIt was not long before they found their way to Long Island, Albany,Rhode Island and Philadelphia.Then their manifold activities began, and it was due to them that thecolonies were able to maintain their existence The entity of the UnitedStates to-day is only possible, as we know, because the English coloniesof North America, thanks to a chain of propitious circ*mstances, acquired i degree of power and strength such as ultimately led to theircomplete independence. In the building up of this position of supremacythe Jews were among the first and the keenest workers.I am not thinking of the obvious fact that the colonies were onlyable to achieve their independence by the help of a few wealthy Jewishfirms who laid the economic foundations for the existence of the NewRepublic. The United States would never have won complete independence has not the Jews supplied the needs of their armies and furnishedthem with the indispensable sinews of war. But what the Jews accomplished in this direction did not arise out of specifically American conditions. It was a general phenomenon, met with throughout the history ofthe modern capitalistic States, and we shall do justice to instances of itwhen dealing with wider issues.No. What I have in mind is the special service which the Jews rendered the North American colonies, one peculiar to the American Continent — a service which indeed gave America birth. I refer to the simplefact that during the 17th and 18th centuries the trade of the Jews was thesource from which the economic system of the colonies drew its lifeblood. As is well known, England forced her colonies to purchase all themanufactured articles they needed in the Mother-country. Hence thebalance of trade of the colonies was always an adverse one, and byconstantly having to send money out of the country they would havebeen drained dry. But there was a stream which carried the preciousmetals into the country, a stream diverted in this direction by the tradeof the Jews with South and Central America. The Jews in the Englishcolonies maintained active business relations with the West Indian Islands and with Brazil, resulting in a favourable balance of trade for theland of their sojourn. The gold mined in South America was thus broughtto North America and helped to keep the economic system in a healthycondition.39In the face of this fact, is there not some justification for the opinionthat the United States owe their very existence to the Jews? And if thisbe so, how much more can it be asserted that Jewish influence made the/35United States just what they are — that is, American? For what we callAmericanism is nothing else, if we may say so, than the Jewish spiritdistilled.But how comes it that American culture is so steeped in Jewishness?The answer is simple — through the early and universal admixture ofJewish elements among the first settlers. We may picture the process ofcolonizing somewhat after this fashion. A band of determined men andwomen — let us say twenty families — went forth into the wilds tobegin their life anew. Nineteen were equipped with plough and scythe,ready to clear the forests and till the soil in order to earn their livelihoodas husbandmen. The twentieth family opened a store to provide theircompanions with such necessaries of life as could not be obtained fromthe soil, often no doubt hawking them at the very doors. Soon this twentieth family made it its business to arrange for the distribution of theproducts which the other nineteen won from the soil. It was they, too,who were most likely in possession Of ready cash, and in case of needcould therefore be useful to the others by lending them money. Veryoften the store had a kind of agricultural loan-bank as its adjunct, perhaps also an office for the buying and selling of land. So through theactivity of the twentieth family the farmer in North America was fromthe first kept in touch with the money and credit system of the OldWorld. Hence the whole process of production and exchange was fromits inception along modern lines. Town methods made their way at onceinto even the most distant villages. Accordingly, it may be said thatAmerican economic life was from its very start impregnated with capitalism. And who was responsible for this? The twentieth family in eachvillage. Need we add that this twentieth family was always a Jewishone, which joined a party of settlers or soon sought them out in theirhomesteads?Such in outline is the mental picture I have conceived of the economic development of the United States. Subsequent writers dealingwith this subject will be able to fill in more ample details; I myself haveonly come across a few. But these are so similar in character that theycan hardly be taken as isolated instances. The conclusion is forced uponus that they are typical. Nor do I alone hold this view. Governor Pardelof California, for example, remarked in 1905: “He (the Jew) has beenthe leading financier of thousands of prosperous communities. He hasbeen enterprising and aggressive.”40Let me quote some of the illustrations I have met with. In 178536/Werner SombartAbraham Mordccai settled in Alabama. “He established a trading-posttwo miles west of Line Creek, carrying on an extensive trade with theIndians, and exchanging his goods for pinkroot, hickory, nut oil andpeltries of all kinds.”41 Similarly in Albany: “As early as 1661, whenAlbany was but a small trading post, a Jewish trader named Asser Levi(or Leevi) became the owner of real estate there.”42 Chicago has thesame story. The first brick house was built by a Jew, Benedict Schubert,who became the first merchant tailor in Chicago, while another Jew,Philip Newburg, was the first to introduce the tobacco business.43 InKentucky we hear of a Jewish settler as early as 1816. When in thatyear the Bank of the United States opened a branch in Lexington, a Mr.Solomon, who had arrived in 1808, was made cashier.44 In Maryland,45Michigan,46 Ohio47 and Pennsylvania48 it is on record that Jewish traders were among the earliest settlers, though nothing is known of theiractivity.On the other hand, a great deal is known of Jews in Texas, wherethey were among the pioneers of capitalism. Thus, for example, Jacobde Cordova “was by far the most extensive land locator in the Stateuntil 1856.” The Cordova’s Land Agency soon became famous not onlyin Texas but in New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, where the owners of large tracts of Texas land resided. Again, Morris Koppore in1863 became President of the National Bank of Texas. Henry Castrowas an immigration agent; “between the years 1843–6 Castro introduced into Texas over 5000 immigrants . . . transporting them in 27ships, chiefly from the Rhenish provinces. . . . He fed his colonists for ayear, furnished them with cows, farming implements, seeds, medicine,and in short with everything they needed.”49Sometimes branches of one and the same family distributed themselves in different States, and were thereby enabled to carry on businessmost successfully. Perhaps thebest instance is the history of the Seligmanfamily. There were eight brothers (the sons of David Seligman, ofBayersdorf, in Bavaria) who started a concern which now has branchesin all the most important centres in the States. Their story began withthe arrival in America in the year 1837 of Joseph Seligman. Two otherbrothers followed in 1839; a third came two years later. The four beganbusiness as clothiers in Lancaster, moving shortly after to Selma, Ala.From here they opened three branches in three other towns. By 1848two more brothers had arrived from Germany and the six moved North.In 1850, Jesse Seligman opened a shop in San Francisco — in the first/37brick house in that city. Seven years later a banking business was addedto the clothing shop, and in 1862 the house of Seligman Brothers wasestablished in New York, San Francisco, London, Paris and Frankfort.50In the Southern States likewise the Jew played the part of the traderin the midst of agricultural settlers.51 Here also (as in Southern andCentral America) we find him quite early as the owner of vast plantations. In South Carolina indeed, “Jew’s Land” is synonymous with “LargePlantations.”52 It was in the South that Moses Lindo became famous asone of the first undertakers in the production of indigo.These examples must suffice. We believe they tend to illustrate ourgeneral statement, which is supported also by the fact that there was aconstant stream of Jewish emigration to the United States from theirearliest foundation. It is true that there are no actual figures to show theproportion of the Jewish population to the total body of settlers. But thenumerous indications of a general nature that we do find make it prettycertain that there must always have been a large number of Jews inAmerica.It must not be forgotten that in the earliest years the population wasthinly scattered and very sparse. New Amsterdam had less than 1000inhabitants.53 That being so, a shipful of Jews who came from Brazil tosettle there made a great difference, and in assessing Jewish influenceon the whole district we shall have to rate it highly.54 Or take anotherinstance. When the first settlement in Georgia was established, fortyJews were among the settlers. The number may seem insignificant, butwhen we consider the meagre population of the colony, Jewish influencemust be accounted strong. So, too, in Savannah, where in 1733 therewere already twelve Jewish families in what was then a tiny commercialcentre.55That America early became the goal of German and Polish Jewishemigrants is well known. Thus we are told: “Among the poorer Jewishfamilies of Posen there was seldom one which in the second quarter ofthe 19th century did not have at least one son (and in most cases theablest and not least enterprising) who sailed away across the ocean toflee from the narrowness and the oppression of his native land.”56 Weare not surprised, therefore, at the comparatively large number of Jewish soldiers (7243 )57 who took part in the Civil War, and we should beinclined to say that the estimate which puts the Jewish population of theUnited States about the middle of the 19th century at 300,000 (of whom30,000 lived in New York)58 was if anything too moderate.38/Werner Sombart

Chapter 5 The Foundation of the Modern State

The development of the modern colonial system and the establishmentof the modern State are two phenomena dependent on one another. Theone is inconceivable without the other, and the genesis of modern capitalism is bound up with both. Hence, in order to discover the importanceof any historic factor in the growth of capitalism it will be necessary tofind out what, and how great a part that factor played in both the colonial system and the foundation of the modern State. In the last chapterwe considered the Jews in relation to the colonial system; in the presentwe shall do the same for the modern State.A cursory glance would make it appear that in no direction couldthe Jews, the “Stateless” people, have had less influence than in theestablishment of modern States. Not one of the statesmen of whom wethink in this connexion was a Jew — neither Charles the Fifth, norLouis the Eleventh, neither Richelieu, Mazarin, Colbert, Cromwell,Frederick William of Prussia nor Frederick the Great.1

However, whenspeaking of these modern statesmen and rulers, we can hardly do sowithout perforce thinking of the Jews: it would be like Faust withoutMephistopheles. Arm in arm the Jew and the ruler stride through the agewhich historians call modern. To me this union is symbolic of the rise ofcapitalism, and consequently of the modern State. In most countries theruler assumed the role of protector of the persecuted Jews against theEstates of the Realm and the Gilds — both pre-capitalistic forces. Andwhy? Their interests and their sympathies coincided. The Jew embodiedmodern capitalism, and the ruler allied himself with this force in orderto establish, or maintain, his own position. When, therefore, I speak ofthe part played by the Jews in the foundation of modern States, it is notso much their direct influence as organizers that I have in mind, as rathertheir indirect co-operation in the process. I am thinking of the fact thatthe Jews furnished the rising States with the material means necessaryto maintain themselves and to develop; that the Jews supported the armyin each country in two ways, and the armies were the bulwarks on whichthe new States rested. In twoways: on the one hand, the Jews suppliedthe army in time of war with weapons, and munition and food; on theother hand, they provided money not only for military purposes but alsofor the general needs of courts and governments. The Jews throughoutthe 16th, 17th and 18th centuries were most influential as army-purvey-/39ors and as the moneyed men to whom the princes looked for financialbacking. This position of the Jews was of the greatest consequence forthe development of the modern State. It is not necessary to expatiate onthis statement; all that we shall do is to adduce instances in proof of it.Here, too, we cannot attempt to mention every possible example. Wecan only point the way; it will be for subsequent research to follow.The Jews as PurveyorsAlthough there are numerous cases on record of Jews acting in the capacity of army-contractors in Spain previous to 1492, I shall not referto this period, because it lies outside the scope of our present considerations. We shall confine ourselves to the centuries that followed andbegin with England.In the 17th and 18th centuries the Jews had already achieved renown as army-purveyors. Under the Commonwealth the most famousarmy-contractor was Antonio Fernandez Carvajal, “the great Jew,” whocame to London some time between 1630 and 1635, and was very soonaccounted among the most prominent traders in the land. In 1649 hewas one of the five London merchants entrusted by the Council of Statewith the army contract for corn.2

It is said that he annually imported

into England silver to the value of £100,000. In the period that ensued,especially in the wars of William III, Sir Solomon Medina (“the JewMedina”) was “the great contractor,” and for his services he was knighted,being the first professing Jew to receive that honour.3It was the same in the wars of the Spanish Succession; here, too,Jews were the principal army-contractors.4

In 1716 the Jews of Strassburg

recall the services they rendered the armies of Louis XIV by furnishinginformation and supplying provisions.8

Indeed, Louis XIV’s army-contractor-in-chief was a Jew, Jacob Worms by name;6and in the 18th

century Jews gradually took a more and more prominent part in thiswork. In 1727 the Jews of Metz brought into the city in the space of sixweeks 2000 horses for food and more than 5000 for remounts.7

FieldMarshal Maurice of Saxony, the victor of Fontenoy, expressed the opinion that his armies were never better served with supplies than when the

Jews were the contractors.8

One of the best known of the Jewish armycontractors in the time of the last two Louis was Cerf Beer, in whose

patent of naturalization it is recorded that “... in the wars which raged inAlsace in 1770 and 1771 he found the opportunity of proving his zeal inour service and in that of the State.”940/Werner SombartSimilarly, the house of the Gradis, of Bordeaux, was an establishment of international repute in the 18th century. Abraham Gradis set uplarge storehouses in Quebec to supply the needs of the French troopsthere.10 Under the Revolutionary Government, under the Directory, inthe Napoleonic Wars it was always Jews who acted as purveyors.11 Inthis connexion a public notice displayed in the streets of Paris in 1795 issignificant. There was a famine in the city and the Jews were calledupon to show their gratitude for the rights bestowed upon them by theRevolution by bringing in corn. “They alone,” says the author of thenotice, “can successfully accomplish this enterprise, thanks to their business relations, of which their fellow citizens ought to have full benefit.”12 A parallel story comes from Dresden. In 1720 the Court Jew,Jonas Meyer, saved the town from starvation by supplying it with largequantities of corn. (The Chronicler mentions 40,000 bushels.)18All over Germany the Jews from an early date were found in theranks of army-contractors. Let us enumerate a few of them. There wasIsaac Meyer in the 16th century, who, when Cardinal Albrecht admittedhim a resident of Halberstadt in 1537, was enjoined by him, in view ofthe dangerous times, “to supply our monastery with good weapons andarmour.” There was Joselman von Rosheim, who in 1548 received animperial letter of protection because he had supplied both money andprovisions for the army. In 1546 , there is a record of Bohemian Jewswho provided great; coats and blankets for the army.14 In the next century (1633) another Bohemian Jew, Lazarus by name, received an offiicial declaration that he “obtained either in person, or at his own expense, valuable information for the Imperial troops, and that he made ithis business to see that the army had a good supply of ammunition andclothing.”15 The Great Elector also had recourse to Jews for his militaryneeds. Leimann Gompertz and Solomon Elias were his contractors forcannon, powder and so forth.16 There were numerous others: SamuelJulius, remount contractor under the Elector Frederick Augustus ofSaxony; the Model family, court-purveyors and army-contractors in theDuchy of Ansbach in the 17th and 18th centuries are well known.17 Inshort, as one writer of the time pithily expresses it, “all the contractorsare Jews and all the Jews are contractors.”18Austria does not differ in this respect from Germany, France andEngland. The wealthy Jews, who in the reign of the Emperor Leopoldreceived permission to re-settle in Vienna (1670) — the Oppenheimers,Wertheimers, Mayer Herschel and the rest — were all army-contrac-/41tors.19 And we find the same thing in all the countries under the AustrianCrown.20 Lastly, we must mention the Jewish army-contractors whoprovisioned the American troops in the Revolutionary and Civil Wars.21The Jews as FinanciersThis has been a theme on which many historians have written, and weare tolerably well informed concerning this aspect of Jewish history inall ages. It will not be necessary for me, therefore, to enter into thisquestion in great detail; the enumeration of a few well-known facts willsuffice.Already in the Middle Ages we find that everywhere taxes, saltmines and royal domains were farmed out to Jews; that Jews were royaltreasurers and money-lenders, most frequently, of course, in the PyreneanPeninsula, where the Almoxarife and the Rendeiros were chosen preferably from among the ranks of the rich Jews. But as this period does notspecially concern us here, I will not mention any names but refer thereader to the general literature on the subject.22It was, however, in modern times, when the State as we know it today first originated, that the activity of the Jews as financial advisers ofprinces was fraught with mighty influence. Take Holland, where although officially deterred from being servants of the Crown, they veryquickly occupied positions of authority. We recall Moses Machado, thefavourite of William III; Delmonte, a family of ambassadors (Lords ofSchoonenberg); the wealthy Suasso, who in 1688 lent William two million gulden, and others.23The effects of the Jewish haute finance in Holland made themselvesfelt beyond the borders of the Netherlands, because that country in the17th and 18th centuries was the reservoir from which all the needy princesof Europe drew their money. Men like the Pintos, Delmontes, Bueno deMesquita, Francis Mels and many others may in truth be regarded asthe leading financiers of Northern Europe during that period.24Next, English finance was at this time also very extensively controlled by Jews.25 The monetary needs of the Long Parliament gave thefirst impetus to the settlement of rich Jews in England. Long before theiradmission by Cromwell, wealthy crypto-Jews, especially from Spainand Portugal, migrated thither via Amsterdam: the year 1643 broughtan exceptionally large contingent. Their rallying-point was the house ofthe Portuguese Ambassador in London, Antonio de Souza, himself aMaranno. Prominent among them was Antonio Fernandez Carvajal, who42/Werner Sombarthas already been mentioned, and who was as great a financier as he wasan army contractor. It was he who supplied the Commonwealth withfunds. The little colony was further increased under the later Stuarts,notably under Charles the Second. In the retinue , of his Portuguesebride, Catherine of Braganza, were quite a number of moneyed Jews,among them the brothers Da Sylva, Portuguese bankers of Amsterdam,who were entrusted with the transmission and administration of theQueen’s dowry.26 Contemporaneously with them came the Mendes andthe Da Costas from Spain and Portugal, who united their families underthe name of Mendes da Costa.About the same period the Ashkenazi (German) Jews began to arrive in the country. On the whole, these could hardly compare for wealthwith their Sephardi (Spanish) brethren, yet they also had their capitalistic magnates, such as Benjamin Levy for example.Under William III their numbers were still further increased, andthe links between the court and the rich Jews were strengthened. SirSolomon Medina, who has also been already mentioned, followed theKing from Holland as his banker, and with him came the Suasso, another of the plutocratic families. Under Queen Anne one of the mostprominent financiers in England was Menasseh Lopez, and by the timethe South Sea Bubble burst, the Jews as a body were the greatest financial power in the country. They had kept clear of the wild speculationswhich had preceded the disaster and so retained their fortunes unimpaired. Accordingly, when the Government issued a loan on the LandTax, the Jews were in a position to take up one quarter of it. During thiscritical period the chief family was that of the Gideons, whose representative, Sampson Gideon (1699–1762), was the “trusted adviser of theGovernment,” the friend of Walpole, the “pillar of the State credit.” In1745, the year of panics, Sampson raised a loan of £1,700,000 for theassistance of the Government. On his death his influence passed to thefirm of Francis and Joseph Salvador, who retained it till the beginningof the 19th century, when the Rothschilds succeeded to the financialleadership.It is the same story in France, and the powerful position held bySamuel Bernard in the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV and in thewhole of that of Louis XV may serve as one example among many. Wefind Louis XIV walking in his garden with this wealthy Jew, “whosesole merit,” in the opinion of one cynical writer,27 “was that he supported the State as the rope does the hanged man.” He financed the/43Wars of the Spanish Succession; he aided the French candidate for thethrone of Poland; he advised the Regent in all money matters. It wasprobably no exaggeration when the Marquis de Dangeau spoke of himin one of his letters28 as “the greatest banker in Europe at the presenttime.” In France also the Jews participated to a large extent in the reconsolidation of the French East India Company after the bursting ofthe South Sea Bubble.29 It was not, however, until the 19th century thatthey won a really leading position in financial circles in France, and theimportant names here are the Rothschilds, the Helphens, the Foulds, theCerfbeers, the Duponts, the Godchaux, the Dalemberts, the Pereiresand others. It is possible that in the 17th and 18th centuries also a greatmany more Jews than those already mentioned were active as financiersin France, but that owing to the rigorous exclusion of Jews they becamecrypto-Jews, and so we have no full information about them.It is easier to trace Jewish influence in finance in Germany andAustria through that clever invention — the status of “Court Jew.”Though the law in these countries forbade Jews to settle in their boundaries, yet the princes and rulers kept a number of “privileged” Jews attheir courts. According to Graetz,30 the status of “Court Jew” was introduced by the Emperors of Germany during the Thirty Years’ War. Bethat as it may, it is an undoubted fact that pretty well every State inGermany throughout the 17th and 18th centuries had its Court Jew orJews, upon whose support the finances of the land depended.A few examples by way of illustration. In the 17th century31 we findat the Imperial Court Joseph Pinkherle, of Goerz, Moses and JacobMarburger, of Gradisca, Ventura Parente of Trieste, Jacob BassewiBatscheba Schmieles in Prague, the last of whom the Emperor Ferdinandraised to the ranks of the nobility under the title von Treuenburg onaccount of his faithful services. In the reign of the Emperor Leopold Iwe meet with the respected family of the Oppenheimers, of whom theStaatskanzler Ludewig wrote in the following terms.32 After saying thatthe Jews were the arbiters of the most important events, he continues:“In the year 1690 the Jew Oppenheimer was well known among merchants and bankers not only in Europe but throughout the world.” Noless famous in the same reign was Wolf Schlesinger, purveyor to thecourt, who in company with Lewel Sinzheim raised more than one largeloan for the State. Maria Theresa utilized the services of Schlesingerand others, notably the Wertheimers, Amsteins and Eskeles. Indeed, formore than a century the court bankers in Vienna were Jews.33 We can44/Werner Sombartgauge their economic influence from the fact that when an anti-Jewishriot broke out in Frankfort-on-the-Main, the local authorities thought itwise in the interest of credit to call upon the Imperial Office to interfereand protect the Frankfort Jews, who had very close trade relations withtheir brethren in Vienna.34It was not otherwise at the smaller German courts. “The continually increasing needs of the various courts, each vying with the other inluxury, rendered it imperative, seeing that communication was by nomeans easy, to have skilful agents in the commercial centres.” Accordingly the Dukes of Mecklenburg had such agents in Hamburg; BishopJohn Philip of Wurzburg was in 1700 served by Moses Elkan in Frankfort. This activity opened new channels for the Jews; the enterprisingdealer who provided jewels for her ladyship, liveries for the court chamberlain and dainties for the head cook was also quite willing to negotiatea loan.35 Frankfort and Hamburg, with their large Jewish population,had many such financial agents, who acted for ruling princes living at adistance. Besides those already mentioned we may recall the PortugueseJew, Daniel Abensur, who died in Hamburg in 1711. He was Ministerresident of the King of Poland in that city, and the Polish Crown wasindebted to him for many a loan.36 Some of these agents often moved tothe court which borrowed from them, and became “Court Jews.”Frederick Augustus, who became Elector of Saxony in 1694, had anumber of them: Leffmann Berentz, of Hanover, J. Meyer, of Hamburg,Berend Lehmann, of Halberstadt (who advanced money for the electionof the King of Poland) and others.37 Again, in Hanover the Behrendswere Chief Court Purveyors and Agents to the Treasury;38 the Models,the Fraenkels and the Nathans acted in a similar capacity to the Duchyof Ansbach. In the Palatinate we come across Lemte Moyses and MichelMay, who in 1719 paid the debt of 2½ million gulden which the Electorowed the Emperor,39 and lastly, in the Marggravate of Bayreuth, therewere the Baiersdorfs.40Better known perhaps are the Court Jews of the Brandenburg-Prussian rulers — Lippold, under Joachim II; Gomperz and Joost Liebmann,under Frederick III; Veit, underFrederick William I; and Ephraim, Moses,Isaac and Daniel Itzig, under Frederick II. Most famous of all the German Court Jews, the man who may be taken as their archetype, wasSuess-Oppenheimer, who was at the court of Charles Alexander ofWiirtemberg.41Finally, we must not leave unmentioned that during the 18th cen-/45tury, more especially in the Revolutionary Wars, the Jews played nosmall role as financiers in the United States of America. Haym Salomon42ranks side by side with the Minis and the Cohens in Georgia,43 but themost prominent of them all was Robert Morris, the financier par excellence of the American Revolution.44And now comes an extraordinary thing. Whilst for centuries (especially during the 17th and the 18th — the two so momentous in thegrowth of the modern State) the Jews had personal financial dealingswith the rulers, in the century that followed (but even during the twoalready mentioned) the system of public credit gradually took a newform. This forced the big capitalist from his dominating position moreand more into the background, and allowed an ever-increasing numberof miscellaneous creditors to take his place. Through the evolution ofthe modern method of floating loans the public credit was, so to speak,“democratized,” and, in consequence, the Court Jew became superfluous. But the Jews themselves were not the least who aided the growth ofthis new system of borrowing, and thus they contributed to the removalof their own monopoly as financiers. In so doing they participated to agreater degree than ever before in the work of building up the greatStates of the present.The transformation in the public credit system was but a part of amuch vaster change which crept over economic life as a whole, a metamorphosis in which also the Jews took a very great share. Let us consider this change in its entirety.

Chapter 6 The Predominance of Commerce in Economic Life

Tt is a matter of common knowledge that the Stock Exchange in moderntimes is becoming more and more the heart of all economic activities.With the fuller development of capitalism this was only to be expected,and there were three clear stages in the process. The first was the evolution of credit from being a personal matter into one of an impersonalrelationship. It took shape and form in securities. Stage two: these securities were made mobile — that is, bought and sold in a market. The laststage was the formation of undertakings for the purpose of creatingsuch securities.In all the stages the Jew was ever present with his creative genius.46/Werner SombartWe may even go further and say that it was due specifically to the Jewish spirit that these characteristics of modern economic life came intobeing.The Origin of Securities1Securities represent the standardization of personal indebtedness.2

We

may speak of “standardization” in this sense when a relationship whichwas originally personal becomes impersonal; where before human beings directly acted and reacted on each other, now a system obtains. Aninstance or two will make our meaning clear. Where before work wasdone by man, it is now done by a machine. That is the standardization ofwork. In olden times a battle was won by the superior personal initiativeof the general in command; nowadays victory falls to the leader whocan most skilfully utilize the body of experience gathered in the courseof years and can best apply the complicated methods of tactics andstrategy; who has at his disposal the best guns and who has the mosteffective organization for provisioning his men. We may speak in thisinstance of the “standardization” of war. A business becomes standardized when the head of the firm who came into personal contact with hisemployees on the one hand and with his customers on the other, is succeeded by a board of directors, under whom is an army of officials, allworking on an organized plan, and consequently business is more orless of an automatic process.Now, at a particular stage in the growth of capitalism credit becamestandardized. That is to say, that whereas before indebtedness arose asthe result of an agreement between two people who knew each other, itwas now rearranged on a systematic basis, and the people concernedmight be entire strangers. The new relationship is expressed by negotiable instruments, whether bill of exchange or security or banknote ormortgage deed, and a careful analysis of each of them will prove thisconclusively.Of the three persons mentioned in a bill of exchange, the specifiedparty in whose favour the document is made out (the payee) or, if noname is mentioned, the bearer of the document may be quite unknown tothe other two; he may have had no direct business relation with the partymaking out the bill (the drawer), yet this document establishes a claimof the former on the latter — general and impersonal.3The security gives the owner the right to participate in the capitaland the profit of a concern with which he has no direct personal contact./47He may never even have seen the building in which the undertaking inquestion is housed, and when he parts with his security to another person he transfers his right of participation.Similarly with a banknote. The holder has a claim on the bank ofissue despite the fact that he personally may never have deposited apenny with it.So, in short, with all credit instruments: an impersonal relationshipis established between either an individual or a corporation on the onehand (the receiver of moneys), and an unknown body of people (wespeak of “the public”) on the other — the lender of moneys.What share did the Jews take in the creation of this credit machinery? It would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to show what that sharewas by reference to documentary evidence, even if we had a very fullaccount of the position of the Jews in the early economic history of mostlands. But unfortunately that aspect of economic development whichwould have been invaluable for the solution of the problem in hand hasbeen sadly neglected. I refer to the history of money and of banking inthe Pyrenean Peninsula during the last centuries of the Middle Ages.But even if such a history were at our disposal, the question would stillbe difficult to answer. We must remember that the origins of economicorganization can no more be discovered by referring to documentaryevidence than the origins of legal institutions. No form of organizationor tendency in economic life can be traced to a particular day or even aparticular year. It is all a matter of growth, and the most that the economic historian can do is to show that in any given period this or thatcharacteristic is found in business life, this or that organization dominates all economic activities. Even for this the ludicrously inadequatesources at our disposal are hardly sufficient. The historian will have toturn to the general history of the particular group in which he happensto be interested.To take an instance. The history of bills of exchange can scarcelybe written merely by referring to the few mediaeval bills which chancehas left to us. Such documents are certainly useful to supplement orcorrect general theories. But we must formulate the general theoriesfirst. Let us take a case in point. The bill which for a long time was heldto be the oldest extant was drawn by a Jew, Simon Rubens, in the year1207. This is hardly sufficient evidence on which to base the assertionthat the Jews were the inventors of this form of credit instrument.4

Earlier bills have come to light recently, drawn by non-Jews, but they do not

48/Werner Sombartrender testimony strong enough for the statement that the Jews were notthe inventors of bills. Do we know how many thousands of bills circulated in Florence or Bruges, and how can we be sure which section ofthe population issued them? We do know, however, that the Jews wereoccupied throughout the Middle Ages in money-dealing, that they weresettled in various parts of Europe and that they carried on a continuousintercourse with each other. From these facts we may draw the tolerablycertain conclusion that “the Jews, the intermediaries in internationaltrade, utilized on a large scale the machinery of foreign exchanges, thentraditionally current in the Mediterranean lands, and extended it.”5That this method of reasoning requires great caution is self-evident.Yet it may lead to useful conclusions for all that. There are cases, as weshall see, where the share of the Jews in the extension of some economicpolicy or machinery may be proved by a fund of documentary evidence.In other instances, and they are numerous, we must content ourselves ifit can be shown that, at any particular time and in any given place, theremust have been some special reason for the utilization by Jews of a formof economic organization then current.Bearing this in mind, let us enquire into the genesis of one or twotypes of credit instruments.The Bill of ExchangeNot merely the early history of the bill of exchange but rather that of themodern endorsable bill is what we are concerned with most of all. It isgenerally accepted that the endorsing of bills of exchange had been fullydeveloped prior to the 17th century, and the first complete legal recognition of such endorsem*nt was found in Holland (Proclamation inAmsterdam of January 24, 1651).6

Now, as we shall see presently, all

developments in the money and credit systems of Holland in the 17thcentury were due more or less to Jewish influence. Some authoritiestrace the origin of endorsable bills of exchange to Venice, where theywere made illegal by a law of December 14, 1593.7

It is fairly certain

that the use of circulating endorsable bills in Venice must have been firstcommenced by Jews, seeing that we know that nearly all bill-broking inthe Adriatic city in the 16th century was in their hands. In the petition ofthe Christian merchants of Venice of the year 1550 (to which referencehas already been made) the passage relating to the bill business of Jewsreads as follows8

—

/49We carry on the same commerce with them also in matters of exchange, because they continually remit to us their money . . . sending cash, in order that we may change it for them for Lyons,Flanders and other parts of the world on our Exchange, or indeedthat we may buy for them silken cloths and other merchandiseaccording to their convenience, gaining our usual commission.That which we say of the inhabitants of Florence holds good alsoof the other merchants of the same Spanish and Portuguese nation, who dwell in Flanders, Lyons, Rome, Naples, Sicily and othercountries, who lay themselves out to do business with us, not onlyin exchanges but in sending hither merchandise of Flanders, selling corn from Sicily and buying other merchandise to transport toother countries.A further development in the endorsing of bills appears to havetaken place at the fairs of Genoa in the 16th century. Who, we may ask,were the “Genoese,” met with everywhere throughout that century, butespecially at the famous fairs of Besancon, dominating the money market, and who all of a sudden showed a remarkable genius for businessand gave an impetus to the growth of new methods, hitherto unknown,for cancelling international indebtedness? It is true that the ancientwealthy families of Genoa were the principal creditors of the SpanishCrown as well as of other needy princes. But to imagine that the descendants of the Grimaldis, the Spinolas, the Lercaras exhibited that extraordinary commercial ability which gave a special character to theactivity of the Genoese in the 16th century; to think that the old nobilitygadded about the fairs at Besancon or elsewhere, or even sent their agentswith never-failing regularity — this appears to me an assumption hardlywarranted without some very good reason. Can the explanation be thatthe Jews brought new blood into the decrepit economic body of Genoa?We know9

that fugitives from Spain landed at Genoa, that some of the

settlers became Christians, that the rest were admitted into Novi, a smalltown near Genoa, and that the Jews of Novi did business with the capital; we know, too, that the newcomers were “for the most part intelligentJewish craftsmen, capitalists, physicians,” and that in the short space oftime between their arrival and 1550 they had become so unpopular inGenoa that they had aroused the hatred of the citizens; we know, finally,that there were constant communications between the Genoese bankersand the Jewish, or rather Maranno, banking houses of the Spanish cities, e.g., with the Espinosas, the leading bankers in Seville.1050/Werner SombartSecurities (Stocks and Shares)If we should wish to speak of securities in those cases where the capitalof a business concern is split up into many parts, and where the liabilityof the capitalists is limited, we have ample justification for so doing inthe case of the Genoa Maones, in the 14th century,11 the Casa di SanGiorgio (1407) and the important trading companies of the 17th century. But if stress is laid on the standardization of the credit-relationship, it will not be before the 18th century that we shall find instances ofjoint-stock enterprise and of securities. For the early contributions to ajoint-stock never lost their personal character. The Italian Monies wereimpregnated through and through with the personality of their founders.In the case of the Maones, the personal factor was no less importantthan the financial; while at the Bank of St. George in Genoa, the families concerned jealously guarded the principle that each one should obtain its proper share in the directing of the work of the bank. The tradingcompanies too had a strong personal element. In the English East IndiaCompany, for instance, it was not until 1650 that shares could be transferred to strangers, but they had to become members of the Company.In all early instances the security was for unequal and varying sums.The personal relationship thus showed itself plainly enough. In somecompanies shares could not be transferred at all except by consent of allthe other members. In fact, the security was just a certificate of membership, and throughout the 18th century such securities as were madeout in the name of a specified person predominated.12 Even where therewas freedom of transfer from one person to another (as in the case of theDutch East India Company) the process was beset with innumerableobstacles and difficulties.18The modern form of security can therefore not be found before the18th century. If now it be asked what share did the Jews have in theextension of this form of credit in modern times, the reply is obviousenough. During the last hundred and fifty or two hundred years, Jewshave beenlargely instrumental in bringing about the standardization ofwhat was before a purely personal relationship between the holder ofstock and the company in which he participated. I am bound to admit,however, that I cannot adduce direct proofs in support of my thesis. Butindirectly the evidence is fairly conclusive. Jews were great speculators,and speculation must of necessity tend to substitute for the securitywherein the holder is specified one which has no such limitation. A little/51reflection will show therefore that Jews must have had no small influence on the standardization of securities. In some cases it may even bedemonstrated that speculation was responsible for the change from securities of differing amounts to those of equal value. The Dutch EastIndia Company is a case in point. Originally its shares were of all values; later only 3000 florin shares were issued.14BanknotesMany opinions prevail as to the precise occasion when banknotes firstcame into use. For my own part I lay stress on the standardization herealso. The first time any banker issued a note without reference to somespecific deposit a new type of credit instrument, the modern banknote,came into being. There were banknotes in existence long before that.15But they bore the depositor’s name and referred to his money.16 I believethat in all probability the personal banknote became a general (impersonal) one in Venice about the beginning of the 15th century. There areon record instances dating from that time of banks making written promises to pay over and above the sums deposited with them. An edict of theVenetian Senate as early as 1421 made it an offence to deal in suchdocuments.17 The first permission to establish a bank was granted totwo Jews in 1400, and their success was so great that the nobili madehaste to follow their example.18 The question arises, may these two Jewsbe regarded as the fathers of the modern (impersonal) banknote?But perhaps no particular firm introduced the new paper money. Itmay have come into existence in order to satisfy the needs of somelocality. Nevertheless, if we take as the place of its origin the town wherethe earliest banks reached a high degree of perfection, we shall surely beon the safe side. From this point of view Venice is admirably qualified.Now Venice was a city of Jews, and that is wherein its interest for us liesin this connexion. According to a list dating from the year 1152, therewere no fewer than 1300 Jews in Venice.19 In the 16th century theirnumber was estimated at 6000; and Jewish manufacturers employed4000 Christian workmen.20 These figures, to be sure, have no scientificvalue, but they do show that the Jews must have been pretty numerousin Venice. From other sources we are acquainted with some of theiractivities. Thus, we find Jews among the leading bankers — one of themost influential families were the Lipmans; and in 1550, as we havealready noted, the Christian merchants of Venice stated that they mightas well emigrate if trade with the Marannos were forbidden them.52/Werner SombartIt is possible that the Marannos may have founded the business ofbanking even while they were yet in Spain. We have, however, no satisfactory information, though many writers have dealt with the subject.21There is a strong probability that at the time when measures were takenagainst them (16th century) the Jews were the leading bankers in thePyrenean Peninsula. If this be so, is not the presumption justifiable thatbefore then, too, the Jews engaged in banking?Furthermore, Jews were prominent and active figures wherever inthe 17th century banks were established. They participated in the foundation of the three great banks of that period — the Bank of Amsterdam,the Bank of England and the Bank of Hamburg. But as none of theseowed its origin to purely commercial causes, I shall not emphasize theirimportance in connexion with the Jews. The facts, nevertheless, are interesting, and I would therefore state that the experience which the Jewsgathered when the Bank of Amsterdam was founded served them ingood stead when in 1619 the Hamburg Bank came into being. No lessthan forty Jewish families took shares in the new concern. As for theBank of England, the latest authorities22 on its history are agreed thatthe suggestion for the Bank came from Jewish immigrants from Holland.Public Debt BondsThe earliest bonds issued for public loans were addressed to some individual lender, and it was long before they changed then” character andbecame “general” instruments. In Austria, to take one example, it wasnot until the Debt of 1761 was contracted that the bonds had couponsattached which gave the bearer the right to receive interest.24 Previousto that, the bond was of the nature of a private agreement; the Crown orthe Treasury was the debtor of some specific lender.25To what extent the Jews were responsible for the “standardization”of public credit it is difficult to estimate. So much is certain, that William III’s advisers were Jews; that public borrowing in the German Stateswas commenced on the model of Holland, most probably through theinfluence of Dutch Jews who, as we have already seen, were the chieffinanciers in German and Austrian lands. Speaking generally, DutchJews were most intimately concerned in European finance in the 18thcentury.26As for private loan-bonds or mortgage-deeds, we know very little oftheir history, and it is almost impossible to compute the direct influence/53of the Jews here. But indirectly the Jews were, in all likelihood, theoriginators of this species of credit instrument, more especially of mortgage deeds. We have it on record that Dutch bankers, from about themiddle of the 18th century onward, advanced money to colonial planters on the security of their plantations. Mortgage-deeds of this kindwere bought and sold on the Stock Exchange, just like Public Debtbonds. The bankers who dealt in them were called “correspondentie” or“Directeurs van de negotiatie,” and the instruments themselves“obligatie.” Documents to the value of no less than 100,000,000 guldenwere in circulation before the crash of the 1770’s.27I must confess that nowhere have I found any mention of Jewishbankers participating in these speculations. Yet even the most superficial acquaintance with the Dutch moneymarket in the 18th century canscarcely leave room for doubt that Jews must have been largely interested in this business. It is a well-known fact (as I hope to show) that inthose days anything in Holland connected with money-lending, but especially with stocks and shares and speculation, was characteristicallyJewish. We are strengthened in this conclusion through knowing thatmost of the business in mortgage-banking was carried on with the colonyof Surinam. Of the 100,000,000 gulden of mortgage-deeds already mentioned, 60,000,000 worth was from Surinam. Now Surinam, as we notedabove, was the Jewish colony par excellence. The possibility that thecredit relationship at that time between Surinam and the Motherlandwas maintained by other than Jewish houses is well-nigh excluded.So much for the “sources” regarding the Jewish share in the development of modern credit instruments. The sum-total is not much; it isfor subsequent research to fill in the details and to add to them. Yet Ibelieve the evidence sufficient for the general conclusion that in the standardization of modern credit the Jews took no inconsiderable share. Thisimpression will only be deepened if we think for a moment of the meansby which the standardization was brought about or, at any rate, facilitated. I mean the legal form of the credit instruments, which in all probability was of Jewish origin.There is no complete agreement among authorities on the history oflegal documents as to the origin of credit instruments.28 But in my opinion the suggestion that they owe their modern form to Jewish influencehas much to be said for it. Let it be remembered that such documentsfirst came into use among merchants, in whose ranks the Jewish elementwas not insignificant. The form that became current received recogni-54/Werner Sombarttion in judicial decisions, and eventually was admitted into the body ofstatute law, first of all presumably in Holland.The only question is. Can we possibly deduce modern credit instruments from Rabbinic law? I believe we can.In the first place, the Bible and the Talmud are both acquainted withcredit instruments. The Biblical passage is in the Book of Tobit, iv. 20;v. 1, 2, 3; ix. 1, 5.The best known passage in the Talmud is as follows (Baba Bathra,172): —“In the court of R. Huna a document was once produced to thiseffect: T, A.B., son of C.D., have borrowed a sum of money from you.’R. Huna decided that ‘from you’ might mean ‘from the Exilarch or evenfrom the King himself.’”Second, in later Jewish law, as well as in Jewish commercial practice, the credit instrument is quite common. As regards practice, specialproof is hardly necessary; and as for theory, let me mention some Rabbis who dealt with the problem.29First in importance was Rabbenu Asher (1250–1327), who speaksof negotiable instruments in his Responsa (lxviii. 6, 8). “If A sendsmoney to B and C, and notes in his bill ‘payable to bearer by B and C,’payment must be made accordingly.” So also R. Joseph Caro in hisChoshen Mishpat: “If in any bill no name is mentioned but the directionis to ‘pay bearer,’ then whoever presents the bill receives payment” (lxi.10; cf. also 1.; lxi. 4, 10; lxxi. 23). R. Shabbatai Cohen in his Shach. (1.7; lxxi. 54) is of the same opinion.Thirdly, it is very likely that the Jews, in the course of business,independently of Rabbinic laws, developed a form of credit instrumentwhich was quite impersonal and general in its wording. I refer to. theMamre (Mamram, Momran).30 It is claimed that this document firstappeared among the Polish Jews in the 16th century, or even earlier. Itsform was fixed, but a space was left for the name of the surety, sometimes, too, for the amount in question. There is no doubt that such documents were in circulation during three centuries and were very popular,circulating even between Christians and Jews. Their value as evidenceconsists in that they already had all the characteristics of modern instruments: (1) the holder put the document in circulation by endorsem*nt;(2) there is no mention of the personal relationship of the debtor and thecreditor; (3) the debtor may not demand proof of endorsem*nt or transfer; (4) if the debtor pays his debt without the presentation of the Mamre/55having been made to him, it is considered that he has not really discharged his obligation; and lastly (5) the cancellation of the document isalmost the same as it is to-day — if it is lost or stolen the holder of thedocument informs the debtor; public notice is given by a declarationposted up for four weeks in the synagogue, wherein the bearer of theinstrument is requested to come forward; at the end of four weeks, ifnothing happens, the creditor demands payment of the debtor.In the fourth place, it would appear that Jewish influences werepotent in the development of many weighty points of legal practice. Letme mention some.(1) During the 16th century there circulated in different parts ofEurope credit instruments with blanks for filling in names. What wastheir origin? Is there not a possibility that they emanated from Jewishcommercial circles, having been modelled on the pattern of the Mamre?They are met with in the Netherlands,31 in France32 and in Italy.33 In theNetherlands they appeared towards the beginning of the 16th century atthe Antwerp fairs, just when the Jews began to take a prominent part inthem. An Ordinance of the year 1536 states explicitly that “at the Antwerpfairs payment for commodities was made by promissory notes, whichmight be passed on to third persons without special permission.” It wouldseem from the wording that the practice of accepting notes in paymentfor goods was a new one. What sort of documents were these notes?Can they have been Christian Mamrem? Even more Jewish were thedocuments in vogue in Italy a century later. I mean the first known“open” note, issued by the Jewish bill-brokers, Giudetti, in Milan. Thenote was for 500 scudi, payable through John Baptist Germanus at thenext market day in Novi to the personal order of Marcus Studendolus inVenice for value received. Studendolus sent the bill to de Zagnoni Brothersin Bologna “with his signature, leaving a sufficient blank space at theend for filling in the amount, and the name of the person in whose favourthe de Zagnonis preferred payment to be made.” The recorder of thisinstance remarks34 that “Italian financial intercourse could hardly havethought of a facility of this kind, had there not been a model somewhereto imitate. Such a model is found in France, where from the 17th century onward bearer bonds were in general circulation.” The question atonce suggests itself, how did this document arise in France. Will theexample of Holland account for it? Even in Italy it may be a case ofMaranno influence — Studendolo(?) in Venice, Giudetti in Milan!(2) Of very great significance in the development of modern credit56/Werner Sombartinstruments is the Antwerp Custom of 1582, wherein it is for the firsttime admitted that the holder of a note has the right of suing in a court oflaw.35 This conception spread rapidly from Antwerp to Holland — asrapidly, indeed, as the Jewish refugees from Belgium settled down amongthe Dutch.36(3) In Germany the first State to adopt credit instruments was Saxony.In the year 1747 an adventurer of the name of Bischopfield suggested tothe Minister of Finance the plan of a Public Loan, and it seems thatBischopfield was in communication with Dutch Jews at the time.37 Further, an ordinance of 20th September 1757 forbade Dutch Jews to speculate in Saxon Government Stock. All of which points to Jewish influence — on the one side of the Dutch Jews, and on the other of PolishJews, owing to the connexion of the royal houses of Saxony and Poland.So great was this influence that one authority comes to the definite conclusion that the Mamre became the model for credit instruments.38(4) Among the instruments wherein the name of the holder was inserted we must include marine insurance policies. It is recorded that theJewish merchants of Alexandria were the first to use the formulae “oqual si voglia altera persona,” “et qwsvis alia persona” and “sivequamlibet aliam personam” (“or to any other person desired”).39Now why did the Jewish merchants of Alexandria adopt this legalform? The answer to this question is of the gravest import, more especially as I believe that the causes for which we are seeking were inherentin the conditions of Jewish life.(5) That leads me to my fifth consideration. It was to the interest ofthe Jews to a very large degree — in some respects even it was to theinterest of the Jews alone — to have a proper legal form for creditinstruments. For what was it that impelled the Jewish merchants of Alexandria to make out their policies to bearer? Anxiety as to the fate oftheir goods. Jewish ships ran the risk of capture by Christian pirates andthe fleets of His Catholic Majesty, who accounted the wares of Jews andTurks as legitimate booty. Hence the Jewish merchants of Alexandriainserted in their policies some fictitious Christian name, Paul or Scipio,or what you will, and when the goods arrived, received them in virtue ofthe “bearer” formula in their policies.How often must the same cause have actuated Jews throughout theMiddle Ages! How often must they have endeavoured to adopt somedevice which concealed the fact that they were the recipients either ofmoney or of commodities sent from a distance. What more natural than/57that they should welcome the legal form which gave “the bearer” theright of claiming what the document he had entitled him to. This formula made it possible for fortunes to vanish if the Jews in any localitypassed through a storm of persecution. It enabled Jews to deposit theirmoney wherever they wanted, and if at any time it became endangered,to remove it through the agency of some fictitious person or to transfertheir rights in such a way as not to leave a trace of their former possessions.40 It may seem inexplicable that while throughout the Middle Agesthe Jews were deprived of their “all” at very short intervals, they managed to become rich again very quickly. But regarded in the light of oursuggestion, this problem is easily explained. The fact was that the Jewswere never mulcted of their “all”; a good portion of their wealth wastransferred to a fictitious owner whenever the kings squeezed too tight.Later, when the Jews commenced to speculate in securities and commodities (as we shall see in due course) it was only to be expected thatthey would extend the use of this form of bond, more particularly in thecase of securities.41 It is obvious that if a big loan is subscribed by alarge number of comparatively small contributors bearer bonds offerfacilities of various kinds.42The remark of a Rabbi here and there demonstrates this conclusively. One passage in the commentaries of R. Shabbatai Cohen is distinctly typical. “The purchaser of a bond,” he says, “may claim damages against the debtor if he pays the debt without obtaining a receipt,the reason being that as there is no publicity in the transaction this practice is detrimental to dealings in such instruments. It is true that RabbenuAsher and his school expressed no view concerning Shetarot (instruments) of all kinds, which the Rabbis introduced in order to extend commerce. That is because dealings in such instruments were not very common, owing to the difficulty of transfer. But the authorities were thinking only of personal bonds. In the case of bearer bonds, the circulationof which at the present time (i.e., the 17th century) is greater far thanthat of commodities, all ordinances laid down by the Rabbis for theextension of commerce are to be observed.”(6) Here again we touch a vital question. I believe that if we were toexamine the whole Jewish law concerning bearer bonds and similar instruments we should find — and this is my sixth point — that suchdocuments spring naturally from the innermost spirit of Jewish law, justas they are alien to the spirit of German and Roman law.It is a well-known fact that the specifically Roman conception of58/Werner Sombartindebtedness was a strictly personal one.43 The obligatio was a bondbetween certain persons. Hence the creditor could not transfer his claimto another, except under exceedingly difficult conditions. True, in laterRoman law the theory of delegation and transmission was interpretedsomewhat liberally, yet the root of the matter, the personal relationship,remained unchanged.In German law a contract was in the same way personal; nay, to acertain extent it was even more so than in Roman law. The Germanprinciple on the point was clear enough. The debtor was not obliged torender payment to any one but the original creditor to whom he hadpledged his word. There could in no wise be transference of claim — aswas the case in English law until 1873. It was only when Roman lawobtained a strong hold on Germany that the transfer of claims first cameinto vogue. The form it took was that of “bearer bonds” — the embodiment of an impersonal credit relationship.It is admitted that the legal notion underlying all “bearer” instruments — that the document represents a valid claim for each successiveholder — was not fully developed either in the ancient world or in theMiddle Ages.44 But the admission holds good only if Jewish law be leftout of account. Jewish law was certainly acquainted with the impersonal credit relationship.45 Its underlying principle is that obligationsmay be towards unnamed parties, that you may carry on business withMessrs. Everybody. Let us examine this principle a little more closely.Jewish law has no term for obligation: it knows only debt (“Chov”)and demand (“Tvia”). Each of these was regarded as distinct from theother. That a demand and a promise were necessarily bound up withsome tangible object is proved by the symbolic act of acquisition. Consequently there could be no legal obstacles to the transfer of demands orto the making of agreements through agents. There was no necessitytherefore for the person against whom there was a claim to be defined,the person in question became known by the acquisition of certain commodities. In reality claims were against things and not against persons.It was only to maintain a personal relationship that the possessor of thethings was made responsible. Hence the conception that just as an obligation may refer to some specified individual, so also it may refer tomankind as a whole. Therefore a transference of obligations is effectedmerely by the transference of documents.So much would appear from the view held by Auerbach. Jewishlaw is more abstract in this respect than either Roman or German law./59Jewish law can conceive of an impersonal, “standardized” legal relationship. It is not too much to assume that a credit instrument such asthe modern bearer bond should have grown out of such a legal system asthe Jewish. Accordingly, all the external reasons which I have adducedin favour of my hypothesis are supported by what may be termed an“inner” reason.And what is this hypothesis? That instruments such as modern bearerbonds owe thenorigin chiefly to Jewish influences.Buying and Selling SecuritiesThe Evolution of a Legal Code Regulating ExchangeIn modern securities we see the plainest expression of the commercialaspect of our economic life. Securities are intended to be circulated, andthey have not served their true purpose if they have not been bought andsold. Of course it may be urged that many a security rests peacefully ina safe, yielding an income to its owner, for whom it is a means to an endrather than a commodity for trading in. The objection has a good deal init. A security that does not circulate is in reality not a security at all; apromissory note might replace it equally well. The characteristic markof a security is the ease with which it may be bought and sold.Now if to pass easily from hand to hand is the real raison d’être ofthe security, everything which facilitates that movement matters, andtherefore a suitable legal code most of all. But when is it suitable? Whenit renders possible speedy changes in the relationship between two people,or between a person and a commodity.In a society where every commodity continues as a rule in the possession of one and the same person, the law will strive all it can to fixevery relationship between persons and things. On the other hand, if abody of people depends for its existence on the continued acquisition ofcommodities, its legal system will safeguard intercourse and exchange.In modern times our highly organized system of intercommunication, and especially dealings in securities and credit instruments of allkinds, has facilitated the removal of old and the rise of new legal relationships. But this is contrary to the spirit of Roman and German law,both of which placed obstacles in the way of commodities changinghands. Indeed, under these systems any one who has been deprived of apossession not strictly in accordance with law may demand its returnfrom the present owner, without the need of any compensation, eventhough his bona-fides be established. In modern law, on the other hand,60/Werner Sombartthe return of the possession can be made only if the claimant pays thepresent owner the price he gave for it — to say nothing of the possibilitythat the original owner has no claim whatever against the present holder.If this be so, whence did the principle, so alien to the older systems,enter into modern law? The answer is that in all probability it was fromthe Jewish legal code, in which laws favouring exchange were an integral part from of old.Already in the Talmud we see how the present owner of any objectis protected against the previous owners. “If any one,” we read in the“Mishna” (Baba Kama, 114b and 115a), “after it has become knownthat a burglary took place at his house finds his books and utensils in thepossession of another, this other must declare on oath how much he paidfor the goods, and on his receiving the amount returns them to the original owner. But if no burglary has taken place, there is no need for thisprocedure, for it is then assumed that the owner sold the goods to asecond person and that the present owner bought them.” In every case,therefore, the present owner obtains compensation, and in certain givencirc*mstances he retains the objects without any further ado. The“Gamara,” it is true, wavers somewhat in the discussion of the passage,but in general it comes to the same conclusion. The present owner mustreceive “market protection,” and the previous owner must pay him theprice he gave.The attitude of the Talmud, then, is a friendly one towards exchange,and the Jews adopted it throughout the Middle Ages. But more than that— and this is the important point — they succeeded quite early ingetting the principle recognized by Christian law-courts in cases whereJews were concerned. For centuries there was a special enactment regulating the acquisition of moveables by Jews; it received official recognition for the first time in the “Privileges” issued by King Henry IV to theJews of Speyers in 1090. “If a commodity that has been stolen,” we readtherein, “is found in the possession of a Jew who declares that he boughtit, let him swear according to his law how much he paid for it, and if theoriginal owner pays him the price, the Jew may restore the commodityto him.” Not only in Germany, but in other lands too46 (in France already about the middle of the 12th century), is this special ordinance forJews to be met with.47/61The Stock ExchangeBut when all is said, the principal thing was to establish a suitable market for credit instruments. The Stock Exchange answered the purpose.And just as the commodities there to be bought and sold were impersonal embodiments of claims, so, too, was the dealing divested of itspersonal character. Indeed, this is a feature of the Stock Exchange whichdifferentiates it from other markets. It is no longer the trustworthinessthat a merchant enjoys in the estimation of his fellow-merchants, basedupon personal experience, that underlies business activities, but the general, abstract valuation of credit, the ditto di Borsa. Prices are no longerformed by the higgling of two or more traders talking over their transactions, but rather by a mechanical process, representing the average of athousand and one units.48As for the history of the Stock Exchange (in the broadest connotation of the term), it may be divided into two periods — (1) from itsbeginning in the 16th to the end of the 18th century, an epoch of growthand development, and (2) from the 19th century to the present day, whenthe Stock Exchange dominates all economic activities.It is now generally agreed that the origin of Stock Exchange dealingmost likely began with the associating of bill-brokers.49 The centreswhere the famous exchanges first arose in the 16th and 17th centurieswere previously well known for a brisk trade in bills.The important thing for us is that just when the Stock Exchangescame into being the Jews almost entirely monopolized bill-broking. Inmany towns, indeed, this business was regarded as a Jewish specialty.That such was the case in Venice we have already seen.50 It was alsotrue of Amsterdam, though we must add that the first mention of Jews inthat capacity was not until the end of the 17th century.51 Despite this,however, I believe we shall be safe in assuming that previous to thatdate also they were influential bill-brokers.In Frankfort-on-the-Main we hear the same story. Already in the16th century a contemporary”52 says of the Jews who came to the fan’sthat their presence was “hardly ornamental but certainly very useful,especially in the bill-discounting business.” Again, in 1685, the Christian merchants of Frankfort complained that the Jews had captured thewhole of the business of bill-broking.53 Lastly, Gliickel von Hameinstates in her Memoirs that friends of her family dealt in bills, “as wascustomary among Jews.”34As for Hamburg, Jews certainly introduced the business of bill-62/Werner Sombartbroking there. A hundred years after the event (1733) a document in theArchives of the Senate expressed the opinion that “Jews were almostmasters of the situation in bill-broking and had quite beaten our peopleat it.”55 And even as late as the end of the 18th century the Jews werealmost the only purchasers of bills in Hamburg. Among other Germantowns, it is recorded that in Furth bill-broking (in the 18th century) wasalmost entirely in Jewish hands.56The position in Vienna was no different. The Austrian capital, as iswell known, became a notable centre as a stock market at the end of the18th century, and the State Chancellor Ludewig remarks concerning theactivities of the Jews under Leopold I, “chiefly in Vienna by the influence and credit of the Jews business of the greatest importance is oftentransacted. Especially exchanges and negotiations of the first import inthe market.”So in Bordeaux, where we are told57 “the chief business activity isbuying bills and introducing gold and silver into the realm.” Even fromso far north as Stockholm the same story reaches us.58 There also theJews dominated the bill-broking market in the early 19th century (1815).As the principal bill-brokers of the period, the Jews must have hadmuch to do with the establishment of the Stock Market. But more thanthat. They gave the Stock Exchange and its dealings their peculiar features in that they became the “originators of speculation in futures,”and, indeed, of speculation generally.When speculation in stocks first arose is as yet difficult to determine. Some have held59 that the Italian cities furnish examples of thiskind of dealing as early as the 15th century.60 But to my mind this hasnot yet been conclusively proved.61Not in Italy in the 15th, but in Amsterdam in the 17th century willthe beginnings of modern speculation have to be more correctly placed.It is almost certain that the Dutch East India Company’s shares calledstock-jobbing into existence. The large number of shares of equal valuethat were suddenly put into circulation at that time, the strong speculative temper of the age, the great interest taken in the Company eversince its foundation, the changing rates of profit that its activities produced — all these must surely have given an impetus to stock and sharedealing on the Amsterdam Exchange,62 then already a highly developedinstitution. In the space of only eight years dealing in stock became sogeneral and so reckless that it was regarded as an evilby the authorities,who tried to abolish it. A proclamation by the Government of the 26th/63February, 1610, forbade merchants to sell more shares than they actually possessed. Similar prohibitions were issued in 1621, 1623, 1677,1700 and so on, all equally without effect.Who were the speculators? The answer is, all those irrespective ofreligion who had sufficient money to enable them to participate. Nevertheless the assumption will not be too bold that the Jews were moreprominent than others in this activity. Their contribution to the growthof Stock Exchange business was their specialization in stockbrokingand the device of dealing in futures. We are not without evidence onboth points. Towards the end of the 18th century it was a generallyaccepted fact that Jews had “discovered” the stock and share business.63This belief does not necessarily prove anything; yet that it was withoutany foundation is hardly likely, especially as there are witnesses to giveit support. Nicolas Muys van Holy, who has already been mentioned,says that Jews were the principal stockholders — already in the secondhalf of the 17th century. Later they are found as large investors in boththe Dutch India Companies. De Pinto64 is the authority as regards theDutch East India Company, and for the West India Company there isthe letter of the Directors to Stuyvesant,65 the Governor of NewAmsterdam, requesting him to allow the Jews to settle in the Company’scolony, “also because of the large amount of capital which they haveinvested in shares of the Company.” Referring to both companies,Manasseh ben Israel66 reported to Cromwell “that the Jews were enjoying a good part of the Dutch East and West India Company.”Most significant of all, however, the book which for the first timeexhaustively treated of Stock Exchange business in all its branches waswritten by a Portuguese Jew in Amsterdam, towards the end of the 17thcentury. I refer to Don Joseph de la Vega’s Confusion de confusiones,etc., which appeared in 1688,67 and which a Stock Exchange specialisthas described as “being still the best description, both in form and substance, of stock and share dealing even to-day.” The book bears witnessto the fact that a Jew was the first “theorist” in the sphere of speculations in futures. De la Vega was himself engaged in commerce and histreatise clearly reflects the atmosphere in which he lived.De la Vega’s book in conjunction with the other evidence quotedcannot but lead to the conclusion that if the Jews were not actually the“fathers” of Stock Exchange business they were certainly primarily concerned in its genesis.Should this view nevertheless be sceptically received by some, I64/Werner Sombarthave a trump card in the way of direct proof in support of it.We possess a report, probably of the French Ambassador in TheHague, written for his Government in the year 1698, wherein he distinctly states that the Jews held the Stock Exchange business in theirhands, and shaped its development as they willed. The most salient passages68 here follow in full: —In this State (Holland) the Jews have a good deal of power andaccording to the prognostications of these pretended political speculators, themselves often unreliable, the prices of these stocks varyso considerably that they cause transactions to take place severaltimes a day, transactions which merit the term wager or bet ratherthan business; the more so, as the Jews who dominate this kind ofactivity are up to all manner of tricks which take in people, even ifthey be ever so skilled.... Their Jewish brokers and agents, thecleverest of their kind in all the world.... Bonds and shares, of allof which they hold large amounts.The author, acquainted as he is with all the secrets of Stock Exchange activity, describes at length how the Jews succeeded in obtainingthe influential position they held on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange. Ishall refer to this in due course.Much light is thrown on the conditions of the Stock Exchange in theDutch capital when compared with those in other centres. Let us takeLondon first, which from the 18th century onward succeeded Amsterdamas the chief financial centre in Europe. The predominance of Jews in theStock Exchange in London is perhaps more apparent even than in thecase of Amsterdam. The growing activity in the London Stock markettowards the end of the 17th century may be traced to the exertions ofAmsterdam Jews, who at that time began to settle in England. If this beso, it is proof positive that the Jews were in large measure responsiblefor the expansion of Stock Exchange dealing in Amsterdam. Else howcould they have been so influential in the London Exchange, highlydeveloped as it then already was?One or two particulars in the story of the accession to power of theJews in the London Exchange may be noted.In 1657 Solomon Dormido applied for admission as a member ofthe Exchange, from which Jews were officially excluded. The law whichordered this exclusion seems to have been conveniently forgotten. Any-/65how, towards the end of the 17th century the Exchange (which since1698 had become known as ‘Change Alley) was full of Jews. So numerous did they become that a special corner of the building was designatedthe “Jews’ Walk.” “The Alley throngs with Jews,” wrote a contemporary.69Whence these throngs?70 The answer is obvious. They came in thetrain of William III from Amsterdam, and brought with them the machinery of Stock Exchange dealings in vogue there. The events, as related by John Francis, are regarded as a true presentation by many authorities, even on the Jewish side.The Stock Exchange was like Minerva: it appeared on the sceneready armed. The principal participants in the first English loan wereJews: they assisted William III with their advice, and one of them, thewealthy Medina, was Marlborough’s banker, giving the General an annual grantof £6,000 and receiving in return the advantage of being firstin the field with news of the wars. The victories of the English troopswere as profitable to Medina as they were honourable for England. Allthe tricks bound up with rising and falling prices, lying reports from theseat of war, the pretended arrival of couriers, the formation of financialcliques and cabals behind the scenes, the whole system of Mammon’swheels — they knew them all, the early fathers of the Stock Exchange,and utilized them to the full to their own advantage.By the side of Sir Solomon Medina (“the Jew Medina,” as he wascalled), who may be regarded as having originated speculation in thepublic funds in England, we may place a number of other wealthy Jewsof the reign of Anne, all of whom speculated on the Stock Exchange.Manasseh Lopez was one. He amassed a fortune in the panic whichfollowed the false news that the Queen was dead, buying up all Government Stock which had fallen in price in consequence. A similar story istold of Sampson Gideon, known among the Gentiles as “the great Jewbroker.”71 A notion of the financial strength of the Jews in the London ofthose days may be obtained when it is recalled that at the beginning ofthe 18th century the number of Jewish families with an annual incomebetween £1000 and £2000 was put by Picciotto at 100; those with anannual income of £300 at 1000; whilst some individual Jews, such asMendes da Costa, Moses Hart, Aaron Frank, Baron d’Aguilar, MosesLopez Pereira, Moses or Anthony da Costa (who towards the end of the17th century was a Director of the Bank of England) and others wereamong the wealthiest merchants in London.66/Werner SombartIt is evident then that the wealth of the Jews brought about StockExchange speculation on a large scale. But more striking still, the business of stock-jobbing as a specialized profession was introduced intothe London Exchange by Jews, probably in the first half of the 18thcentury. As far as I am aware this fact has hitherto passed unnoticed.But there is abundant proof in support of it.Postlethwayt, who is pretty reliable in matters of this kind, asserts72that “Stock-jobbing . . . was at first only the simple occasional transferring of interest and shares from one to another as persons alienated theirestates; but by the industry of the stockbrokers, who got the businessinto their hands, it became a trade; and one, perhaps, which has beenmanaged with the greatest intrigue, artifice, and trick that ever anythingwhich appeared with a face of honesty could be handled with; for, whilethe brokers held the box, they made the whole exchange the gamesters,and raised and lowered the prices of stocks as they pleased and alwayshad both buyers and sellers, who stood ready, innocently to committheir money to the mercy of their mercenary tongues.”That Jews formed a considerable proportion of brokers is wellknown. As early as 1697, out of one hundred sworn brokers on theLondon Exchange, no fewer than twenty were Jews and aliens. Doubtless their number increased in the centuries that followed. “The Hebrews flocked to ‘Change Alley from every quarter under heaven,” wroteFrancis. Indeed, a reliable observer of the 1730’s (that is to say, a generation after their first appearance on the London Exchange) remarks73that there were too many Jewish brokers for them all to do business,consequently this “has occasioned almost one half of the Jew brokers torun into stock-jobbing.” The same authority puts the number of Jewsthen in London at 6000.This process, by which stock-jobbing was in a sense the outcome ofstockbroking, was not limited to London. The same tendencies showedthemselves in Frankfort. Towards the end of the 17th century the Jewsthere were in possession of the entire broking business,74 and graduallyno doubt worked their way into stock-jobbing. In Hamburg75 the Portuguese Jews had four brokers in 1617, whilst a little later there weretwenty. Taking these facts into consideration, taking into considerationalso that public opinion regarded the Jews as responsible for the growthof arbitrage business on the London Exchange,76 and that Jews participated to a great degree in the big speculations in Government Stocktowards the end of the 18th century, we shall be forced to agree with the/67view that has been expressed by a first-rate authority,77 that if to-dayLondon is the chief financial centre of the world, it owes this position inlarge measure to the Jews.In the period of early capitalism, the Stock Exchanges of other townslagged far behind those of Amsterdam and London. Even in Paris it wasnot until towards the end of the 18th century that business became at allbrisk. The beginnings of stock speculation (or Agiotage, as it is calledin France) can be traced to the early 18th century; Ranke78 discoveredthe term Agioteur in a letter of Elisabeth Charlotte, dated 18th January,1711. The writer is of the opinion that the term had some connexionwith the billets de monnaye (bills) but that it was unknown before. Itwould seem, therefore, that the Law period left no lasting impression.For even in the 1730’s the economic pre-eminence of England and Holland, both more capitalistically advanced than their neighbour, was feltin France. One writer of the time79 makes this clear. “The circulation ofstock is one of the sources of great wealth to our neighbours; they havea bank, dividendsare paid, and stock and shares are sold.” Apparentlythen such was not the case in France. Even in 1785, an edict (7th August) proclaimed that “the King is informed that for some time past anew kind of commodity has been introduced into the capital” — viz.,stocks and shares.The condition of comparative unimportance which Stock Exchangeactivities occupied in France during the 18th century is a direct indication that the Jews had little influence on the economic life of France (andespecially of Paris) in that period. The cities in which they resided, suchas Lyons or Bordeaux, were hardly favourable to the development ofstockbroking. In Lyons, however, there was for a short space, in the16th century, a fairly brisk trade in what would to-day be called securities, but no satisfactory reasons have as yet been offered to explain it.80Anyhow, it had no after-effects.But to return to Paris. What stockbroking it had it probably owed tothe Jews. The centre of this business was in the Rue Quincampoix,which later became notorious through the swindles connected with thename of Law. Now in this particular street there lived, in the words of areliable authority,81 “many Jews.” Be that as it may, the man with whomthe first stock speculations in France were connected, one who was agreater master of the art of manipulation than even Law, was SamuelBernard, the well-known financier of Louis XIV. No wonder then thatthe billets de monnaye, when they became merely bits of valueless pa-68/Werner Sombartper, were nicknamed Bernardines.82 And as for John Law, his knowledge of the mechanism of the Stock Exchange had been acquired inAmsterdam.83 Whether he was himself a Jew (it has been held84 thatLaw == Levy) I have been unable to discover. It is, however, quitepossible. Was not his father a “goldsmith” (and banker)? He was, it istrue, a Christian, but that is not necessarily a proof of his non-Jewishness.The Jewish appearance of the man in portraits (for example, in the German edition (1720) of his Money and Trade Considered) rather supports the thesis that he was a Jew. On the other hand, the peculiar mixture of the lordling and the adventurer which characterized his nature isagainst the assumption.In Germany the Exchanges of Frankfort and Hamburg, the two Jewish towns par excellence, alone reached a position of any importance.Illustrations of the Jewish influence have already been dealt with.As for Berlin, it may be said that the Stock Exchange there was aJewish institution from its very inception. At the beginning of the lastcentury, even before 1812, when they were emancipated, the Jews predominated numerically on the Exchange. Of the four Presidents, twowere Jews; and the whole Stock Exchange Committee was made up asfollows: — 4 Presidents, 10 Wardens of the two Gilds, 1 of the ElbeSeamen’s Gild, and 8 “of the merchants of the Jewish nation, electedthereto.” Out of a total of 23, therefore, 10 were Jews. That is to say,professing Jews: it is impossible to determine whether, and how many,baptized Jews and crypto-Jews were in the committee.As it is, their number shows plainly enough that stockbroking hadits large quota of Jews. Of six sworn bill-brokers three were Jews. Further, of the two sworn brokers in cotton and silk, one was a Jew, and hissubstitute was also a Jew. That is to say, of a total of three, two wereJews.85Stockbroking so far as Germany in the 18th century was concernedwas carried on only in Hamburg and Frankfort. Already at the beginning of that century trading in securities was forbidden. A proclamationof the Hamburg Council, dated 19th July, 1720, expresses itself as follows: — “The Council has heard to its abhorrence and great disgust,that certain private citizens, under the pretext of founding an assurancecompany, have on their own authority commenced business as dealersin shares. The Council fears that harmful consequences may ensue therefrom as well to the public at large, as also to the said private citizens.”86It seems that the powers that be were only voicing the general feeling in/69the matter; “the dangerous and wickedly ruinous trade in stocks andshares” a writer of the tune87 indignantly called it.Were Jews here also the originators? So much at least is certain,that the impetus to stock-dealing came from the circles of the assurers,as is apparent from the above-mentioned proclamation of 1720. Now,as a matter of fact, it is known that Jews actively stimulated the growthof marine insurance in Hamburg.88 Any further evidence as to StockExchange influences is only indirect. The same applies to Frankfort Thefirst certain trace dates from 1817, and refers to Augsburg. There is onrecord the decision of a court of law in a bill case of the 14th Februaryin the year mentioned. A motion to enforce payment of the difference inthe price of a credit-instrument which rose owing to the rise of the market-rate was dismissed, on the ground that it was of the nature of a gameof hazard. The sum in question was 17,630 florins, and the originalcontract was for delivery of 90,000 florins’ worth of lottery tickets inthe Bavarian State Lottery. The plaintiff’s name was Heymann, thedefendant’s H. E. Ullmann! This is the first attested case of speculationin bonds in Germany.89But with the year 1817 we reach a period which differed from thepreceding one, and which I consider as opening a new epoch in thehistory of Stock Exchange transactions. Why new? What were its special features that it should be described by that dreadful word “modern”?Judgments on the Stock Exchange by contemporaries then and nowshow how widely different a position it occupies to-day from what it dideven a hundred years ago.Until well on in the 18th century, even in capitalistic circles, speculation in the public funds was looked at askance. The standard commercial handbooks and dictionaries in English, French, Italian and German,which have come down to us from the 18th century, either make nomention at all of dealings in stocks (especially in the economically “backward” countries), or if, like Postlethwayt, they do treat of the subject,they cannot sufficiently express their contempt for it. The view concerning the Stock Exchange which is to-day held by the petty trader, thesmall shopkeeper or the farmer was in the 18th century that of the richmerchant. When in 1733 Sir John Barnard’s Bill (to prevent the “infamous practice of stock-jobbing”) was being discussed in the House ofCommons, all the speakers were unanimous in their condemnation ofthe business. Half a generation later the same harsh terms are to be70/Werner Sombartfound in the pages of Postlethwayt, who refers to “those mountebankswe very properly call stockbrokers.” Stock-jobbing he regards as a “public grievance,” which has become “scandalous, to the nation.”90 Nowonder that the legislation of the period completely forbade the business.But the dislike of the Stock Exchange went deeper still. It was boundup with an aversion for what the Exchange rested on — securities ingeneral. Naturally the interests of the State coincided with those whodefended the trade in securities, so that Ruler and Jobber were ranged asa lonely couple on one side, while everybody else was on the other —save only those who indulged in the purchase of securities. In truth, theNational Debt was looked upon as something of which States had needto be ashamed, and the best men of their generation were agreed that itsgrowth was an evil which should be combated by all possible means.Thinkers and practical men were united on this point. In commercialcircles the question was seriously discussed how the public debt couldbe paid off, and it was even suggested that the State should disavow itsresponsibilities in connexion with the debt, and so wipe it out. And thisin England in the second half of the 18th century!91 Nor were the theorists of the time differently minded. The system of public borrowing iscalled by David Hume “a practice . . . ruinous beyond all controversy;”92Adam Smith writes of “the ruinous practice of funding,” “the ruinousexpedient of perpetual funding ... has gradually enfeebled every Statewhich has adopted it” . . . “the progress of the enormous debts, which atpresent oppress and will in the long run probably ruin all the great nations of Europe.”93 In these opinions, as always, Adam Smith is themirror of the economic conditions of his age, a period of early capitalistic development, and nothing distinguishes it from our own so well asthe fact that in the complete system of Adam Smith there is no nicheavailable for the study of securities, or of the Stock Exchange and itsbusiness.About the same time, however, a book appeared which dealt onlywith credit and its blessings, with the Stock Exchange and its significance; a book which may be justly termed the “Song of Songs” of Public Debts and share-dealing; a book which looked to the Future, as theWealth of Nations looked to the Past. I refer to the Traité du credit et dela circulation, published in 1771 from the pen of Joseph de Pinto. NowPinto was a Portuguese Jew, hence my special reference to him in thisconnexion. In his pages may be found the very arguments which have/71been put forward in the 19th century in defence of public credit, ofdealings in securities and of speculation in the public funds. If AdamSmith in his system be said to stand at the end ofthe period in which theStock Exchange was in its infancy, Pinto may be regarded as standingat the beginning of the modern era with its theory of credit, in whichstock and share speculation have become the centre of economic activity, and the Stock Exchange the heart of the body economic.Silently, but none the less surely, public opinion veered round infavour of dealings in securities and of the recognition of the Stock Exchange as a necessity. Public opinion grew as these grew, and step bystep, hostile legislation was removed, so that when the Napoleonic warswere over and peace reigned once more, the Stock Exchange began totake on enormous dimensions.We see, then, that there is some justification for speaking of a newperiod in the history of the Stock Exchange. What were the actualchanges? And to what extent were the Jews concerned in bringing aboutthe new state of affairs?There was not much modification in the mechanism of the StockExchange; that was complete as early as 1688, when de la Vega published his book. Naturally, subsidiary kinds of business activities croppedup here and there, and of these, too, Jews were generally the originators.Thus I have discovered94 that the business of insurance was established(in Germany) by W. Z. Wertheimer in Frankfort, and that of the peculiarform of ship chartering known as “Heuergeschäft” Jews were thefounders.But the rise of subsidiary businesses was not the salient point in thedevelopment of Stock Exchange activities. It was rather the extensiveand intensive growth of the volume of business.The enormous increase in the number of securities which have appeared in the market since the beginning of the 19th century, and therapidity with which they came before the public, are facts too well knownto need repetition. But with this increase came also an extension of speculation. Until about the middle of the 18th century, speculation in Londonand Amsterdam may be compared to little ripples on the face of thewater. It was not till 1763, as a reliable informant tells us, that the firstprivate loan was floated in Amsterdam. Previously what speculationthere was was limited to public bonds, “but during the last war a vastocean of annuities flooded the market.”95 Even so, there were only fortyfour different kinds of securities on the Amsterdam Exchange about the72/Werner Sombartmiddle of the century. Of these, twenty-five were bonds of internal, andsix of German loans. When the century closed, the first category ofbonds numbered eighty, and the second thirty.96 Then came a suddenupward movement, especially after the defeat of Napoleon. From thefirst establishment of the Amsterdam Exchange until the year 1770, atotal debt of 250,000,000 Gulden had been dealt in; whereas in fourteenyears (1808–22) one London firm alone issued a greater sum —22,000,000 pounds. All this is common knowledge; and the identity ofthat one London firm, which in a decade floated so vast a sum on themarket, does not need further indication.With the mention of this firm, and of its four branches, we havetouched on the connexion between the extensive growth of Stock Exchange activities and the Jewish influence upon it. For the expansion ofthe share market between 1800 and 1850 was also the expansion of thehouse of Rothschild and its appendages. The name Rothschild refers tomore than the firm: it stands for the whole of Jewish influence on theStock Exchange. By the aid of that influence the Rothschilds were enabled to attain to their powerful position — it may even be said to theirunique position — in the market for Government securities. It was noexaggeration to assert that in many a land the minister of finance whocould not come to an agreement with this firm might as well close thedoors of his exchequer. “There is only one power in Europe,” was adictum well-known about the middle of the 19th century, “and that isRothschild: a dozen other banks are his underlings, his soldiers are allhonest merchants and workmen, and speculation is his sword” (A. Weil).Heine’s wit, in passages that are surely too well-known to need quoting,has demonstrated the importance of the family better far than any tableof figures.I have not the least intention of writing here a history of theRothschilds, even in outline. The reader will find ample material97 at hisdisposal should he wish to acquaint himself with the fortunes of thisremarkable family. All I shall do will be to point out one or two characteristics which the modern Stock Exchange owes to them, in order tomake clear that not only quantitatively, but also qualitatively, the StockExchange bears the impress of the Rothschilds (and therefore of theJew).The first feature to be observed is that, since the appearance of theRothschilds, the stock market has become international. This was onlyto be expected, considering the enormous extension of Stock Exchange/73activities, which necessitated the flow of vast sums from all parts of theinhabited world to the borrowing centres. To-day the internationalization of the stock market is an accepted fact; at the commencement of the19th century it was regarded with nothing short of amazement. When in1808, during the Peninsular War, Nathan Rothschild undertook in London to attend to the pay of the English army in Spain, his action wasregarded as a stupendous achievement, and indeed, laid the foundationof all his influence. Until 1798 only the Frankfort firm had been inexistence; in that year one of the sons of Mayer Amschel established abranch in London, another son settled in Paris in 1812, a third in Viennain 1816, and a fourth in Naples in 1820. The conditions were thus givenwhereby a foreign loan might be treated as though it were an internalloan, and gradually the public became accustomed to investing theircapital in foreign securities, seeing that the interest could be paid athome in coins of the realm. Writers of the early 19th century describe itas a marvellous thing that “every holder of Government stock . . . canreceive his dividends in various places at his convenience without anydifficulty. The Rothschilds in Frankfort pay interest for many Governments; the Paris house pays the dividends on the Austrian Métalliques,the Neapolitan Rentes, the Anglo-Neapolitan Loan either in London,Naples or Paris.”98The circle of possible investors was thus enlarged. But theRothschilds were also alive to the importance of obtaining every available penny that could be borrowed, and for this purpose they skilfullyutilized the machinery of the Stock Exchange for floating loans.As far as can be judged from contemporary records,99 the issue bythe Rothschilds of the Austrian bonds in 1820–1 was an epoch-makingevent, both in public borrowing and in Stock Exchange business. Forthe first time all the ropes were pulled to create a demand for the shares,and speculations in Government stocks may be stated to have begun onthis occasion, at least on the Continent.“To create a demand” was henceforth the watchword of the StockExchange. “To create a demand” was the object in view when, by meansof systematic buying and selling, changes were brought about in price;and the Rothschilds devoted themselves to the business from the first.100In a sense, they carried on what the French called agiotage, and thiswas something quite new for a great banking firm to do. In reality theRothschilds only adopted the methods of the Amsterdam Jews for artificially influencing the market, but they applied them to a new purpose —74/Werner Sombartthe placing of fresh securities before the public.The changed relation of the banker to the Stock Exchange on theone hand, and to the public on the other, will become more apparentwhen we have glanced at the new activities which loomed on the horizonat this period — the age of the Rothschilds — and began to play anindependent role. I mean the business of bringing out loans.The Creation of SecuritiesThe business of bringing out loans is an attempt to obtain profit bymeans of the creation of securities. It is important because it representsa capitalistic force of exceedingly great power. Henceforth, stocks andshares come into being not because of the needs of those who requiremoney and depend on credit, but quite independently, as a form of capitalistic enterprise. Hitherto the possible investor was waited for until hecame; now he is sought out. The loan-floater becomes, as it were, aggressive; he gives the impetus to the borrowing movement. But this ishardly ever noticeable. We see how it works, however, when small Statesrequire loans; we may imagine a kind of “commercial traveller in loans.”“Now we have wealthy firms with large machinery, whose time andstaff are devoted to hunting about the world for Powers for whom tobring out loans.”101Naturally, the loan-floater’s relation to the Stock Exchange and thepublic changes. He must be aggressive and pushful, now that his mainwork is to get people to take up shares.There is as yet no satisfactory history of the business of bringingout loans. We do not know, therefore, when it first began; its origins,however, no doubt reach back into the 18th century, and probably therewere three well marked stages in its growth.In the first of these, either a bank or a wealthy individual (who, inthe pre-Stock Exchange period himself made the loan) was entrustedwith the placing of the debt in return for a commission. Such was themethod adopted in Austria throughout the whole of the 18th century:“Loans of fairly large sums, especially those contracted abroad, wereusually obtained through the intervention of a bank or a group of financiers. The firm in question arranged, by means of public subscription,for the supply of the amount needed; handed over the sum to the borrower or his agent; undertook’ the payment of interest and portions ofthe principal to the individual lenders — out of their own funds if needbe; all, of course, for a consideration.”102/75But about the middle of the 18th century there were already “dealers in loans.” In 1769 there were Italian and Dutch firms who wouldwillingly undertake the floating of loans.103 Adam Smith’s descriptionof this business makes the matter plainer still. “In England . . . the merchants are generally the people who advance money to Government. But by advancing it they do not mean to diminish, but, on the contrary, to increase their mercantile capitals; and unless theyexpected to sell with some profit their share in the subscription for a new loan, they never would subscribe.” In France, on the other hand, those concerned in the finances were people of private means, who advanced their ownmoney.104Where did the specialists in this business come from? Not fromamong the bankers, who in the 18th century floated loans, but in allprobability from among the dealers in stock and shares. Towards theend of the 18th century the charmed circle of London bankers who hadthe monopoly of bringing out Government loans was broken through bycompetition from the ranks of the stockholders. Here, too, it was a Jewish firm that took the initiative, and brought the emission of loans intoconnexion with the Stock Exchange. I refer to the “Rothschilds of the18th century,” the men who predominated in ‘Change Alley in thosedays — Abraham and Benjamin Goldsmid. In 1792 they came forwardas the first members of the Stock Exchange105 to compete with the bankers of London in the bringing out of the new loan, and from that dateuntil the death of the second brother, Abraham, which occurred in 1810,this firm controlled the money market. Perhaps we may account them asthe first “loan specialists,” whom the Rothschilds succeeded. But evenif there is some doubt about the Goldsmids’ claim, there can be no possible doubt about the Rothschilds’, who were thus certainly the first inthe field.

But it is obvious that only a few wealthy firms could subsist by the

business of issuing public loans. After all, the demand was comparatively limited. But as soon as opportunities offered themselves for thecreation of securities for private needs, a very wide field of activity wasready for ploughing. All that was necessary was to create a big demandartificially, and this tendency gave birth to company-promoting andmortgage business.Company-promoting is carried on by firms “whose business it professedly is to make money by manufacturing stocks and shares wholesale and forcing them upon the public” (Crump). The strength of the76/Werner Sombartmotive power that thus began to actuate economic activities need scarcelybe described. It was not to the interest of undertakers, some of no smallimportance, to create fresh capital by the issue of new stock or by extending the old, without any reference at all to the question as to whetherthere was a demand for the stock or not.Who first started this form of business? It will not be difficult toshow that even if the Jews did not actually establish it, they certainlyhelped forward its development.The first ray of light on this matter, as far as we can make out, isonce again the activity of the Rothschilds. The railway boom of the1830’s made it possible to carry on company-promoting on a large scale.The Rothschilds, as well as other Jewish houses (the d’Eichthals, theFoulds, etc.), were the first in the field, and brought this branch of business to a flourishing condition.The extent of the participation may be gathered in some degree fromthe length of the lines built, or the amount of capital subscribed. But theactual share of the individual firms cannot be estimated. Nevertheless,we know that the Rothschilds “built” the Northern Railway in France,the Northern Railway in Austria, the Austro-Italian Railway, and manymore.Further, judging from the views of contemporaries, it would appearthat the Rothschilds were really the first “Railway Kings.” In 1843 theAugsburger Allgemeine Zeitung wrote as follows: “When in the lastfew years speculation became rife in industrial undertakings, and railways grew to be a necessity for the Continent, the Rothschilds took theplunge and placed themselves at the head of the new movement.” Thehouse of Rothschild set the fashion in railway building as it had donebefore in public loans. “Scarcely a company that was started in Germany but looked to the goodwill of Rothschild. Those in which he hadno say were not very successful, and little could be made out of them.”106Statements such as these, in which friend and foe agree, are significantenough.Ever since those days the activity of floating companies has becomea specialty of Jewish undertakers. In the first place, the very biggestmen, such as Baron Hirsch or Dr. Strousberg, were Jews. But the rankand file, too, have many Jews among them. A glance at the figures onthe next page concerning the promotion of companies in Germany in thetwo years 1871–3 suffices to show that an astoundingly large number ofJews participated in the work.107 But these figures do not tell the whole/77story. In the first place, they form only a selection of the whole, andrefer (of set purpose) to the “shaky” companies, from which the Jewswill probably have kept away; and secondly, in many cases, the Jewswere behind the scenes as controlling influences, and those in the foreground were merely puppets. Even so the figures will serve a usefulpurpose.The tendency is perhaps best seen where private banking is stillimportant, as it is in England. Here, as I am told on the best authority, ofthe 63 banks in the Bankers’ Almanack for 1904, 33 were Jewish firms,or at least with a strong Jewish interest, and of these 33, 13 were firstclass concerns.It is more difficult to determine the proportion of Jews in this calling in countries (e.g., Germany) where the private banker has been displaced by the joint-stock bank. But everything points to Jewish influence in the tendency of the joint-stock banks to act as company promoters.None of the decades of company-flotation, neither the fifties nor theseventies, nor still less the nineties, would have been conceivable without the co-operation of the speculative bank. The stupendous undertakings in railway construction owe their very existence to the banks, whichadvanced capital to limited companies of their own creation. Privatefirms, it is true, did no little in the same direction, but their means didnot allow of rivalry with the great banks. In France, between 1842 and1847, no less than 144 million francs were spent in railway building; inthe following four years 130 millions, while from 1852 to 1854 the sumhad reached 250 millions; in 1855 alone it was 500 millions, and in1856 520 millions.108 It was the same in Germany. “The entire work ofbuilding our net of railways in this period (1848–70) . . . was carriedthrough . . . with the assistance of banks.”109The reason for this is not far to seek. On the one hand, the increaseof available capital, which was due to the rise of new joint-stock banks,paved the way for proportionately larger undertakings. On the otherhand, since the joint-stock company in trying to obtain greater profitsstrove, harder than a private firm to add to its activities, all possibleopportunities that presented themselves were utilized to the full.110How did this special banking activity originate?111 I believe it maybe traced to 1852, when the credits mobiliers112 were first established.The history of the crédit mobilier is well known.113 What interestsus specially is that it owes its inception to two Portuguese Jews, Isaac78/Werner Sombartand Emil Pereire, and that other Jews participated in it. The list of subscribers showed that the two Pereires together held 11,446 shares, andFould-Oppenheim 11,445, that among the other large shareholders wereMallet Freres, Benjamin Fould, Torlonia (of Rome), Solomon Heine (ofHamburg), Oppenheim (of Cologne) — in other words, the chief representatives of European Jewry. The Rothschilds were not found in theist, for the crédit mobilier was directed against them.Nature of Establishment Total Number Number

of Founders of Jews

Twenty-five firms of first-rate importancethat floated companies 25 16Two of the biggest mining syndicates 13 5Continental Railway Company(capital 1½ million sterling) 6 4Twelve land-purchase companies in Berlin 80 27Building Society, “Unter den Linden” 8 4Nine building banks 104 37Nine Berlin breweries 54 27Twenty North German machinebuilding companies 148 47Ten North German gasworks 49 18Twenty paper factories 89 22Twelve North German chemical works 67 22Twelve North German textile factories 65 27The French crédit mobilier produced in the years that followed anumber of offshoots, legitimate and illegitimate, all of Jewish blood. InAustria there was the “Kaiserlich-Koenigliche privilegierteoesterreichische Kreditanstalt,” established in 1855 by S. M. Rothschild.In Germany the first institution modelled on the new principle was theBank fur Handel und Industrie (Darmstadter Bank), founded in 1853,on the initiative of the Oppenheims of Cologne.114 One of the first directors of this bank was Hess, who had been a high official in the créditmobilier. The Berliner Discontogesellschaft was the second institutionof the same kind. Its origin was Christian, but its transformation intowhat it is to-day is the work of David Hausemann. It was the same withthe third German instance — the Berliner Handelsgesellschaft, whichwas called into being by the Cologne firms already mentioned inconnexion with the Darmstadter Bank, and by the best known Berlinbankers, such as Mendelssohn & Co., S. Bleichroder, Robert Warschauer/79& Co., Schickler Brothers, and others Finally, in the case of the DeutscheBank (1870) the Jewish element again predominated.The Commercialization of IndustryWith the speculative banks capitalistic development reached its zenith,at any rate, for the time being. They pushed the process of the commercialization of economic life as far forward as it could go. Themselveschildren of the Stock Exchange, the speculative banks brought StockExchange activities (i.e., speculation) to their fullest bloom.115 Trade insecurities was extended to undreamt-of proportions. So much so, thatthe opinion has been expressed that, in Germany at any rate, the speculative joint-stock banks will replace the Stock Exchange.118 There maybe a grain of truth in this, provided the terms be properly understood.That the Stock Exchange may cease to be an open market and be dominated by la haute finance is possible; but as an economic organization itis bound to gain, if anything, by modern developments, seeing that itssphere is continuously being widened.That is what I mean by the commercialization of industry. The StockExchange activities of the joint-stock banks are becoming more andmore the controlling force in every department of economic life. Indeed,all undertakings in the field of industry are now determined by the powerof finance. Whether a new industrial concern shall be established or anold one enlarged, whether a “universal provider” shall receive an increase of capital in order to extend his business — all this is now decided in the private offices of banks or bankers. In the same way thedistribution of commodities is becoming more and more a financial problem. It is not too much to say that our chief industries are as muchfinancial as industrial concerns. The Stock Exchange determines theprice of most international manufactured articles and raw materials,and he who hopes to survive the competitive strain must be able tocommand the Stock Exchange. In a word, it may be safely asserted thatall economic activities nowadays are tending to become commercialdealings.The electrical industry is the best example. From its first foundations it represented a new type. Hitherto the great capitalistic industriesregarded their work as finished when they had obtained and carried outtheir orders. A particular factory would appoint an agent in every bigtown, who in most cases represented other factories as well, and whosesearch for customers could not be marked by any very striking initia-80/Werner Sombarttive. In the electrical industry all this was changed. Its organizers werethe first to see that one of the primary duties of an industry was to createa market for itself. What did they do? They endeavoured to capture thecustomer. On the one hand, they attempted to control buyers. For example, by purchasing shares either in tram companies about to be turnedinto electric tramways, or in entirely new undertakings, they could obtain a dominating influence over the body which gave orders for thecommodities they were manufacturing. In case of need, the directors ofelectrical undertakings would themselves call into being limited companies for such activities as would create a demand for their goods. Themost successful electrical works have to-day become in an increasingdegree similar to banks for floating companies.Nor is this all. Another policy they adopted was to establish branchesin all parts in order to seize upon as much of the market as they could.Whereas formerly reliance was placed on general agents, now the workof extending the connexion is delegated by each firm to a special representative of its own. What is the result? The customer is seen at closerquarters; his needs are better understood and, therefore, better supplied;his wishes more easily met, and so forth.It is well known that such was the system adopted by the AllgemeineElektrizitäts-Gesellschaft and that Felix Deutsch was foremost in itsextension. The older companies have but slowly followed suit. Siemensand Halske long thought themselves “too grand to run after customers,”until Berliner, one of their directors, accepted the new plan to such goodeffect, that his company soon regained the lost ground from its rival.This instance is typical, and we may say generally that the commercialization of industry was the gap in the hedge through which the Jewscould penetrate into the field of the production and transportation ofcommodities, as they had done earlier in commerce and finance.By this we are not asserting that the history of the Jews as industrialists commences here. Far from it. As soon as modern capitalism differentiated between the technical and commercial aspects of all economic processes, so soon was the Jew found engaged in both. It is truethat commerce attracted him more, but already in the early capitalisticperiod Jews were among the first undertakers in one industry or another.Here they established the tobacco industry (Mecklenberg, Austria);there, whisky distilling (Poland, Bohemia); in some countries they wereleather manufacturers (France, Austria), in others silk manufacturers(Prussia, Italy and Austria); they made stockings in Hamburg; looking-/81glasses in Fürth; starch in France; cotton in Moravia. And almost everywhere they were pioneers in the tailoring trade. I could show by reference to the materials I have collected that in the 18th and early 19thcenturies there were many other instances of Jews as capitalistic industrialists.117 But I hold that an account of this aspect of Jewish economichistory is useless, seeing that it contains nothing specifically Jewish.Jews were driven into an industry by mere chance, and in all probabilityit would have thriven without them equally well. Let us take an instanceor two. In Poland and Austria the position of the Jews as the stewards ofthe nobility brought it about that they became whisky distillers. In othercountries their enterprise in the tobacco industry was a direct result oftheir status as Court Jews, in connexion with which they very often heldthe tobacco monopoly. In the majority of instances their commercialactivities led to their stocking manufactured articles, and eventually totheir making of them, as in the case of textiles. But the process is acommon one, and non-Jews passed through it equally with Jews. Therewas, however, an exception in the case of old clo’ dealing. That was anessentially Jewish business, and led first to the sale of new clothes, andeventually to tailoring.But when all is said, Jewish influence on industrial undertakingswas not very great until their commercialization came about; that is,until in almost every modern industry the work of directing and organizing has become common to all, and a man may pass from one industryto another without thereby diminishing his skill. The technical side isnow in all cases a subdivision by itself. It is no uncommon thing therefore to find that a man who started in the leather industry ends up as anironmaster, after having been in turn (shall we say?) a manufacturer ofalcoholic liquors and of sulphuric acid. The capitalistic undertaker ofold bore a technical impress, the modern undertaker is quite colourless.Can you imagine Alfred Krupp manufacturing anything but guns, Borsiganything but machines, Werner von Siemens anything but electrical apparatus? Can you picture H. H. Myer at the head of any other concernbut the Nord-deutscher Lloyd? On the other hand, if Rathenau, Deutsch,Berliner, Arnold, Friedlander, Ballin changed positions to-morrow theywould be no less successful than in their present capacities. And what isthe reason? They are all men of commerce, and the particular sphere oftheir activity matters not in the least.It has been put thus: the Christian makes his way up, starting astechnician; the Jew as commercial traveller or clerk.82/Werner SombartThe extent of Jewish participation in industrial undertakings to-daywould be very useful to know, but there is little material to go upon. Weshall have to be content with an approximate estimate, based on thenumbers of Jews who are directors of industrial concerns. The methodis unsatisfactory — naturally so. How is it possible to say with certainty who is a Jew and who is not? How many people are aware, forexample, that Hagen of Cologne, who holds more directorships thanany other man in Germany, was originally called Levy? But apart fromthis, mere numbers are no criterion of the extent of influence. Moreover,in some companies business ability alone does not determine the membership of the Board of Directors; in others there is an unwritten law toexclude Jews from positions of trust. In any case, therefore, the figuresthat have been obtained relate only to a small portion of the Jewishinfluence.MANAGING DIRECTORSIndustry Total Number Percentageof Jews of JewsLeather and rubber 19 6 31.5Metal 52 13 25.0Electrical 95 22 23.1Brewing 71 11 15.7Textiles 59 8 13.5Chemicals 46 6 13.0Mining 183 23 12.8Machinery 90 11 12.2Potash 36 4 11.1Cement, timber, glass, 57 4 7.0Total 808 108 13.3BOARD OF DIRECTORSIndustry Total Number Percentageof Jews of JewsBrewing 165 52 31.5Metal 130 40 30.7Cement, timber, glass, 137 41 29.9Potash 156 46 29.4Leather and rubber 42 12 28.6Electrical 339 91 26.8Mining 640 153 23.9Chemicals 127 29 22.8/83Machinery 215 48 21.4Textiles 141 19 13.5Total 2092 511 24.4For all that I quote them; they have been compiled for me from thelast edition of the Handbook of German Joint-Stock Companies. In thecase of the electrical industries, only those with a capital of 6 millionmark have been noted; in the chemical industries those with 5 millions;machinery and textiles with 4 millions, and the remainder with 3 millions.What do these figures suggest? Is the Jewish influence in the industries named great or small? I think it is very large, at any rate quantitatively. Bear in mind that the social group which occupies almost a seventh part of all directorships, and nearly a quarter of all the boards ofdirectors, forms exactly only a hundredth part of the entire populationof the German Empire.

Chapter 7 The Growth of a Capitalistic Point of View in Economic Life

It is evident from the survey in the previous chapters that Jewish influence extended far beyond the commercial institutions which it calledinto being. In other words, the Stock Exchange is not merely a piece ofmachinery in economic life, it is the embodiment of a certain spirit.Indeed, all the newest forms of industrial organization are the productsof this spirit, and it is to this that I wish specially to call the reader’sattention.The outer structure of the economic life of our day has been built uplargely by Jewish hands. But the principles underlying economic life —that which may be termed the modern economic spirit, or the economicpoint of view — may also be traced to a Jewish origin.Proofs for the statement will have to be sought in directions otherthan those hitherto followed. Documentary evidence is obviously of littleavail here. But what will certainly be a valuable guide is the feeling thatprevailed in those circles which first became alive to the fact that theJewish attitude of mind was something alien. Non-Jewish merchants ortheir spokesmen expressed opinions which, though one-sided and oftenharsh, are nevertheless of immense help, because they naively set forth84/Werner Sombartthe dislike of the Jewish spirit, reflecting it, as it were, as in a mirror(though often enough, to be sure, it was a convex mirror). The peoplewho voiced the opinions to which we are about to refer looked on theJews as their worst enemies, and therefore we must try to read betweenthe lines, and deduce the truth from statements which were meant toconvey something very different. The task is made the more easy because of the uniformity in the opinions formulated — a uniformity dueby no means to thoughtless imitation, but rather to similarity of conditions. Their very similarity adds to their forcefulness as proofs.In the first place, it must be noted that wherever Jews appeared asbusiness competitors, complaints were beard that Christian traders suffered in consequence: their livelihood, we are told, was endangered, theJews deprived them of their profits, their chances of existence were lessened because their customers went to Jews, and so forth.A few extracts from documents of the 17th and 18th centuries, theperiod which concerns us most, will illustrate what has been mentioned.Let us turn first to Germany. In 1672 the Estates of Brandenburg complain that the Jews “take the bread out of the mouths of the other inhabitants.”1 Almost the same phrase is found in the petition of the merchants of Danzig, of March 19th, 1717.2

In 1712 and 1717 the good

citizens of the old town of Magdeburg object to the admission of Jewsinto their midst, “because the welfare of the city, and the success oftraders, depends upon the fact that ... no Jewish dealing is permittedhere.”3In 1740 Ettenheim made a communication to its Bishop, wherein itwas stated that “as is well-known, the Jews’ low ways make only forloss and undoing.” The same idea is voiced in the proverb, “All in thatcity doth decay, where Jews are plentiful as hay.”4

In the preamble to the

Prussian Edict of 1750, mention is made that “the big merchants of ourtown complain . . . that the Jews who deal in the same commodities asthey do, lessen their business considerably.” It was the same in the Southof Germany. In Nuremberg, for example, the Christian traders had to sitby and see their customers make purchases of Jews. In 1469 the Jewswere expelled from Nuremberg; a very large number of them settled inthe neighbouring town of Fürth, and their customers from the first-namedcity, seeking the best advantage for themselves as buyers, journeyed toFürth to do their shopping.[The first German railway was built betweenNuremberg and Fürth (1835). Whether the Jewish influence mentionedin the text had anything to do with it is difficult to say. But it is a curious/85fact. — Trans.] No wonder that the City Fathers of Nuremberg showered ordinances on the town throughout the 17th and 18th centuries,forbidding dealings with Jews from Fürth.5That Jews all through the 18th century were refused admission tothe merchant-gilds, no less than to the craft-gilds, is too well-known toneed further emphasis.6Was it different in England? By no means. Says Josiah Child, “TheJews are a subtil people . . . depriving the English merchant of thatprofit he would otherwise gain”; they carry on their business “to theprejudice of the English merchants.”7

When in 1753 the Jews’ Naturalization Bill became law, the ill-will of the populace against the hated

race was so great that the Act had to be repealed the very next year. Onegreat fear was that if the Jews became English citizens they would “oustthe natives from their employment.”8From Marseilles to Nantes the same tones were heard in France.The merchants of the latter city in 1752 bewailed their fate in the following terms: “The prohibited trade carried on by these strangers . . .has caused considerable loss to the merchants of this town, so much so,that if they are not favoured by the good-will of these gentry, they are inthe predicament of being able neither to provide for their families nor topay their taxes.”9

Seven years earlier, in 1745, the Christian traders of

Toulouse regretfully declared that “everybody runs to the Jewish traders.”10 “We beseech you to bar the onward march of this nation, whichotherwise will assuredly destroy the entire trade of Languedoc” — suchwas the request of the Montpelier Chamber of Commerce.11 Their colleagues in Paris compared the Jews to wasps who make their way intothe hive only to kill the bees, rip open their bodies and extract the honeystored in their entrails.12In Sweden,13 in Poland,14 the same cry resounded.15 In 1619 thecivic authorities of Posen complained, in an address to King Sigismund,that “difficulties and stumbling-blocks are put in the way of merchantsand craftsmen by the competition of Jews.”But all this does not suffice. We want to know more than that theJews endangered the livelihood of the others. We want to find out thereason for this. Why were they able to become such keen competitors ofthe Christian traders? Only when this question has been answered willwe understand the peculiar nature of Jewish business methods, “les secrets du négoce,” as Savary calls them.Let us refer to contemporary opinion, to the men who were suffi-86/Werner Sombartciently in touch with everyday life to know the reason. Here again theanswer is pretty well unanimous. And what is it? The Jews were moresuccessful because of their dishonest dealing. “Jews . . . have one lawand custom whenever it pays them; it is called lying and cheating,” youmay read in the pages of Philander von Sittewald.16 Equally complimentary is the Comic Lexicon of Cheating, compiled by George PaulHönn,17 where under “Jews,” the only interpolation in the whole book ismade as follows: “Jews are cheats, collectively and individually. . . .”The article “Jews,” in the General Treasury for Merchants, is of thesame calibre,18 while an anonymous writer on manners and morals declares that the Jews of Berlin “make their living by robbing and cheating, which, in their opinion, are no crimes.”19Similar views were current in France. “The Jews,” says Savary,“have the reputation of being good at business, but they are supposednot to be able to carry it on with strict honesty and trustworthiness.”20Now what do these accusations amount to? Even if the term “cheating” be given a very wide connotation, the commercial practices of manyJews hardly came within its scope. When it was asserted that Jews werecheats, that was only an epithet to describe the fact that Jews in theircommercial dealings did not always pay regard to the existing laws orcustoms of trade. Jewish merchants offended in neglecting certain traditions of their Christian compeers, in (now and again) breaking the law,but above all, in paying no heed to commercial etiquette. Look closelyinto the specific accusations hurled against Jewish traders, examine theirinnermost nature, and you shall find that the conflict between Jewishand Christian merchants was a struggle between two outlooks, betweentwo radically differing — nay, opposite — views on economic life.To understand this conflict in its entirety, it will be necessary toobtain some idea of the spirit that dominated economic activities, activities in which from the 16th century onwards the Jews were obtaining asurer footing from day to day. So much did they seem to be out ofharmony with that spirit that everywhere they were looked upon as adisturbing element.During the whole of the period which I have described as the “earlycapitalistic age,” and in which the Jews began to make their influencefelt, the same fundamental notions generally prevailed in regard to economic life as characterized the Middle Ages — feudal relationships,manual labour, three estates of the realm, and so forth.The centre of this whole was the individual man. Whether as pro-/87ducer or as consumer, his interests determined the attitude of the community as of its units, determined the law regulating economic activitiesand the practices of commercial life. Every such law was personal in itsintent; and all who contributed to the life of the nation had a personaloutlook. Not that each person could do as he liked. On the contrary, acode of restrictions hedged about his activities in every direction. Butthe point is that the restrictions were born of the individualistic spirit.Commodities were produced and bought and sold in order that consumers might have their wants sufficiently satisfied. On the other hand, producers and traders were to receive fair wages and fair profits. What wasfair, and what sufficient for your need, tradition and custom determined.And so, producer and trader should receive as much as was demanded by the standard of comfort in their station in life. That was themediaeval view; it was also the view current in the early capitalistic age,even where business was carried on along more or less modern lines.We find its expression in the industrial codes of the day, and its justification in the commercial literature.21Hence, to make profit was looked upon by most people throughoutthe period as improper, as “unchristian”; the old economic teaching ofThomas Aquinas was observed,22 at least officially. The religious orethical rule was still supreme;23 there was as yet no sign of the liberationof economic life from its religious and ethical bonds. Every action, nomatter in what sphere, was done with a view to the Highest Tribunal —the will of God. Need it be pointed out that the attitude of Mammon wasas opposed to this as pole is to pole?Producer and trader should receive sufficient for their need. Oneoutstanding result of this principle was strictly to circ*mscribe eachman’s activity in his locality. Competition was therefore quite out of thequestion. In his own sphere a man might work as he willed — when,how, where — in accordance with tradition and custom. But to cast alook at his neighbour’s sphere — that he was forbidden to do. Just asthe peasant received his holding — so much field, with pasture andwoodland, as would keep him and his family, just as he never evendreamt of adding to his possessions, so, too, the craftsman and the merchant were to rest content with their portions and never covet theirneighbour’s. The peasant had his land, the town-dweller his customers:in either case they were the source whence sprang his livelihood; ineither case they were of a size sufficient for the purpose. Hence, thetrader had to be assured of his custom, and many were the ordinances88/Werner Sombartwhich guarded him against competition. Besides, it was commercialetiquette. You did not run after customers. You waited until they came,“and then” (in the words of De Foe’s sermon), “with God’s blessing andhis own care, he may expect his share of trade with his neighbours.”24The merchant who attended fairs did not do otherwise; “day and nighthe waits at his stall.”25To take away your neighbour’s customers was contemptible, unchristian, and immoral.26 A rule for “Merchants who trade in commodities” was: “Turn no man’s customers awayfrom him, either by word ofmouth or by letter, and do not to another what you would not haveanother do to you.”27 It was, however, more than a rule; it became anordinance, and is met with over and over again. In Mayence its wordingwas as follows:28 “No one shall prevent another from buying, or byoffering a higher price make a commodity dearer, on pain of losing hispurchase; no one shall interfere in another’s business undertaking, orcarry on his own on so large a scale as to ruin other traders.” In Saxonyit was much. the same.29 “No shopkeeper shall call away the customersfrom another’s shop, nor shall he by signs or motions keep them frombuying.”But to attract customers even without interfering with yourneighbour’s business was regarded as unworthy. As late as the early18th century in London itself it was not considered proper for a shopkeeper to dress his window tastefully, and so lure purchasers. De Foe,no less than his later editors, did not mince words in expressing hiscontempt for such a course, of which, as he mentions apparently withsome satisfaction, only a few bakers and toymen were guilty.30To the things that were not permitted belonged also advertising yourbusiness and praising your wares. The gentle art of advertising firstappeared in Holland sometime about the middle of the 17th century, inEngland towards its end, in France much later. The Ghentsche PostTijdingen, founded in 1667, contained the first business advertisem*ntin its issue of October 3rd of that year.31 At this time none of the Londonnews-sheets published advertisem*nts; even after the Great Fire not onebusiness thought of advertising its new address. It was not until 1682,when John Houghton established The Collection for the Improvementof Husbandry and Trade, that the merchant community of London became accustomed to utilizing the Press as a medium for advertising.32This had been preceded by the practice, in a small way, of distributingbills in the streets to passers-by./89Two generations later Postlethwayt33 gave currency to the then existing views. “Advertising in the newspapers, in regard to matters oftrade and business, is now grown a pretty universal practice all over thekingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland; . . . and however mean anddisgraceful it was looked upon a few years since, by people of reputation in trade, to apply to the public by advertisem*nts in the papers; atpresent (1751) it seems to be esteemed quite otherwise; persons of greatcredit in trade experiencing it to be the best, the easiest and the cheapestmethod of conveying whatever they have to offer to the knowledge ofthe whole kingdom.”They were not quite so far advanced in France at that time. In hisDictionary (1726) Savary34 says nothing of the economic aspect of theterm reclame. Not until six years later — in 1732, when his supplementwas published — does he add: “A poster exhibited in public thoroughfares to make something generally known.” And what does he instance?The sale of ships; the time of sailing; the announcement by the big trading companies of the arrival of goods from distant parts, but only incases where they are to be publicly sold; the establishment of new factories; change of address. The business advertisem*nt in its most elementary form is lacking. It is lacking also in the newspapers of the perioduntil the second half of the 18th century. Surprising as it may seem, thefirst issue of the famous advertisem*nt sheet, Les Petites Affiches, whichappeared on May 13, 1751, contained no real business advertisem*nt.”In other words, the simple announcement “I sell such-and-such wares atsuch-and-such a place” did not become general in England until the18th century, and in France not till much later. In Germany only one ortwo towns were to the fore in this respect. Berlin and Hamburg may beinstanced, but even there the innovations are isolated, the only exception being books, which were originally much advertised.To praise your goods or to point out wherein your business wassuperior to others was equally nefarious. But the last word in commercial impropriety was to announce that your prices were lower than thoseof the man opposite. ‘To undersell” was most ungentlemanly: “No blessing will come from harming your neighbour by underselling and cuttingprices.”36Bad as underselling itself was in the eyes of the people of thosedays, it was beneath contempt to advertise it. “Since the death of ourauthor,” say the editors of the fifth edition (1745) of De Foe’s CompleteEnglish Tradesman,37 “this underselling practice is grown to such a90/Werner Sombartshameful height that particular persons publickly advertise that theyundersell the rest of the trade.” It may be asked, Why were the editors soconcerned about the matter? The reason is manifest in a subsequentpassage, “We have had grocers advertising their underselling one another at a rate a fair trader cannot sell for and live.” It is the old cry:fixed profits, a fixed livelihood, a fixed production and fixed prices.We possess a French instance which shows even more strikinglyhow heinous this offence was thought to be, even in Paris. An Ordinance of 176138 proclaimed to all and sundry in the French capital thatto advertise that you are selling your goods at a price below the customary one must be regarded as the last resource of a merchant in difficulties, and that such action deserved severe condemnation. The Ordinanceproceeded to forbid the traders of Paris and its suburbs “to run after oneanother trying to find customers, and above all, to distribute hand-billscalling attention to their wares.”Like the producers, the consumers also received attention. In a certain sense the consumer received even more, for the naive conceptionthat all production was in the interests of consumption had not yet disappeared. Hence the stress laid on good wares, on the principle thatcommodities should really be what they pretended; and innumerablewere the ordinances that were everywhere promulgated to this intent,more especially in the 17th and 18th centuries.It was long before the purely capitalistic notion gained acceptancethat the value in exchange of any commodity was what influenced theundertaker most. We may see how slow its progress was from the conflicting opinions on the subject in England in the 18th century. Sir JosiahChild appears to have been in the minority on this, as on most otherquestions, when he formulated the demand that every manufacturer shouldbe allowed to judge for himself as to the kind of commodity, and thequality, that he brought into the market. It is curious enough nowadaysto read Child’s plea for the right of the manufacturer to make shoddygoods. “If ,we intend to have the trade of the world,” he cries,39 “wemust imitate the Dutch, who make the worst as well as the best of allmanufactures, that we may be in a capacity of serving all markets andall humours.”In a world of economic ideas such as these, the theory of “just price”was an organic element Price was not something in the formation ofwhich the individual had a say. Price was determined for him; it was asubject to religious and ethical principles as everything else in economic/91life. It was to be such as would make for the common good, as well ofthe consumer as of the producer. Different ages had their own standardfor determining it; in Luther’s day, for example, the cost of productionwas the deciding factor. But as commercial intercourse widened, thedoctrine of the just price was found to be more and more impossible,and the view that price must be determined by the factors in the market40found general acceptance. But be that as it may, the point to accentuateis that price was based on ethical and not (as was held to be the caselater) on natural principles. Then people said that the individual mustnot determine price at his own will; whereas later the view was that hecould not so determine it.What manner of world was that in which opinions such as thesepredominated? If we had to describe it in a word, we should say that itwas “slow.” Stability was its bulwark and tradition its guide. The individual never lost himself in the noise and whirl of business activity. Hestill had complete control of himself; he was not yet devoid of that native dignity, which does not make itself cheap for the sake of profit.Trade and commerce were everywhere carried on with a dash of personal pride. And all this to a greater extent in the country than in thelarge towns, where advancing capitalism made itself soonest felt. “Theproud and haughty demeanour of the country merchant” is noted by akeen observer of his time.41 We can almost see the type, in his kneebreeches and long coat, his head bewigged and his manner somewhatstiff. Business with him was an even process; he got through it withoutmuch thought or worry, serving his circle of customers in the traditionalway, knowing nothing of excitement, and never complaining that theway was too short.To-day one of the best signs of a flourishing trade is a universalhurry and scurry, but towards the end of the 18th century that was regarded as .a sure token of idleness. The man of business was deliberately slow of stride. “In Paris people are in one continuous haste —because there is nothing to do there; here (in Lyons, the centre of the silkindustry, and a town of some commercial importance) our walk is slowbecause every one is busy.” Such is the verdict of the observer,42 alreadymentioned, in the year of grace 1788.In this picture the Nonconformist, the Quaker, the Methodist, is afitting figure, even though we are accustomed to think of him as one ofthe first to be associated with capitalistic ideas. As his inner life, so washis outward bearing to be. “Walk with a sober pace, not tinkling with92/Werner Sombartyour feet,” was a canon of the Puritan rule of life.43 “The believer hath,or at least ought to have, and, if he be like himself, will have, a wellordered walk, and will be in his carriage stately and princely.”44This was the world the Jews stormed. At every step they offendedagainst economic principles and the economic order. That seems clearenough from the unanimous complaints of the Christian traders everywhere.But were the Jews the only sinners in this respect? Was it fair tosingle out “Jewish dealing” and to stigmatize it as inclined to be dishonest, as contrary to law and practice, as characterized by lying and deception? There can be little doubt that the practices of Christian manufacturers and traders were not always blameless in the matter of beingopposed to custom and regulation. Human nature being what it is, thiswas only to be expected. But apart from that, the age with which we areconcerned could not boast of a very high standard of commercial morality. Else why the necessity for the plethora of ordinances and prohibitions which touched economic activities at every point? Contemporaryevidence certainly leaves no doubt on the subject.We have already mentioned the Cheating Lexicon which was published at the beginning of the 18th century. It must have been widelyread, for in the space of a few years several editions were issued. Turnto its pages, and you will ask in amazement whether there was anyhonesty left in the world. True, this impression is created by the concentration within a small space of very many instances and illustrations ofcheating and swindling. But even making allowance for this fact, theimpression cannot be eradicated that there must have been a good dealof questionable conduct in those days. And if any doubt still lurks onthis point other witnesses soon obliterate it. “You can find but few waresnowadays (1742) that have not been adulterated,” is the plaint of oneGerman writer.45 Numerous are the prohibitions of the evil; imperialedicts (such as that of 1497), police regulations (such as that of Augsburg,of 1548) and rules originating in merchant circles (such as that of Lübeck,of 1607) all deal with the practice. But falsification was by no meanslimited to the production of commodities; it was not unknown in commerce too. Fraudulent bankruptcies must have occurred very frequentlyin the 17th and 18th centuries, and must have formed a problem difficultof solution. Again and again there were complaints about their uninterrupted reappearance.46 Indeed, the loose commercial morality of English merchants in the 17th century was proverbial.47 Cheating and fal-/93sifying were said to be “the besetting sin of English tradesmen.” “Ourmerchants,” says a 17th-century writer,48 “by their infinite over-askingfor commodities proclaim to the world that they would cheat all if itwere in their power.”Such being the case, what reason was there for marking out theJews? And can we really speak of something specially characteristic inthe conduct of Jews over against the established principles of the time?I believe we can. I believe that the specifically Jewish characteristicconsisted in that it was not an individual here and there who offendedagainst the prevailing economic order, but the whole body of Jews. Jewish commercial conduct reflected the accepted point of view among Jewishtraders. Hence Jews were never conscious of doing wrong, of beingguilty of commercial immorality; their policy was in accordance with asystem, whichfor them was the proper one. They were in the right; itwas the other outlook that was wrong and stupid. We are not here speakingof capital delinquencies generally acknowledged to be wrong, and generally condemned. For a ‘distinction must be drawn between the fundamental regulations of any legal institution (e.g., property), and thosewhich vary with the progress of society. Stealing will be looked upon asa capital offence as long as property exists; but there will be much difference of opinion from age to age on the question of taking interest.The first falls under the former category; the second under the latter.No doubt, in their peculiar commercial activity, Jews were guilty ofboth sorts of misdemeanours. In early times Jews committed wrongswhich were universally regarded as such. They were constantly accused,for example, of receiving and dealing in stolen property.49 But Jews, asa body, themselves condemned practices of this kind; and for that matter, there were honest and dishonest Jews as there were honest and dishonest Christians. If any Jews were addicted to systematic cheating,they in so far set themselves up against the majority of Jews and Christians, both of whom were agreed that such conduct was not in accordwith the accepted standards of right. We are not without records thatillustrate this very forcibly. The history of the Jews in Hamburg is aninstance. In the 17th century, the Portuguese Jews undertook to a certain extent to be responsible to the authorities for the proper commercialconduct of the newly arrived German Jews. As soon as the Tedescoscame into the city, they had to promise their Portuguese brethren not tobuy stolen property, nor otherwise to carry on shady business. On oneoccasion the Elders of the German Jews were summoned before the94/Werner SombartMahamad [The governing body of the Portuguese Jewish congregation.The term is still used among the Spanish and Portuguese Jews in London. — Trans.] and warned because several of them had broken theirpledge; on another occasion because they had bought stolen goods fromsoldiers.50The point I am emphasizing must be remembered in considering theaccusations hurled against the Jews in the early capitalistic age, accusations which, on the whole, were not unfounded. Universally acceptedoffences, such as stealing or receiving stolen property, must not be included under this heading. Jews equally with Christians abhorred suchcrimes. The practices, however, common to all Jews, which oversteppedlaw and custom, but which Jews did not feel as being wrong, the practices which may be looked upon as being the result of a specificallyJewish outlook, these must come within our ken. And what do we findon examining them?We find that the Jew rises before us unmistakably as more of abusiness-man than his neighbour; he follows business for its own sake;he recognizes, in the true capitalistic spirit, the supremacy of gain overall other aims.I know of no better illustration than the Memoirs of Glückel vonHamein, a mine of information, by the way, about Jewish life and thoughtin the early capitalistic age. Glückel, the wife of a merchant in Hamburg, lived between 1645 and 1724, the period when the Jewish communities of Hamburg and Altona shot up to a position of prosperity, and inalmost every respect we may regard this remarkable woman as a type ofthe Jew of that day. Her narrative grips the reader because of its naturalsimplicity and freshness. As I read these Memoirs, in which a completepersonality is revealed to us in a life rich in experience, I was again andagain reminded of the famous Frau Rat (Goethe’s mother).If I cite just this splendid book in order to show the predominatinginterest of money among Jews in those days, it is because I believe thatthis characteristic must have been general, seeing that even in so gifteda woman as Glückel it also stands out. In very truth, money is the be-alland end-all with her, as with all the other people of whom she has anything to say. Accounts of business enterprise occupy but a small spacein the book, but on no less than 609 occasions (in 313 pages) does theauthoress speak of money, riches, gain and so forth. The characters andtheir doings are mentioned only in some connexion or other with money.Above all, we are told of good matches — good from the financial point/95of view. To marry her children is in fact the chief object of Glückel’sbusiness activities. “He also saw my son, and they were almost on thepoint of coming to terms, but they could not close because of a thousandmarks.” Incidents of this kind abound in the book. Of her second marriage she says, “in the afternoon my husband wedded me with a valuable gold ring an ounce in weight.” I cannot help regarding the peculiarconception of marriage-making, which used to be current among Jews,as symptomatic of the way they looked upon money, and especially thetendency among them of appraising even the most precious things in lifefrom a purely business point of view. Children, for example, have theirvalue. That was a matter of course among Jews in those days. “They areall my darling children, and may they all be forgiven, as well those onwhom I had to spend a lot of money as those on whom I spent nothing,”writes Glückel. It was as marriageable persons that they had a price,which varied with the state of the market. Scholars, or the children ofscholars, were much in demand. In one case we are told that a fatherspeculated in his children. The fortunes of Solomon Maimon, as relatedby Graetz, are well known and frequently cited in this connexion. “Ateleven years of age he had so complete a mastery of the Talmud that he... became much sought after as a possible husband. His needy father, ina speculating spirit, provided him with two brides at once, without hisbeing able to see . . . either of them.” Similar incidents are abundantenough to warrant the conclusion that they must have been typical.But the objection may be urged that among Christians also moneywas no less valued, only the fact was not admitted; people were hypocritical. There is perhaps a certain. element of truth in this objection. Inthat case I should say what was specifically Jewish was the naivete withwhich money was made the pivot of life; it was a matter of course; noattempt was made to hide it.What light does contemporary opinion in the 17th and 18th centuries shed upon the characteristic to which we have called attention?There appears to be universal agreement on the subject, which lendssupport to our theory. The Jew in those days of undeveloped capitalismwas regarded as the representative of an economic outlook, wherein toobtain profit was the ultimate goal of all commercial activity. Not his“usury” differentiated him from the Christian, not that he sought gain,not that he amassed wealth; only that he did all this openly, not thinkingit wrong, and that he scrupulously and mercilessly looked after his business interests. But more awful things are related of Christian “usurers”96/Werner Sombartwho “are worse than Jews.” “The Jews wears his soul on his sleeve andis not ashamed, but these carry on their devil’s trade with hypocriticalChristian countenances.”51One or two more contemporary opinions must be quoted. “Thesepeople have no other God but the unrighteous Mammon, and no otheraim than to get possession of Christian property . . . they... look ateverything for their profit.”52 Such is the verdict of the Rev. John Megalopolis, who wrote on March 18th, 1655. Another judgment is harsherstill.53 “No trust should be put in the promises made there (in Brazil) bythe Jews, a race faithless and pusillanimous, enemies to all the worldand especially to all Christians, caring not whose house burns so long asthey may warm themselves at the coals, who would rather see a hundredthousand Christians perish than suffer the loss of a hundred crowns.”The statement of Savary,54 who was amicably disposed towards the Jews,is also to the point. “A usurious merchant or one too keen, who tries toget a mean advantages and flays those who have dealings with him, istermed ‘a real Jew.’ People say ‘he has fallen into the hands of Jews’when those with whom a man does business are hard, immovable andstingy.” It is true that a very Christian merchant first coined the phrase“Business is business,” but Jews undoubtedly were the first to mouldtheir policy in accordance with it.In this connexion we ought to mention also that the proverbs of allnations have always depicted the Jew as the gain-seeker, who had aspecial love of money. “Even to the Jew our Lady Mary is holy” (Hungarian) — in reference to the Kremnitzer gold ducats. “Yellow is thecolour that suits the Jew best” (Russian). “Yellow is the dearest colourfor the Jew” (German).This profit-seeking, which the Jew held to be legitimate, will account for his business principles and practices, of which complaintswere so frequently made. In the first place, he paid no attention to thestrict delimitation of one calling or of one handicraft from another, souniversally insisted on by law and custom. Again and again we hear thecry that Jews did not content themselves with one kind of activity; theydid whatever they could, and so disturbed the order of things which thegild system wished to see maintained. Their aim was to seize upon allcommerce and all production; they had an overpowering desire to expand in every direction. “The Jews strive to destroy the English merchants by drawing all trade towards themselves,” is a further complaintof the Rev. John Megalopolis in 1655.’55 ‘The Jews are a subtil people/97prying into all kinds of trade,” said Sir Josiah Child.56 And Glückel vonHamein thus describes her father’s business: “He dealt in precious stones,and in other things — for every Jew is a Jack-of-all-trades.”Innumerable were the occasions when the German gilds complainedof this Jewish ubiquitousness in trade, which paid no heed to the demarcation of all economic activities into strictly separate categories. In 1685,the city authorities of Frankfort-on-the-Main were loud in their cry thatJews had a share in all kinds of business — e.g., in linen and silk retailing, in cloth and book selling.” In the other Frankfort (on the Oder)58Jews were blamed for selling foreigp braid to the detriment of the goldlace makers, and so forth.Perhaps the reason for this tendency to universal trading may befound in that a large number of miscellaneous articles, all forfeitedpledges, brought together by mere chance, collected in the shops of Jews,and their sale would naturally enough interfere with the special businessof all manner of dealers. The very existence of these second-hand shops— the prototype of the stores in modern times — was a menace to theprevailing order of commerce and industry. A vivid picture of such acollection of second-hand goods is given in an old Ratisbon song, datingfrom the 15th century,59 and the details could not but have become morewell-marked as time went on.No handicraft however mean,But the Jew would damage it i’ the extreme.For if any one had need of raimentTo the Jew he’d hie with payment;Whether ‘twas silver or linen or tin,Or aught his house was lacking in,The Jew was ready to serve his need,With pledges he held — right many indeed.For stolen goods and robbers’ plunderThey and the Jew were seldom asunder.

Mantle, hose or damsel’s veil,The Jew he had them all for sale.To the craftsman, then, there came but few,For all the world dealt with the Jew.Here an interesting question presents itself. Is there any connexionbetween the breach of gild regulations and the stress laid on pure busi-98/Werner Sombartness ends on the part of the Jews, and their hostile attitude to mercantilism? Was it their aim to establish the principle that trade should beuntrammelled, regardless of the commercial theory which guided themercantilist States? It looks like it. “Jewish trade,” was the term appliedto the commerce of Frankfort in the 18th century, because it was mostlyimport trade, “which gives useful employment to but few German handsand flourishes only by reason of home consumption.”60 And when in theearly 19th century Germany was flooded with the cheap products ofEngland, which were sold for the most part at auctions, Jews were heldto be the mainstay of this import trade. The Jew almost monopolized theauctions. “Since dealing in manufactured articles is to a great extent inthe hands of Jews, the commerce of England is for the most part withthem.” The Jew had “his shop full of foreign hats, shoes, stockings,leather gloves, lead and copper ware, lacquer work, utensils, readymade clothing of all sorts — all brought over by English ships.”61 It wasthe same story in France.62 Nor was this all. The Jews were guilty ofanother deadly sin in the mercantilist calendar: they imported raw materials.63We see, then, that the Jews, in following their business interests,gave as little heed to the barriers between States as to those betweenindustries. Still less did they have regard to the prevailing code of etiquette in any industry. We have already seen how custom-chasing waslooked upon in the early capitalistic age. Here the Jews were continualoffenders. Everywhere they sought out sellers or buyers, instead of waiting for them in their shops, as commercial custom prescribed. Of thiswe have abundant proof.A complaint was lodged by the furriers of Konigsberg64 in 1703against “the Jews Hirsch and Moses, who with their agents are alwaysfirst in the field in buying raw material and selling the ready-made furs,whereby they (the supplicants) suffer much loss.” In 1685 the jewellersand goldsmiths of Frankfort had a similar experience.65 They were forcedto buy all the old gold and silver they needed from Jews, who, by meansof their numerous “spies,” snapped it away from under the very noses ofthe Christians. A few years previously the whole of the trading body ofthat town had protested against Jews “spying out the business of Christian merchants.” Earlier still, in 1647, the tailors of Frankfort petitioned66that the Jews should be forbidden to engage in the sale of new clothing.“A source of bitter weeping it is, that the Jews may freely wander upand down the streets, laden with all manner of goods and cloth, like so/99many camels and asses, running to meet every newcomer to Frankfort,be he of high or low degree, and offering to sell him what he wants; andso deprive us of our daily bread.”67 Still earlier even than this, in 1635,was the petition of the silk merchants, who bemoaned the fact that theJews “wait about in the city outside the bounds of the Jewish quarter, ininns and wherever opportunity offers; they run through many a street,both openly and in secret, to meet the soldiers and their officers, whenthese come to town. They have arranged with certain master-tailors togive them facilities for exhibiting their wares at their shops when troopsmarch past.”68In 1672 a complaint is heard from Brandenburg.69 “Jews go aboutas chapmen among the villages and in the towns and force their wareson people.” A similar story comes from Frankfort-on-the-Oder,70 whereinthe details are fuller. Jews run after customers — the travellers to theirhotels, the nobility to their castles and the students to their lodgings.And in Nikolsburg, in Austria, we are told71 that “the Jews have drawnto themselves all the trade, all the money, all the goods. They wait outside the city, try to strike up an acquaintance with travellers while theyare yet on the road, and endeavour to take away their custom fromChristian citizens.”How the Jews were ever on the look-out for new customers is described by a well-informed writer of the early 19th century.72 It was apractice with them, he says, “to pay frequent visits to all and sundryplaces of public resort where, by reading the many news-sheets, theysought to obtain knowledge of possibilities for doing business, and especially of noting what strangers were expected to arrive; and by listening to every conversation, to find out whose houses were in danger inorder to make bargains or contracts with them.”The streets in which the Jewish old clo’ men lived were the scenesof similar activities, the end in view always being the same. In fact, thedealers sometimes seized the passer-by by the arm and tried to force himto make purchases. This method of carrying on business is not unknownin our modern cities; it was known in the Paris of the 18th century,where it was associated with the fripiers, the old clo’ dealers, who, aswe are informed,74 were for the most part Jews. One description of sucha scene is too good not to be quoted.” “The touts of these disorderlyshops call to you uncivilly enough; and when one of them has invitedyou, all the other shopkeepers on your road repeat the deafening invitation. The wife, the daughter, the servant, the dogs, all howl in your ears.100/Werner Sombart. . . Sometimes these fellows seize an honest man by the arm, or by hisshoulder, and force him to enter in spite of himself; they make a pastimeof this unseemly game. . . .”We hear the same tale from a traveller who journeyed in WesternGermany about that time. “To walk in the streets of those places wherethere are many Jews has become a nuisance. You are badgered by themevery minute and at every turn. You are constantly being asked. Can Isell youanything? Won’t you buy this, that or the other?”75Or they turn into wandering traders in order to sweep in custom.“The Jew thinks nothing of turning the seats in the porches into a shopcounter, often extending them by means of planks; he places a form ortable against the wall of any house he can get at, or even makes the frontpassage into a shop; or, he hires a cart which becomes his moving shop,and often enough he has the bad manners to pull up in front of a shopwhich sells the same wares as he.”76“Get hold of the customers” — that was the end and aim. Is it notthe guiding principle of the big industries of to-day? Is not the splendidorganization of a concern like the Allgemeine Elektrizitäts-Gesellschaft,for example, directed to the same object?The policy was first systemized when advertising was resorted to.The “deafening invitation” which, as we have just noted, came from thesmall fripier, is now made by the million-voiced advertisem*nts of ourbusiness life. If the Jews are to be considered the originators of thesystem of “getting hold of the customers,” their claim to be the fathersof modern advertising is equally well established. I am, however, unableto adduce conclusive evidence for this. What is needed is a careful studyof the files of the earliest newspapers, in order to discover the names ofthe people who advertised. As a matter of fact, the whole subject ofadvertising has as yet been dealt with but scantily. The only branchwhich has received adequate attention is the history of business announcements. Nevertheless, I am able to give one or two instances which showthe connexion of Jews with the practice of advertising.The very earliest advertisem*nt with which I am acquainted is to befound in No. 63 of the Vossische Zeitung, of May 28, 1711, which is tothis effect: “This is to inform all and sundry that a Dutch (Jewish?)merchant has arrived at Mr. Boltzen’s in the Jews’ Street, with all kindsof tea of the finest quality, to be sold cheap. Any one who may care tobuy should come early, as the visitor will not stay for more than eightdays.”/101The first known advertisem*nt in the text of the paper dates from1753, and hails from Holland. The advertiser was an eye-specialist ofthe name of Laazer.77 A very old advertisem*nt in the United States —whether the oldest I cannot say — appeared on August 17, 1761, in theNew York Mercury, as follows78: — “To be sold by Hayman Levy, inBayard Street, Camp Equipages of all sorts, best soldiers’ English shoes. . . and everything that goes to make up the pomp and circ*mstance ofglorious war.”Finally, the Jews are the founders of the modern Press, i.e., themachinery for advertising, more especially of the cheap newspapers.79Polydore Millaud, who established the Petit Journal, was the father ofthe “half-penny Press.”But to obtain likely addresses, to intercept travellers on their way,to sing the praises of your wares — that was only one side of the gameof catching customers. It was supplemented by another, which consistedin so decking-out the goods for sale as to attract people. In this art theJews were great adepts. Nay more, there is sufficient evidence that theywere the first to stand up for the general principle, that it is the right(and the duty) of every trader to carry on his business in such a way aswill obtain for him as much of the available custom as possible, or bycreating new demands, will increase the circle of buyers.Now in a community where quality was regulated, the only effective means of achieving this end was price-cutting. We shall thereforenot be surprised to find the Jews availing themselves of this weapon,and we shall see that it was just this that made them so disliked amongChristian traders, whose economic outlook was all for maintaining prices.The Jew undersells; the Jew spoils prices; the Jew tries to attract customers by low prices — that was the burden of the complaints heard inthe 17th and 18th centuries wherever Jews did business.Our pages would be overloaded did we attempt to cite all the proofson this point. A few, therefore, will have to suffice.First for England where, in 1753, the storm burst forth against theJews on the passing of the Naturalization Bill. One of the principal fearswas that if they became recognized citizens, they would oust the nativesfrom their means of livelihood by underselling them.80Next for France. “The stuffs . . . which the Jews bring to the fairs .. . are worth more at the price at which they sell them than those in thetraders’ shops,” is the reply81 of the Intendant of Languedoc to the plaintsof the merchants of Montpelier (May 31, 1740). The merchants of102/Werner SombartNantes82 were of opinion that the public, which dealt with Jews underthe impression that they were making a good bargain, were generallyduped. At the same time, they admit that prices at Jewish shops arelower than elsewhere. The same admission is made by the Paris traders:the Jews sell even more cheaply than the factories.83 Concerning a FürthJew, of the name of Abraham Ouhnan,84 the bronze-dealers of Parisreported that “he sells the same bronzes below the price for which theyare sold in this country.” In Lyons the master silk-weavers passed aresolution (October 22, 1760) in which they ascribed the bad times tothe influence of the Jews, who had cut prices, and thereby made themselves masters of the silk industry in all the provinces.85The Swedish Parliament in 1815 debated the question whether theJews should be allowed entire liberty of trade, and one of the chief reasons which prevailed against themotion was that Jews lowered prices.86From Poland the same strains reach us. Jews tell Christian tradersthat if they (the latter) sold their goods as cheaply as the Jews, they toowould attract customers.87It is no different in Germany. From Brandenburg (1672),88 fromFrankfort (17th century),89 from Madgeburg (1710)90 the old story isrepeated. A Wallachian traveller in Germany91 about the same time reports the ubiquity of this accusation. The General Prussian Edict of1750 takes cognizance of it. “The merchants of our towns ... complain... that the Jewish traders who sell the same goods do them great harm,because they sell at a lower price.” Right up to the 19th century it is stillmet with. In the Supplication of the Augsburg wholesale merchantsagainst the admission of the Jews92 (1803) we may read that “the Jewsunderstand how to derive advantages from the general depression oftrade. They obtain goods from people who need money badly at shameful prices, and then spoil the market by selling them at a cheaper rate.”In many branches of industry Christian manufacturers and merchants even to-day regard the cutting of prices by Jews as a seriousendangering of their trade. That this is an open secret and often enoughdiscussed, is well known. I hope to touch upon the matter again in duecourse.One more instance from the history of Finance, as showing that theJews had the reputation of making lower terms. When the AustrianGovernment early in the 18th century determined on raising anotherloan, as usual, in Holland, an order was issued (December 9, 1701) toBaron Pechmann, who was negotiating the matter, to make private en-/103quiries whether, in view of the fact that the Hungarian Copper Mineswere being pledged to guarantee the loan, a greater sum might not beraised. More especially was he to communicate with the PortugueseJews in Holland, since the other subjects of the United Provinces askedfor an additional guarantee beside the general one.93 In a report of theCourt Chancery of Vienna (May 12, 1762) the view is expressed that “itis advisable to come to terms with the Jews in reference to contracts forthe army . . . seeing that they are prepared to quote lower prices thanothers.”Here, then, was a problem for all the wiseacres to put their headstogether and try to solve. They did, asking each other again and again,at their work and in their shops, on Sunday afternoons in their walksoutside the city rampart, and in the evenings at the social pint of beer:How is it possible? How on earth is it done? How can the Jew carrythrough his “dirty trick” of underselling? What was the reason for it?The answer differed in accordance with the capacity and the prejudice of each enquirer. And so the numberless explanations on recordcannot be accepted without testing their value; unlike the assertion thatJews lowered prices, which, in view of its unanimity, there is no reasonto doubt. In any case, for the present only those opinions will be ofinterest to us which give indication of a special way of carrying onbusiness, or of a special commercial morality.The commonest explanation is that of dishonesty, and the conclusion was arrived at in some such way as this. Seeing that the Jews havethe same expenses, seeing that the cost of production is also the same, ifthe price is below the current one, everything is not quite above-board.The Jews must have obtained possession of their wares by dishonestmeans. They were doubtless stolen goods. The bad reputation of theJews generally must have given probability to this explanation, and thelow prices must have lent support to the accusation levelled againstthem that they were receivers.I have no intention of citing instances where this line of argument istaken, for in reality it is the least interesting of any. In many cases, nodoubt, it was correct. But if that were the only reason forthcoming toaccount for low prices among Jewish traders, there would be no need tomention the matter at all, for then it would not have the significancewhich it actually possesses.As a matter of fact, even the extremists among gild members couldnot but cast about for other causes to account for the underselling of104/Werner SombartJewish traders, and they found them close at hand, not in actual breachof the law, but in practices that were not all they should be. And whatwere these? That the Jews dealt in prohibited articles (contraband ofwar, etc.); in lapsed pledges; in goods that had been confiscated (e.g.,by customs officials); in goods that had been bought for a mere songfrom the owners, who were deep in debt and whose necessity, therefore,was great,94 or from those who needed money badly;95 in old goods,bought for next to nothing at auctions; in bankrupt stock;96 in goods thequality of which was not up to the standard of the ordinances of theindustrial code;97 or, finally, that the Jew cut prices with the intention ofgoing into bankruptcy himself.98To what extent instances such as these — “the miserable methodsof the Jews” as they were termed by the traders of Metz99 — were general or only sporadic, it is difficult to say. Nor does it much matter forour purpose. As to their probability, it is hardly likely that they were allpure inventions. The important thing to note, however, is that shadypractices such as those enumerated were laid to the Jews’ door. Andeven if only a minute proportion were in accordance with actual fact,that would be enough to make them symptomatic, and they would bevery useful as supporting the result obtained in other ways. I shall return to this question later. Here we will continue the catalogue of reasons which were urged in explanation of the Jews’ lower prices.Side by side with those already mentioned was the accusation thatthe commodities sold by the Jews were of an inferior quality. So frequently is this statement met with that its correctness can hardly bedoubted. An official report from Magdeburg, a petition fromBrandenburg, a complaint from Frankfort100 — all harp on this samestring. And the Traders’ Lexicon, to which I have already more thanonce referred as a reliable authority, states that Jews sold inferior goods“which they know how to polish up, to colour anew, to show off at theirbest, to provide with a fresh cover, smell and taste that even the greatestconnoisseur is often taken in.”This is repeated almost verbally in the Report of the merchants ofNantes, with which we are by this time so well acquainted. The goods ofthe Jews are really dear, despite their cheapness. For they sell thingsthat are out of fashion or that cannot be used any longer. Silk stockingsthey re-dye, pass them through a calender, and then sell them as new.But they cannot be worn more than once. The silk weavers of Lyons tellthe same tale:101 the Jews have ruined the silk industry because, in order/105to be able to sell at low prices, they order goods of second-rate qualityonly. So, too, the Governor of Bohemia in 1705:102 “The Jews have gothold of all manual occupations and all commerce, but as for the mostpart they make only poor stuff, there is no chance for a profitable exporttrade to spring up.” The opinion of Wegelin in the Swedish Parliament(1815), likewise referred to already, is only in accord with the preceding. “It is true,” he said, “that the Jews alone engaged in calico-printing,but they have completely spoiled this branch of industry because oftheir low quality goods — the so called “Jews’ calico.”This complaint, which started in the early capitalistic period, hasnot yet ceased. The cry of the Christian manufacturers that the Jews cutprices has been followed by the corollary that, in order to maintain lowprices at all costs, Jews lowered the quality of goods.Summing up all the facts adduced, we shall perceive that the Jewsoriginated the principle of substitution.What was called inferior quality in the wares of the Jews was not inreality so. It was not as if the articles were of the same sort as those ofother traders, except that they were worse in quality. It was rather thatthey were new articles, intended for similar use as the old, but made ofa cheaper material, or by new processes which lessened the cost of production.. In other words, the principle of substitution was brought intoplay, and Jews may thus be regarded as the pioneers in its application.The most frequent cases occurred in textile fabrics; but other instancesare also on record — for example, substitutes for coffee. In one sense,too, dyeing must be mentioned in this connexion. Jewish influence aidedits growth. Originally, the inventors of artificial alizarine used expensive chemicals to mix with their red colouring matter; the Jews introduced cheaper materials, and thus gave an impetus to the dyeing industry.There is yet one other, though less frequent, accusation levelledagainst the Jews. It was that the Jews could sell more cheaply thanChristians because they gave less weight or short measure.103 They weretaunted with this in Avignon, where woollen articles were mentioned,and in the case of German Jews an actual illustration is given. “The Jewis on the look-out for the least advantage. If he measured 10 ells therewere only 9%. The Christian (customer) is aware of this, but he says tohimself, ‘Jews’ measure is short, ten ells are never quite ten, but then theJew sells cheap.’”104In all this the point for us to discover is whether, and if so to what106/Werner Sombartextent, the different courses, which were alleged to have been taken bythe Jewish traders in order to reduce prices, may be traced to somegeneral business principle characteristic of the Jews. To my mind, thewhole case can be summed up by saying that the Jew to a certain extentheld that in business the means justified the end. His consideration forthe other traders and his respect for legal enactments and social demands were not very great, while on the other hand, the idea of value inexchange in relation to goods, and the idea that all business activity hadreference to wealth and to that only — these became keen. What I haveelsewhere described as the inherent tendency in capitalism to obtainprofit, regardless of all else, is here seen in its early origin.But we have not yet done with the inventory of methods adopted byJews to lower prices. We now turn to those which were of equal fundamental importance with the others already mentioned, but which differed from them materially. While the first brought about only apparentreductions, or actual reductions at other people’s expense, these produced lower prices really and absolutely. What were they? Innovationswhich decreased the total cost of production in some way or other. Either the producer or the dealer was content with less for himself, or theactual expenses of production were reduced in that wages were loweredor the manufacturing and distributing processes made more efficient.That all these means of cheapening commodities were adopted byJews, and by them first, is amply evidenced by records in our possession.First, the Jew could sell more cheaply because he was satisfied withless than the Christian trader. Unprejudiced observers remarked thisfact on many occasions, and even the competitors of the Jews admittedits truth. Let us once again quote the Magdeburg official report. TheJews sell cheaply, “whereby the merchants must suffer loss. For theyneed more than the Jew, and, therefore, must carry on their business inaccordance with their requirements.”105 In another document it is alsostated that “the Jew is satisfied with a smaller profit than the Christian.”106 And what did the Polish Jews tell the Christian Poles?107 That ifthey (the Poles) did not live so extravagantly, they would be able to selltheir goods at the same prices as the Jews. A keen-eyed traveller inGermany towards the end of the 18th century came to the same conclusion. “The reason for the complaint (that Jews sell cheaply) is apparent:it lies in the extravagant pride of the haughty shopkeeper, who in hisdealings requires so much for mere show, that he cannot possibly charge/107low prices. The Jew, therefore, deserves the gratitude of the public, towhom he brings gain by his frugal habits, and forces the shopkeeperwith his large expenditure either to be more economical, or to go to thewall.”108 The Report of the Vienna Court Chancery (May 12, 1762) wasof the same opinion. The Jews can deliver at a lower rate than the Christians “because they are more thrifty and live more cheaply.” The talewas repeated in a Hungarian document of January 9, 1756, wherein theproposed reduction by Joseph II of Jewish spirit-licences was discussed.It was there pointed out109 that Jews were able to pay more for theirlicences because of their cheap and poor living.No less explicit on the point is Sir Josiah Child for the England ofhis age. ‘They are a penurious people, living miserably,” he says,110“and therefore can, and do afford to trade for less profit than the English.” By the middle of the 18th century this belief was still current, forthe cry went up that the Jews by reason of their extreme frugality wereable to undersell the natives.111 The identical view prevailed in France.“It is my firm. belief,” said the Intendant of Languedoc,112 in reply to thechronic complaints of the traders of Montpellier, “that Jewish commerce...does less harm to the merchants of Montpellier than their own lack ofattention to the requirements of the public, and their rigid determinationto make as large profits as they can.”But this is not all. There were people who asserted — and they musthave been gifted with no little insight — that the Jews had discoveredyet another trick, by means of which they succeeded in obtaining asgreat, or even greater, profits than their Christian neighbours despitetheir comparatively low prices — they increased their turnover. As lateas the early part of the 19th century this was regarded as a specifically“Jewish practice”113 — “small profits with a frequent turnover of yourcapital pay incomparably better than big profits and a slow turnover.”This is no isolated opinion; it occurs very frequently indeed.114Small profits, quick returns — obviously this was a breaking awayfrom the preconceived idea of an economic organization of society, whereone of the cardinal doctrines was to produce for subsistence only. Andthe Jews were the fathers of this new business-principle. Profit wasconsidered as something fixed by tradition; hence-forward it was determined by each individual trader. That was the great novelty, and again itemanated from Jews. It was a Jewish practice to settle the rate of profitas each trader thought fit; it was a Jewish practice to decide whether tosell at a profit at all, or for a time to do business without making profits108/Werner Sombartin order to earn more afterwards.115Lastly, we have still to mention the taunt levelled against Jews, thatthey sought to reduce the cost of production, either by employing thecheapest labour, or by utilizing more economical methods.With regard to the first, numerous plaints abound. The woollenmanufacturers of Avignon,118 the merchants of Montpellier,117 the civicauthorities of Frankfort-on-the-Oder118 and the Tailors’ Craft of the otherFrankfort are a few cases in point. But none of these disaffected peoplecould realize that the Jews were the earliest undertakers in industrieswith capitalistic organizations, and, consequently, utilized new forms ofproduction, just as they had utilized them in commerce.And here we must not pass over another characteristic of Jewishbusiness methods, one, however, which is not mentioned in the literatureof the early capitalistic period, probably because it was developed at alater date. I refer to the conscious endeavour of attracting new customers by some device or other — whether it was the placing of goods forsale in a new juxtaposition, or a new system of payment, or a new combination of departments, or the organization of some new service. Itwould be a most fascinating study to compile a list of all the inventions(exclusive, of course, of technical inventions) which trade and commerce owe to the Jews. Let me refer to a few, about which we are tolerably certain that they are of Jewish origin. I say nothing as to whetherJews were merely the first to apply them, or whether they were actuallycreated by Jews.First in order I would mention the trade in old and damaged goods,the trade in remnants and rubbish — the Jews were able “here and thereto maintain themselves and make a profit out of the commonest articles,which before had no value whatever, such as rags, rabbit-skins andgall-nuts.”119 In short, we may term the Jews the originators of the wasteproduct business. Thus, in the 18th century in Berlin, Jews were thefirst feather-cleaners, the first vermin-killers and the inventors of the socalled “white beer.”120To what extent the general store owes its existence to the Jew it isimpossible to say. Anyhow, the Jews, in that they held pledges, were thefirst in whose shops might be found a conglomeration of wares. And isit not one of the distinguishing marks of a modern store to have for salearticles of various kinds, intended for various uses? The result is thatthe owner of the store is but little concerned with what he sells, so longas he does sell. His aim is to do business, and this policy is in accor-/109dance with the Jewish spirit. But apart from that, it is well-known thatto-day stores in the United States121 and in Germany122 are for the mostpart in the hands of Jews.An innovation of no little importance in the organization of retailtrading at the time of its introduction was the system of payment byinstalments when goods to a large amount or very costly goods weresold. In Germany, at any rate, it is possible to say with tolerable certainty, that in this, too, Jews were pioneers. “There is a class of shopkeeper among Jews,” we may read in an early 19th-century writer, “indispensable to the ordinary man, and of exceeding great benefit to trade.They are the people who sell clothes or material for clothes to the ordinary customer, and receive payment for it in small instalments.”123Of Jewish origin also are a number of innovations in the cateringbusiness. Thus, the first coffee-house in England (perhaps the first inthe world) was opened in Oxford in 1650, or 1651, by a Jew of the nameof Jacobs.124 It was not until 1652 that London obtained its first coffeehouse. And to come to a later period, everybody knows that a new eradawned in catering when Kempinsky [Kempinsky is the Lyons of Berlin. — Trans.] introduced the standardization of consumption and ofprices as the guiding principles of the business.In all these instances it is not so much the innovations themselvesthat interest us, as the tendency to which they bear witness — that a newbusiness ideal had come into existence: the adoption of new tricks. Hencemy treatment of this subject in the present chapter, which deals with theJewish spirit, Jewish commercial morality and the specifically Jewisheconomic outlook.Reviewing the ground we have traversed, we see clearly the strongcontrast between the Jewish and the non-Jewish outlooks in the earlycapitalistic period. Tradition, the subsistence ideal, the overpoweringinfluence of status — these were the fundamentals of the latter. And theformer — wherein lay its novelty? How may it be characterized? I believe one all-comprehensive word will serve our purpose, and that wordis “modern.” The Jewish outlook was the “modern” outlook; the Jewwas actuated in his economic activities in the same way as the modernman. Look through the catalogue of “sins” laid at the door of the Jews inthe 17th and 18th centuries, and you will find nothing in it that thetrader of to-day does not regard as right and proper, nothing that is nottaken as a matter of course in every business. Throughout the centuriesthe Jews championed the cause of individual liberty in economic activi-110/Werner Sombartties against the dominating views of the time. The individual was not tobe hampered by regulations of any sort, neither as to the extent of hisproduction nor as to the strict division between one calling and another:he was to be allowed to carve out a position for himself at will, and beable to defend it against all comers. He should have the right to pushforward at the expense of others, if he were so able; and the weapons inthe struggle were to be cleverness, astuteness, artfulness; in economiccompetition there should be no other consideration but that of overstepping the law; finally, all economic activities should be regulated by theindividual alone in the way he thinks best to obtain the most efficientresults. In other words, the idea of free-trade and of free competitionwas here to the fore; the idea of economic rationalism; in short, themodern economic outlook, in the shaping of which Jews have had agreat, if not a decisive influence. And why? It was they who introducedthe new ideas into a world organized on a totally different basis.Here a pertinent question suggests itself. How are we to explainthat even before the era of modern capitalism, Jews showed a capacityfor adopting its principles? The question must be expanded into a muchlarger one. What was it that enabled the Jew to exercise so decisive aninfluence in the process that made modern economic life what it is, aninfluence such as we have observed in the foregoing enquiry?

Part II The Aptitude of the Jews of Modern Capitalism

Chapter 8 The Problem

Before us lies a great problem. We are to explain why the Jews playedjust the part they did in the economic life of the last two or three centuries. That this is a problem will be admitted with but few exceptions byall. There are a few faddists who deny that the Jews occupied any special position in modern economic life, asserting as they do that there areno Jews. These will object. Then, too, there is that other small categoryof people who hold that the Jews were economically of such slight import that they were without any influence whatever on modern economiclife. But we shall pay little heed to either class in our considerations,which are for all those who think with me that the Jews had a decisiveinfluence on the structure of modern economic life.I have spoken of the aptitude of the Jews for modern capitalism. Ifour researches are to be fruitful of results we shall have to make twothings absolutely clear: (1) their aptitude — for what? and (2) theiraptitude — how developed?Their aptitude for what? For everything which in the first part ofthe book we have seen them striving to achieve — founding and promoting international trade, modern finance, the Stock Exchange and thecommercialization generally of all economic activities; supporting unrestricted intercourse and free competition, and infusing the modern spiritinto all economic life. Now in my superscription of this part of oursubject all these activities are summed up in the word “capitalism.” In aspecial chapter (the ninth) we shall show that all the single facts that112/Werner Sombarthave been mentioned hang together, and that they are kept together bymeans of capitalistic organization. The essentials of the latter, at least intheir outline, will therefore also have to be dealt with, in order to demonstrate the special functions of the individual in the capitalistic system.This method will give the death-blow to such vague conceptions, usually met with in connexion with the Jewish problem, as “economic capacity,” “aptitude for commerce and haggling” or other equally dilettante phrases, which have already done too much mischief.As for the second point, how, by what means, is it possible to achieveany result? If any one rescues a drowning man, it may be that it wasbecause he happened to be standing at the water’s edge, just where aboat was tied, or on a bridge, where a life-belt was ready to hand. In aword, his accidental presence in a particular spot made it possible forhim to do the deed, by rowing out in the boat to the man in danger, or bythrowing the life-belt to him. Or he may have done it because he was theonly one among the crowd on the shore who had the courage to jumpinto the water, swim out to the sinking man and bring him safely to land.In the first case we might term the circ*mstances “objective,” in thesecond “subjective.” The same distinction can be applied to the Jews inconsidering their aptitude for capitalism: it may be due to objective or tosubjective circ*mstances.My immediate business will be to deal with the first set of causes,and for many reasons. To begin with, every explanation that is put forward must be closely scrutinized, in order to make sure that no unproved hypothesis is its basis, and that what has to be proved is not adogma. Dangerous in most cases, it is particularly so in the problembefore us, in which racial and religious prejudices may work havoc, as,indeed, they have done in the writings of the great majority of my precursors on this question. I shall do my utmost to avoid their error in thisrespect, and shall be at great pains to see to it that my considerations areabove criticism. My aim is to discover the play of cause and effect as itreally was, without any preconceived idea influencing my reasoning,and I shall adduce my proofs in such a way, that they may be easilyfollowed by all — by the assimilationist Jew no less than by the Nationalist; by him who pins his faith to the influence of race as by the warmest supporter of the doctrine of environment; by the anti-Semite as byhis opponent. Hence my starting-point will always have to be from factsadmitted on all hands. That will preclude any appeal to “special racecharacteristics” or arguments of that ilk./113Any one who does not admit that the Jews have special gifts maydemand that the part played by this people in modern economic lifeshould be explained without any reference to national peculiarities, butrather from the external circ*mstances in which Jews were placed bythe accident of history. I shall endeavour to satisfy this demand in thetenth chapter.Finally, if it becomes apparent that the contribution of the Jews tomodern economic life cannot be entirely explained by the conditions oftheir historic situation, then will be the time for looking to subjectivecauses, and for considering the Jews’ special characteristics. This shallbe the purpose of the twelfth chapter.

Chapter 9 What is a Capitalist Undertaker?

Capitalism is the name given to that economic organization whereinregularly two distinct social groups co-operate — the owners of themeans of production, who at the same time do the work of managingand directing, and the great body of workers who possess nothing buttheir labour. The co-operation is such, that the representatives of capitalare the subjective agents, that is, they decide as to the “how” and the“how much” in the process of production, and they undertake all risks.Now what are the mainsprings of the whole system? The first, andperhaps the chiefest, is the pursuit of gain or profit. This being the case,there is a tendency for undertakings to grow bigger and bigger. Arisingfrom that, all economic activities are strictly logical. Whereas in thepre-capitalistic period quieta non movere was the watchword and Tradition the guiding star, now it is constant movement. I characterize thewhole as “economic rationalism,” and this I would term the secondmainspring of the capitalistic system.Economic rationalism expresses itself in three ways. (1) There is aplan, in accordance with which all things are ordered aright. And theplan covers activities in the distant future. (2) Efficiency is the test applied in the choice of all the means of production. (3) Seeing that the“cash nexus” regulates all economic activity, and that everywhere andalways a surplus is sought for, exact calculations become necessary inevery undertaking.Everybody knows that a modern business is not merely, say, theproduction of rails or cotton or electric motors, or the transport of stonesor of people. Everybody knows that these are but parts in the organiza-114/Werner Sombarttion of the whole. And the characteristics of the undertaker are not thathe arranges for the carrying out of the processes named. They are to befound elsewhere, and for the present we may put it roughly that they area constant buying and selling of the means of production, of labour or ofcommodities. To vary the phrase somewhat, the undertaker makes contracts concerning exchanges, wherein money is the measure of value.When do we speak of having accomplished a successful piece ofbusiness? Surely when the contract-making has ended well. But what ismeant precisely by “well”? It certainly has no reference to the quality orto the quantity of the goods or services given or received; it refers solelyand only to the return of the sum of money expended, and to a surplusover and above it (profit). It is the aim of the undertaker so to manipulate the factors over which he has control as to bring about this surplus.Our next step must be to consider what functions the capitalisticundertaker (the subjective economic factor) has in the sphere of capitalism, seeing that our purpose is to show the capacity of the Jews in thisdirection. We shall try to discover what special skill is necessary inorder to be successful in the competitive struggle. In a word, we shallseek for the type.To my mind, the best picture of the modern capitalistic undertakeris that which paints him as the combination of two radically differentnatures in one person. Like Faust, he may say that two souls dwellwithin his breast; unlike Faust’s, however, the two souls do not wish tobe separated, but rather, on the contrary, desire to work harmoniouslytogether. What are these two natures? The one is the undertaker (not inthe more limited sense of capitalistic undertaker, but quite generally),and the other is the trader.By the undertaker I mean a man who has an object in view to whichhe devotes his life, an object which requires the cooperation of othersfor its achievement, seeing that its realization is in the world of men.The undertaker must thus be differentiated from the artist or the prophet.Like them he has a mission; unlike them he feels that he must bring it torealization. He is a man, therefore, who peers into the distant future,whose every action is planned and done only in so far as it will help thegreat whole. As an instance of an undertaker in this (non-capitalistic)sense we may mention an African or a North Pole explorer. The undertaker becomes a capitalistic undertaker when he combines his originalactivities with those of the trader.And what is a trader? A man whose whole being is set upon doing/115profitable business; who appraises all activities and all conditions witha view to their money value, who turns everything into its gold equivalent. The world to such a man is one great market-place, with its supplyand demand, its conjunctures — good and bad — and its profits andlosses. The constant question on his lips is, “What does it cost? Whatcan I make out of it?” His last question would in all probability be,“What is the price of the universe?” The circle of his thoughts is circ*mscribed by one piece of business, to the successful issue of which hedevotes all his energies.In the combination I have endeavoured to sketch, the undertaker isthe constant factor, the trader the variant one.Constant the undertaker must be, for, having set his heart upon somefar-distant goal, he is of necessity bound to follow some plan in order toreach it. Change in his policy is contrary to his nature. Constancy is thebasis of his character. But the trader is changeable, for his conductwavers with the conditions of the market. He must be able to vary hispolicy and his aim from one moment to another if the prevailing conjuncture so demands it. “Busy-ness” marks him out above all else.This theory of the two souls in one body is intended to clarify ourconception of the capitalistic undertaker. But we must analyse the conception still further, this time into its actual component parts.In the undertaker I perceive the following four types: —(1) The Inventor — not merely in the technical sense, but in that ofthe organizer introducing new forms which bring greater economies intoproduction, or transport, or marketing.(2) The Discoverer — of new means of selling his commodities,either intensively or extensively. If he finds a new sphere for his activities — let us say he sells bathing-drawers to Eskimos, or gramophonesto Negroes — we have a case of extensive discovery; if he creates newdemands in markets where he already has a footing, we may speak ofintensive discovery.(3) The Conqueror. An undertaker of the right kind is always aconqueror, with the determination and will-power to overcome all thedifficulties that beset his path. He must also be able to risk much, tostake his all (that is to say, his fortune, his good name, even his life), ifneed be, to achieve great results for his undertaking. It may be the adoption of new methods in manufacture, the extension of his business thoughhis credit is unstable, and so on.(4) The Organizer. Above all else the undertaker must be an orga-116/Werner Sombartnizer; i.e., he must be able so to dispose of large numbers of individualsas to bring about the most successful result; must be able to fit theround man into the round hole and the square man into the square; mustbe able to give a man just the job for which he is best equipped, so as toobtain the maximum of efficiency. To do this satisfactorily demandsmany gifts and much skill. For example, the organizer must be able totell at a glance what a man can do best, and which man among manywill best suit his purpose. He must be able to let others do his work —i.e., to place in positions of trust such persons as will be able to relievehim of responsibility. Finally, he must be able to see to it that the humanfactors in the work of production are sufficient for the purpose, bothquantitatively and qualitatively, and that their relationship to each otheris harmonious. In short, the management of his business must be themost efficient possible.Now business organization means a good deal more than the skilfulchoice of men and methods; it means taking into consideration also geographical, ethnological and accidentalcirc*mstances of all sorts. Let meillustrate my point. The Westinghouse Electric Company is one of thebest organized concerns in the United States. When the Company decided to capture the English market it set up a branch in this country, theorganization of which was modelled exactly on that of the parent concern. After a few years, what was the result? The financial break-up ofthe English branch, chiefly because sufficient allowance had not beenmade for the difference in English conditions.This leads us to the activities of the trader. A trader has no definitecalling; he has only certain well-defined functions in the body economic.But they are of a very varied kind. For example: to provision ships andsupply them with men and ammunition, to conquer wild lands in distantparts, to drive the natives from hearth and home and seize their goodsand chattels, to load the ships with these latter and bring them home inorder to sell them at public auctions to the highest bidder — all this is aform of trading.Or, it may be a different form — as when a dealer obtains a pair ofold trousers from a needy man of fashion, to whose house he comes invain five times in succession, and then palms those same trousers off ona stupid yokel.Or, again, it may take the form of arbitrage dealing on the StockExchange.Clearly there are differences in these instances, as there were be-/117tween trading in modern and in mediaeval times. In the pre-capitalisticperiod, to trade meant to trade on a big scale, as the “royal merchants”did in the Italian and German cities, and the trader had to be an undertaker (in the general, and not merely in the capitalistic sense). “Each (ofthe citizens of Genoa) has a tower in his house; if civil war breaks out,the battlements of these towers are the scenes of conflict. They are masters of the sea; they build them ships, called galleys, and roam for plunder in the most distant parts, bringing the spoil back to Genoa. WithPisa they live in continual enmity.” “Royal merchants” these, if youlike; but not traders in my sense.I regard those as traders who set out with the intention of doinggood business; who combine within themselves two activities — calculation and negotiation. In a word, the trader must be (1) a speculatingcalculator, and (2) a business man, a negotiator.As a speculating calculator, he must buy in the cheapest market andsell in the dearest. Which means that he must obtain his labour and hisraw material at as low a rate as possible, and not waste anything in theprocess of manufacture. And when the commodity is ready for sale, hemust part with it to the man whose credit is sound, and so forth. For allthis he must calculate, and he must speculate. By speculation in thissense I mean the drawing of several conclusions from particular instances — let us call it the power of economic diagnosis, the completesurvey of the market, the evaluation of all its symptoms, the recognitionof future possibilities and the choice of that course which will have thegreatest utility in the long run.To this end the dealer must have a hundred eyes, a hundred ears anda hundred feelers in all directions. Here he may have to search out aneedy nobleman, or a State bent on war, in order to offer them a loan atthe psychological moment; there, to put his hand on a labour group thatis willing to work a few pence below the prevailing rate of wages; herehe may have to form a right estimate of the chances that a new article islikely to have with the public; there, to appraise the true effect of apolitical crisis on the Stock Exchange. In every case the trader expressesthe result in terms of money. That is where the calculation comes in. “Awonderfullyshrewd calculator” is a term common in the United Statesfor an adept in this direction.But a discerning eye for a profitable piece of business is not sufficient: the trader must also possess the capacity for doing business. Inthis, his negotiating powers will come into play, and he will be doing118/Werner Sombartsomething very much more akin to the work of an arbitrator betweentwo litigants. He will talk to his opponent, urge reasons and counterreasons in order to induce him to embark on a certain course. To negotiate is to fence with intellectual weapons.Trading, then, means to negotiate concerning the buying and sellingof some commodity, be it a share, a loan, or a concern. Trading must bethe term applied to the activity of the hawker at the back-door, trying tosell the cook a “fur” collar, or to that of the Jewish old do’ man, whotalks for an hour to the bucolic driver to persuade him to purchase a pairof trousers. But it must be equally applied to the activities of a NathanRothschild, who negotiated with the representative of the Prussian Government for a loan of a million. The difference is not one of kind, but ofextent, for the essence of all trading is negotiation, which need not necessarily be by word of mouth. The shopkeeper who recommends hisgoods to the public, be his method what you will, is in reality negotiating. What is all advertisem*nt but “dumb show” negotiation? The end inview is always the same — to convince the possible buyer of the superiority of a particular set of goods. The ideal of the seller is realizedwhen everybody purchases the article he has recommended.To create interest, to win confidence, to stir up a desire to buy —such is the end and aim of the successful trader. How he achieves it is oflittle moment. Sufficient that he uses not outward force but inner forces,his customers coming to him of their own free will. He wins by suggestion, and one of the most effective is to arouse in the heart of the buyerthe feeling that to buy at once will be most advantageous. “We shallhave snow, boys, said the Finns, for they had Aander (a kind of snowshoe) to sell,” we read in the Magnus Barford Saga (1006 A.D.). This isthe prototype of all traders and the suggestion of the Finns the prototypeof all advertising — the weapon with which the trader fights. No longerdoes he dwell in fortified towers, as did his precursor in Genoa in thedays of Benjamin of Tudela, nor does he wreck the houses of the nativeswith his guns if they refuse to “trade” with him, as did the early EastIndia settlers in the 17th century./119

Chapter 10 The Objective Circ*mstances in the Jewish Aptitude for Modern Capitalism

Now that we know what a capitalist undertaker is our next questionmust be. What were the outward circ*mstances that made it possible forthe Jews to do so much in shaping the capitalistic system? To formulatean answer we shall have to review the position of the Jews of WesternEurope and America from the end of the 15th century until the presenttime — the period, that is, in which capitalism took form.How can that position be best characterized?The Governor of Jamaica in a letter he wrote (December 17, 1671)to the Secretary of State was happy in his phraseology.1

“He was of

opinion,” he said, “that His Majesty could not have more profitablesubjects than the Jews: they had great stocks and correspondence.”These two reasons, indeed, will account in large measure for the headway made by Jews. But we must also bear in mind their peculiar statusamong the peoples with whom they dwelt. They were looked upon asstrangers and were treated not as full, but as “semi-citizens.”I would therefore assign four causes for the success of the Jews: (1)their dispersion over a wide area, (2) their treatment as strangers, (3)their semi-citizenship, and (4) theirwealth.Jewish Dispersion over a Wide AreaThe fact of primary significance is that the Jews were scattered all overthe world. Scattered they had been from the time of the first Exile; theywere scattered anew after their expulsion from Spain and Portugal, andagain when great masses of them left Poland. We have already accompanied them on their wanderings during the last two or three centuries,and have noted how they settled in Germany and France, in Italy and inEngland, in the Near East and in the Far West, in Holland, in Austria, inSouth Africa and in Eastern Asia.One result of these wanderings was that off-shoots of one and thesame family took root in different centres of economic life and established great world-famed firms with numerous branches in all parts. Letus instance a few cases.2The Lopez family had its seat in Bordeaux, and branches in Spain,England, Antwerp and Toulouse. The Mendes family, well-known bankers, also hailed from Bordeaux, and were to be found in Portugal, France120/Werner Sombartand Flanders. The Gradis, relatives of the Mendes, were also settled inall directions. So, too, the Carceres in Hamburg, in England, in Austria,in the West Indies, in Barbados and in Surinam. Other famous familieswith world-wide branches were the Costas (Acostas, D’Acostas), theConeglianos, the Alhadibs, the Sassoons, the Pereires, the Rothschilds.We might continue the list ad infinitum; suffice it to say that Jewishbusiness concerns that had a footing in at least two places on the face ofthe globe may be counted in hundreds and in thousands.What all this means is obvious enough. What Christian businesshouses obtained only after much effort, and even then only to a muchless degree, the Jews had at the very beginning — scattered centres fromwhich to carry on international commerce and to utilize internationalcredit; “great correspondence” in short, the first necessity for all international organization.Let us recall what I observed about the participation of the Jews inSpanish and Portuguese trade, in the trade of the Levant, and in theeconomic growth of America. It was of great consequence that the greatmajority of Jews settling in different parts hailed from Spain; they werethus agents in directing colonial trade, and to an even greater extent theflow of .silver, into the new channels represented by Holland, England,France and Germany.Was it not significant that the Jews directed their footsteps just tothese countries, all on the eve of a great economic revival, and were thusthe means of allowing them to benefit by Jewish international connexions?It is well known that Jews turned away the flow of trade from the landsthat expelled them to those that gave them a hospitable reception.Was it not significant that they were predominant in Leghorn, whichin the 18th century was spoken of as “one of the great depots in Europefor the trade of the Mediterranean,”3 significant that they forged a commercial chain binding North and South America together, which assured the North American Colonies of their economic existence, significant above all, that by their control of the Stock Exchanges in the greatEuropean centres they were the means of internationalizing public credit?It was their distribution over a wide area which enabled them to doall this.An admirable picture of the importance of the Jews from this pointof view was drawn by a clever observer who made a study of that peopletwo hundred years ago. The picture has lost none of its freshness; it maybe found in the Spectator of September 27, 1712:4 —/121They are so disseminated through all the trading Parts of the World,that they are become the Instruments by which the most distantNations converse with one another and by which mankind areknit together in a general correspondence. They are like the pegsand nails in a great building, which though they are but little valued in themselves, are absolutely necessary to keep the whole frametogether.How the Jews utilized for their own advantage the special knowledge that their scattered position gave them, how they regulated theiractivities on the Stock Exchange, is related in all detail in a Report ofthe French Ambassador in The Hague, written in the year 1698.5

Our

informant is of opinion that the dominance of the Jews on the AmsterdamStock Exchange was due in a large degree to their being so well-informed. This piece of evidence is of such great value that I shall translate the whole of the passage: —They carry on a correspondence on both these subjects (news andcommerce) with those they call their brotherhoods (congregues).Of these, Venice is considered to be the most important (althoughneither the richest nor the most populous) because it is the link, byway of the brotherhood of Salonica, between the East and the Westas well as the South. Salonica is the governing centre for theirnation in these two parts of the world and is responsible for themto Venice, which together with Amsterdam, rules the northerncountries (including the merely tolerated community of London,and the secret brotherhoods of France). The result of this association is that on the two topics of news and commerce they receive,one might almost say, the best information of all that goes on inthe world, and on this they build up their system every week intheir assemblies, wisely choosing for this purpose the day afterSaturday, i.e., the Sunday, when the Christians of all denominations are engaged in their religious exercises. These systems, whichcontain the minutest details of news received during the week,are, after having been carefully sifted by their rabbis and the headsof their congregations, handed over on the Sunday afternoon totheir Jewish stockbrokers and agents. These are men of great cleverness, who after having arranged a preconcerted plan among themselves, go out separately to spread news which should prove themost useful for their own ends; ready to start manipulations on themorrow, the Monday morning, according to each individual’s dis-122/Werner Sombartposition: either selling, buying, or exchanging shares. As they always hold a large reserve of these commodities, they can alwaysjudge of the most propitious moment, taking advantage of the riseor fall of the securities, or even sometimes of both, in order tocarry out their plans.Equally beneficial was their dispersion for winning the confidenceof the great. Indeed, the progress of the Jews to la haute finance wasalmost invariably as follows. In the first instance their linguistic abilityenabled them to be of service to crowned heads as interpreters, then theywere sent as intermediaries or special negotiators to foreign courts. Soonthey were put in charge of their employer’s fortunes, at the same timebeing honoured through his graciousness in allowing them to becomehis creditors. From this point it was no long step to the control of theState finances, and in later years of the Stock Exchanges.It is no far-fetched assumption that already in ancient times theirknowledge of languages and their acquaintance with foreign civilizations must have made them welcome visitors at the courts of kings andwon for them royal confidence. Think of Joseph in Egypt; of the AlabarchAlexander (of whom Josephus tells), the intimate of King Agrippa andof the mother of the Emperor Claudius; think of the Jewish Treasurer ofQueen Candace of Ethiopia, of whom we may read in the Acts of theApostles (viii. 27).As for the Court Jews in the Middle Ages, we have definite information that they won their spurs in the capacity of interpreters or negotiators. We know it of the Jew Isaac, whom Charlemagne sent to thecourt of the Caliph Haroun al Rashid; of Kalonymus, the Jewish friendand favourite of the Emperor Otto II; of the famous Chasdai Ibn Shaprut(915–70), who achieved honour and renown as the diplomatic representative of the Caliph Abdul-Rahman III in his negotiations with the Christian courts of Northern Spain.6

Similarly when the Christian princes of

the Iberian Peninsula required skilful negotiators they sought out Jews.Alphonso VI is a good example. Intent on playing off the petty Mohammedan rulers against each other, he chose Jewish agents, with their linguistic abilities and their insight into foreign ways, to send to the courtsof Toledo, Seville and Granada. In the period which followed, Jewishemissaries are met with at all the Spanish courts, including those Jews,learned in ethnography, whom James II commissioned to travel into Asiain order to supply his spies with information and who tried to discoverthe mythical country of Prester John;7

including also the many interpret-

/123ers and confidential agents associated with the discovery of the NewWorld.8Considering the importance of the Spanish period in Jewish historynot only from the general, but also from the special economic point ofview, these cases are worthy of note in that they clearly show the reasonfor the rise of Jews to influential positions. But they are not limited tothe Spanish period; they abound in subsequent epochs also. Thus, Jewish diplomatists were employed by the States-General in their intercoursewith the Powers; and names like Delmonte, Mesquita9

and others are

well-known. Equally famous is the Seigneur Hebraeo, as Richelieu calledthe wealthy Ildefonso Lopez, whom the French statesman sent on a secret mission to Holland, and on his return bestowed upon him the tide of“Conseiller d’Etat ordinaire.”10Finally, the dispersion of the Jews is noteworthy in another way.Their dispersion internationally was, as we have seen, fruitful enoughof results; but their being scattered in every part of some particularcountry had consequences no less potent. To take one instance — theJews were army-purveyors (and their activities as such date from thedays of antiquity, for do we not read that when Belisarius besieged Naples,the Jewish inhabitants offered to supply the town with provisions?).11One reason was surely that they were able to accumulate large quantities of commodities much more easily than the Christians, thanks totheir connexions in the different centres. “The Jewish undertaker,” saysone 18th-century writer, “is free from these difficulties. All he need dois to stir up his brethren in the right place, and at a moment’s notice hehas all the assistance he requires at his disposal.”12 In truth, the Jew atthat time never carried on business “as an isolated individual, but always as a member of the most extended trading company in the world.”13In the words of a petition of the merchants of Paris in the second half ofthe 18th century,14 “they are atoms of molten money which flow and arescattered, but which at the least incline reunite into one principal stream.”The Jews as AliensDuring the last century or two Jews were almost everywhere strangersin the sense of being new-comers. They were never old-established inthe places where their most successful activities were manifest; nor didthey arrive in such centres from the vicinity, but rather from distantlands, differing in manners and customs, and often in climate too, fromthe countries of their settlements. To Holland, France and England they124/Werner Sombartcame from Spain and Portugal and then from Germany; they journeyedto Hamburg and Frankfort from other German cities; later on they dispersed all over Germany from Russian Poland.The Jews, then, were everywhere colonists, and as such learned thelesson of speedy adaptation to their new surroundings. In this they wereahead of the European nations, who did not become masters of this artuntil the settlements in America were founded.New-comers must have an observant eye in order to find a niche forthemselves amid the new conditions; they must be very careful of theirbehaviour, so that they may earn their livelihood without let or hindrance. While the natives are still in their warm beds the new-comersstand without in the sharp morning air of dawn, and their energy is allthe keener in consequence. They must concentrate their thoughts to obtain a foothold, and all their economic activities will be dictated by thisdesire. They must of necessity determine how best to regulate their undertakings, and what is the shortest cut to their goal — what branchesof manufacture or commerce are likely to prove most profitable, withwhat persons business connexions should be established, and on whatprinciples business itself should be conducted. What is all this but thesubstitution of economic rationalism for time-honoured Tradition? Thatthe Jews did this we have already observed; why they were forced to doit becomes apparent when we recall that everywhere they were strangers in the land, new-comers, immigrants.But the Jews were strangers among the nations throughout manycenturies in yet another sense, which might be termed psychological andsocial. They were strangers because of the inward contrast between themand their hosts, because of their almost caste-like separation from thepeoples in whose midst they dwelt. They, the Jews, looked upon themselves as a peculiar people: and as a peculiar people the nations regarded them. Hence, there was developed in the Jews that conduct andthat mental attitude which is bound to show itself in dealings with “strangers,” especially in an age in which the conception of world-citizenshipwas as yet nonexistent. For in all periods of history innocent of humanitarian considerations the mere fact that a “stranger” was being dealtwith was sufficient to ease the conscience and loosen the bonds of moralduty. In intercourse with strangers people were never quite so particular. Now the Jews were always brought into contact with strangers, with“others,” especially in their economic activities, seeing that everywherethey were a small minority. And whereas the “others” dealt with a/125stranger, say, once in ten times or even in a hundred, it was just thereverse with the Jews, whose intercourse with strangers was nine out ofthe ten or ninety-nine out of the hundred times. What was the consequence? The Jew had recourse to the “ethics for strangers” (if I may usethis term without being misunderstood) far more frequently than thenon-Jew; for the one it was the rule, whilst for the other it was only theexception. Jewish business methods thus came to be based on it.Closely interwoven with their status as strangers was the speciallegal position which they occupied everywhere. But this has an importance of its own, and we shall therefore assign an independent section toit.Jews as Semi-CitizensAt first glance the legal position of the Jews would appear to have hadan immense influence on their economic activities in that it limited thecallings to which they might devote themselves, and generally closed theavenues to a livelihood. But I believe that the effect of these restrictionshas been over-estimated. I would even go so far as to say that they wereof no moment whatever for the economic growth of Jewry. At least, I amnot aware that any of the traces left by Jews on the development of themodern economic system were due to the restraining regulations. Thatthese could not have left a very deep impress is obvious, seeing thatduring the period which is of most interest to us the laws affecting Jewsdiffered greatly according to locality. For all that we note a remarkablesimilarity in Jewish influence throughout the whole range of the capitalistic social order.How varied the laws in restraint of Jews were is not always sufficiently realized. To begin with, there were broad differences betweenthose of one country and of another. Thus, while the Jews in Hollandand England were in a position of almost complete equality with theirChristian neighbours so far as their economic life was concerned, theylaboured under great disabilities in other lands. But even in these lasttheir treatment was not uniform, for in certain towns and districts theyenjoyed entire economic freedom, as, for example, in the papal possessions in France.15 Moreover, even the disabilities varied in number andin kind in each country, and sometimes in different parts of the samecountry. In most instances they appeared to be quite arbitrary; nowherewas there any underlying principle visible. In one place Jews might notbe hawkers, and in another they were not allowed to be shopkeepers.126/Werner SombartHere they received permission to be craftsmen; there this right was denied them. Here they might deal in wool, there they might not. Here theymight sell leather, there it was forbidden them. Here the sale of alcoholicliquors was farmed out to them, there such an idea seemed preposterous. Here they were encouraged to start factories, there they were strictlyenjoined to desist from all participation in capitalistic undertakings. Suchexamples might be continued indefinitely.Perhaps the best is furnished by Prussia’s treatment of her Jews inthe 18th century. Here in one and the same country the restrictive legislation for one locality was totally opposed to that of another. The revised General Privileges of 1750 (Article 2) forbade Jews the exerciseof handicrafts in many places; yet a royal order of May 21, 1790, permitted the Jews in Breslau “to exercise all manner of mechanical arts,”and went on to say that “it would be a source of much pleasure to Us ifChristian craftsmen of their own free will took Jewish boys as apprentices and eventually received them into their gilds.” A similar enactmentwas made in the General Reglement for the Jews of South-East Prussia,dated April 17, 1797 (Article 10).Again, while the Jews of Berlin were forbidden (by Articles 13 and15 of the General Privileges of 1750) to sell meat, beer and brandy tonon-Jews, all the native-born Jews of Silesia had complete freedom oftrade in this respect (in accordance with an Order of February 13, 1769).The list of commodities in which they were allowed or forbidden totrade seems to have been drawn up with an arbitrariness that passescomprehension. Thus, the General Privileges of 1750 allowed the Jewsto deal in foreign or home leather prepared though undyed, but not inraw or dyed leather; in raw calf and sheep skins, but not in raw cow orhorse hides; in all manner of manufactured woollen and cotton wares,but not in raw wool or woollen threads.The picture becomes still more bewildering when we take into consideration the varying legal status of the different classes of Jews. TheJewish community of Breslau, for instance, was (until the Order of May21, 1790, changed things) composed of four groups: (1) those with “general privileges,” (2) those with “privileges,” (3) those who were onlytolerated, and (4) temporary residents.The first class included those Jews who were on an equal footingwith Christians so far as trade and commerce were concerned, and whoserights in this respect were hereditary. In the second were comprisedsuch Jews as had “special (limited) privileges” given them, wherein they/127were allowed to trade in certain kinds of goods specifically mentioned.But their rights did not pass to their children, though the children received preference when privileges of this kind were being granted. Thethird class was composed of Jews who had the right of living in Breslau,but whose economic activities were even more limited than those in thesecond class. As for the fourth, it contained the Jews who received permission to dwell in the town for a temporary period only.But even of such rights as they had they were never sure. In 1769,for example, the Silesian Jews who lived in country districts were allowed to receive in farm the sale of beer, brandy and meat; in 1780 thepermission was withdrawn; in 1787 it was renewed.Yet in all this it must not be forgotten that regulations in restraint ofindustry and commerce during the last two or three centuries were forthe most part a dead letter; as a matter of fact, capitalistic interestsfound ways and means of getting round them. The simplest method wasto overstep the law, a course to which as time went on the bureaucraticState shut its eyes. But there were lawful means too of circumventinginconvenient paragraphs: concessions, privileges, patents, and the wholecollection of documents granting exceptional treatment which princeswere always willing to issue if only an additional source of income accrued therefrom. The Jews were not slow in obtaining such privileges.The proviso mentioned in the Prussian Edicts of 1737 and 1750 — thatall restraints referring to Jews might be removed by a special royalorder — was tacitly held to apply in all cases. Some way out must havebeen possible, else how could the Jews have engaged in those trades(e.g., leather, tobacco) which the law forbade them?At one point, however, industrial regulations made themselves feltas very real checks to the progress of the Jew, and that was wherevereconomic activities were organized on a corporate basis. The gilds wereclosed to them; they were kept back by the crucifix which hung in eachgild-hall, and round which members assembled. Accordingly, if theywished to engage in any industry or trade monopolized by a gild, theywere forced to do so as “outsiders,” interlopers and free traders.But a still greater obstacle in their path were the laws regulatingtheir position in public life. In all countries there was a remarkable uniformity in these; everywhere the Jew was shut out from public offices,central or local, from the Bar, from Parliament, from the Army, fromthe Universities. This applied to the States of Western Europe — France,Holland, England — and also to America. But there is no need to con-128/Werner Sombartsider with any degree of fullness the legal status of the Jews in the preemancipation era, seeing that it is fairly generally known. Only this wewould mention here — that their condition of semi-citizenship continued in most countries right into the 19th century. The United States wasthe first land in which they obtained civil equality; the principle wasthere promulgated in 1783. In France the famous Emancipation Lawdates from 27th September 1791; in Holland the Batavian NationalAssembly made the Jews full citizens in 1796. But in England it was notuntil 1859 that they were granted complete emancipation, while in theGerman States it took ten years longer. On 3rd July 1869 the NorthGerman Confederation finally set the seal on their civil equality; Austria had already done so in 1867, and Italy followed suit in 1870.Equally well-known is it that in many cases the emancipation lawshave become dead letters. Open any Liberal paper in Germany (to takea good instance) and day by day you will find complaints that Jews arenever given commissions in the Army, that they are excluded from appointments to the Bench, and so on.This set-back which the Jews received in public life was of greatuse to industry and commerce in that the Jew concentrated all his abilityand energy on them. The most gifted minds from other social groupsdevoted themselves to the service of the State; among the Jews, in so faras they did not spend themselves in the Beth Hamidrash [the CommunalHouse of Study], such spirits were forced into business. Now the moreeconomic life aimed at profit-making and the more the moneyed interests acquired influence, the more were the Jews driven to win for themselves by means of commerce and industry what was denied them by thelaw — respect and power in the State. It becomes apparent why gold (aswe have seen) was appraised so highly among Jews.But if exclusion from public life was of benefit to the economicposition of the Jews in one direction, giving them a pull over their Christian neighbours, it was equally beneficial in another. It freed the Jewsfrom political partisanship. Their attitude towards the State, and theparticular Government of the day, was wholly unprejudiced. Thanks tothis, their capacity to become the standard-bearers of the internationalcapitalistic system was superior to that of other people. For they supplied the different States with money, and national conflicts were amongthe chief sources from which Jews derived their profit. Moreover, thepolitical colourlessness of their position made it possible for them toserve successive dynasties or governments in countries which, like France,/129were subjected to many political changes. The history of the Rothschildsillustrates the point. Thus the Jews, through their inferior civil position,were enabled to facilitate the growth of the indifference of capitalism toall interests but those of gain. Again, therefore, they promoted andstrengthened the capitalistic spirit.The Wealth of the JewsAmong the objective conditions which made possible the economic mission of the Jews during the last three or four centuries must be reckonedthat at all times and in all places where their role in economic life was nomean one, they disposed of large sums of money. But this assertion saysnothing about the wealth of the whole body of Jews, so that it is idle tourge the objection that at all periods there were poor Jews, and verymany of them. Any one who has ever set foot in a Jewish congregationon the Eastern borders of Germany, or is acquainted with the Jewishquarter of New York, knows that well enough. But what I maintain — amore limited proposition — is that much wealth and great fortunes wereto be found, and still are to be found, among Jews ever since the 17thcentury. Put in a slightly different way, there were always many wealthyJews, and certainly the Jews on an average were richer than the Christians round them. It is beside the mark to say that the richest man inGermany or the three richest in America are not Jews.A good many of the exiles from the Pyrenean Peninsula must havebeen very wealthy indeed. We are informed that their flight brought withit an “exodo de capitaes,” a flow of capital from the country. However,in many instances they sold their property, receiving foreign bills inexchange.16 The richest among the fugitives probably made for Holland.At any rate it is recorded that the first settlers in that country — ManuelLopez Homen, Maria Nunez, Miguel Lopez and others — had greatpossessions.17 Whether other wealthy Spaniards followed in the 17thcentury, or whether those already resident added to their fortunes, it isnot easy to discover. But certain it is that the Jews of Holland in the 17thand 18th centuries were famed for their riches. True, there are no statistics to illustrate this, but an abundance of other weighty evidence exists.Travellers could not sufficiently admire the splendour and the luxury ofthe houses of these refugees who dwelt in what were really palaces. Andif you turn to a collection of engravings of that period, do you not verysoon discover that the most magnificent mansions in, say, Amsterdamor The Hague were built by Jews or inhabited by them — those of130/Werner SombartBaron Delmonte, of the noble Lord de Pinto, of the Lord d’Acoste andothers? (At the close of the 17th century de Pinto’s fortune was estimated at 8,000,000 florins.) Of the princely luxury at a Jewish weddingin Amsterdam, where one of her daughters married, Gliickel von Hameindraws a vivid picture in her Memoirs.18It was the same in other lands. For 17th and 18th century France wehave the generalization of Savary, who knew most things. “We say,”these are his very words, “we say that a tradesman is ‘as rich as a Jew’when he has the reputation of having amassed a large fortune.”19As for England, actual figures are extant concerning the wealth ofthe rich Sephardim soon after their arrival. A crowd of rich Jews followed in the train of Catharine of Braganza, Charles II’s bride, so thatwhile in 1661 there were only 35 Jewish families in London, two yearslater no less than 57 new-comers were added to the list. In 1663, asappears from the books of Alderman Blackwell, the following was thehalf-yearly turnover of the wealthy Jewish merchants:20 Jacob Aboab,£13,085; Samuel de Vega, £18,309; Duarte de Sylva, £41,441; Francisco da Sylva, £14,646; Fernando Mendes da Costa, £30,490; IsaacDazevedo, £13,605; George and Domingo Francia, £35,759; and GomezRodrigues, £13,124.The centres of Jewish life in Germany in the 17th and 18th centurieswere, as we have already observed, Hamburg and Frankfort-on-theMain. For both cities it is possible to compute the wealth of the residentJews by the aid of figures.In Hamburg, too, it was Spanish and Portuguese Jews who were thefirst settlers. In 1649, 40 of their families participated in the foundationof the Hamburg Bank, which shows that they must have been fairlycomfortably off. Very soon complaints were made of the increasing wealthand influence of the Jews. In 1649 they were blamed for their ostentatious funerals and for riding in carriages to take the air; in 1650 forbuilding houses like palaces. In the same year sumptuary laws forbadethem too great a show of magnificence.21 Up to the end of the 17thcentury the Sephardic Jews appear to have possessed all the wealth;about that time, however, their Ashkenazi brethren also came quickly tothe fore. Glückel von Hamein states that many German-Jewish familieswhich in her youth were in comparative poverty later rose to a state ofaffluence. And Glückel’s observations are borne out by figures datingfrom the first quarter of the 18th century.22 In 1729 the Jewish community in Altona was composed of 279 subscribing members, of whom/131145 were wealthy, possessing between them 5,434,300 mark [£271,715],that is, an average of more than 37,000 mark [£1850] per head. TheHamburg community had 160 subscribing members, 16 of whom together were worth 501,500 mark [£25,075]. These figures appear to bebelow the actual state of things, if we compare them with the particularsconcerning each individual. In 1725 the following wealthy Jews wereresident in Hamburg, Altona and Wandsbeck: Joel Solomon, 210,000mark; his son-in-law, 50,000; Elias Oppenheimer, 300,000; MosesGoldschmidt, 60,000; Alex Papenheim, 60,000; Elias Salomon, 200,000;Philip Elias, 50,000; Samuel Schiesser, 60,000; Berend Heyman, 75,000;Samson Nathan, 100,000; Moses Hamm, 75,000; Sam Abraham’swidow, 60,000; Alexander Isaac, 60,000; Meyer Berend, 400,000;Salomon Berens, 1,600,000; Isaac Hertz, 150,000; Mangelus Heymann,200,000; Nathan Bendix, 100,000; Philip Mangelus, 100,000; JacobPhilip, 50,000; Abraham Oppenheimer’s widow, 60,000; ZachariasDaniel’s widow and widowed daughter, 150,000; Simon del Banco,150,000; Marx Casten, 200,000; Abraham Lazarus, 150,000; CarstenMarx, 60,000; Berend Salomon, 600,000 rthlr.; Meyer Berens, 400,000;Abraham von Halle, 150,000; Abraham Nathan, 150,000.In view of this list it can scarcely be doubted that there were manyrich Jews in Hamburg.Frankfort presents the same picture; if anything the colours are evenbrighter. The wealth of the Jews begins to accumulate at the end of the16th century, and from then onwards it increases steadily. In 1593 therewere 4 Jews and 54 Christians (making 7.4 per cent.) in Frankfort whopaid taxes on a fortune of over 15,000 florins; in 1607 thennumber hadreached 16 (compared with 90 Christians, i.e., 17.7 per cent.).28 In 1618the poorest Jew paid taxes on 100 florins, the poorest Christian on 50.Again, 300 Jewish families paid as garrison and fortification taxes noless than 100,900 florins in the years 1634 to 1650.24The number of taxpayers in the Frankfort Jewish community roseto 753 by the end of the 18th century, and together they possessed atleast 6,000,000 florins. More than half of this was in the hands of thetwelve wealthiest families:25 Speyer, 604,000 florins; Reiss-Ellissen,299,916; Haas,Kann, Stem, 256,500; Schuster, Getz, Amschel, 253,075;Goldschmidt, 235,000; May, 211,000; Oppenheimer, 171,500;Wertheimer, 138,600; Florsheim, 166,666; Rindskopf, 115,600;Rothschild, 109,375; Sichel, 107,000.And in Berlin the Jews in the early 18th century were not by any132/Werner Sombartmeans poor beggars. Of the 120 Jewish families resident in the Prussiancapital in 1737 only 10 owned less than 1000 thalers, the rest all had2000 to 20,000 thaler, and over.26That the Jews were among the richest people in the land is thusattested, and this state of affairs has continued through the last two orthree hundred years right down to our own day, except that to-day it isperhaps more general and more widespread. And its consequence? Itcan scarcely be overestimated for those countries which offered a refuge to the wanderers. The nations that profited by the Jews’ sojournwith them were well equipped to help forward the development of capitalism. Hence it should be specially noticed that the wanderings of theJews had the effect of shifting the centre where the precious metals hadaccumulated. Obviously it could not but influence the trend of economiclife that Spain and Portugal were emptied of then: gold and England andHolland enriched.Nor is it difficult to prove that Jewish money called into existenceall the large undertakings of the 17th century and financed them. Just asthe expedition of Columbus wouldhave been impossible had the richJews left Spain a generation earlier, so the great India Companies mightnever have been founded and the great banks which were established inthe 17th century might not so quickly have attained their stability had itnot been that the wealth of the Spanish exiles came to the aid of England, Holland and Hamburg; in other words, had the Jews been expelled from Spain a century later than was actually the case.This in fact was why Jewish wealth was so influential. It enabledcapitalistic undertakings to be started, or at least facilitated the process.To establish banks, warehouses, stock and share-broking — all this waseasier for the Jew than for the others because his pockets were betterlined. That, too, was why he became banker to crowned heads. Andfinally, because he had money he was able to lend it. This activity pavedthe way for capitalism to a greater degree than anything else did. Formodern capitalism is the child of money-lending.Money-lending contains the root idea of capitalism; from moneylending it received many of its distinguishing features. In money-lending all conception of quality vanishes and only the quantitative aspectmatters. In money-lending the contract becomes the principal elementof business; the agreement about the quid pro quo, the promise for thefuture, the notion of delivery are its component parts. In money-lendingthere is no thought of producing only for one’s needs.In money-lending/133there is nothing corporeal (i.e., technical), the whole is a purely intellectual act. In money-lending economic activity as such has no meaning; itis no longer a question of exercising body or mind; it is all a question ofsuccess. Success, therefore, is the only thing that has a meaning. Inmoney-lending the possibility is for the first time illustrated that you canearn without sweating; that you may get others to work for you withoutrecourse to force.In fine, the characteristics of money-lending are the characteristicsof all modern capitalistic economic organizations.But historically, too, modern capitalism owes its being to moneylending. This was the case wherever it was necessary to lay out moneyfor initial expenses, or where a business was started as a limited company. For essentially a limited company is in principle nothing but amatter of money-lending with the prospect of immediate profit.The money-lending activities of the Jews were thus an objectivefactor in enabling the Jews to create, to expand and to assist the capitalistic spirit. But our last remarks have already touched upon a furtherproblem, going beyond objective considerations. Is there not already aspecific psychological element in the work of the money-lender? Butmore than this. It may be asked, Can the objective circ*mstances aloneentirely explain the economic role of the Jews? Are there not perhapsspecial Jewish characteristics which must be taken into account in ourchain of reasoning? Before proceeding to this chapter, however, we mustturn to an influence of extreme importance in this connexion — to theJewish religion.

Chapter 11 The Significance of the Jewish Religion in Economic Life

Introductory NoteThree reasons have actuated me in devoting a special chapter to theconsideration of the religion of the Jewish people and the demonstrationof its enormous influence on Jewish economic activities. First, the Jewish religion ca be fully appreciated in all its bearings from the economicstandpoint only when it is studied in detail and by itself; secondly, itcalls for a special method of treatment; and thirdly, it occupies a position midway between the objective and the subjective factors of Jewishdevelopment. For, in so far as any religion is the expression of some134/Werner Sombartparticular spiritual outlook, it has a “subjective” aspect; in so far as theindividual is born into it, it has an objective aspect.The Importance of Religion for the Jewish PeopleThat the religion of a people, or of a group within a people, can havefar-reaching influences on its economic life will not be disputed. Onlyrecently Max Weber demonstrated the connexion between Puritanismand Capitalism. In fact. Max Weber’s researches are responsible forthis book. For any one who followed them could not but ask himselfwhether all that Weber ascribes to Puritanism might not with equal justice be referred to Judaism, and probably in a greater degree; nay, itmight well be suggested that that which is called Puritanism is in realityJudaism. This relationship will be discussed in due course.Now, if Puritanism has had an economic influence, how much moreso has Judaism, seeing that among no other civilized people has religionso impregnated all national life. For the Jews religion was not an affairof Sundays and Holy Days; it touched everyday life even in its minutestaction, it regulated all human activities. At every step the Jew askedhimself. Will this tend to the glory of God or will it profane His name?Jewish law defines not merely the relation between man and God, formulates not merely a metaphysical conception; it lays down rules ofconduct for all possible relationships, whether between man and man orbetween man and nature. Jewish law, in fact, is as much part of thereligious system as are Jewish ethics. The Law is from God, and morallaw and divine ordinances are inseparable in Judaism.1

Hence in reality

there are no special ethics of Judaism. Jewish ethics are the underlyingprinciples of the Jewish religion.2No other people has been so careful as the Jews in providing for theteaching of religion to even the humblest. As Josephus so well put it:Ask the first Jew you meet concerning his “laws” and he will be able totell you them better than his own name. The reason for this may befound in the systematic religious instruction given to every Jewish child,as well as in the fact that divine service partly consists of the readingand explanation of passages from Holy Writ. In the course of the yearthe Torah is read through from beginning to end. Moreover, it is one ofthe primary duties of the Jew to study the Torah. “Thou shalt speak ofthem when thou sittest in thine house and when thou walkest by the wayand when thou liest down and when thou risest up” (Deut. vi. 5).3No other people, too, has walked in God’s ways so conscientiously/135as the Jews; none has striven to carry out its religious behests so thoroughly. It has indeed been asserted that the Jews are the least religiousof peoples. I shall not stay to weigh the justice of this remark. But certain it is that they are the most “God-fearing” people that ever were onthe face of the earth. They lived always in trembling awe, in awe ofGod’s wrath. “My flesh trembleth for fear of Thee, and I am afraid ofThy judgments,” said the Psalmist (Ps. cxix. 120), and the words maybe taken as applicable to the Jews in every age. “Happy is the man thatfeareth alway” (Prov. xxviii. 14). “The pious never put away their fear”(Tanchuma Chukkath, 24 ).4

One can understand it when one thinks of

the Jewish God — fearful, awful, curse-uttering Jehovah. Never in allthe world’s literature, either before or since, has humanity been threatened with so much evil as Jehovah promises (in the famous 28th chapterof Deuteronomy) to those who will not keep His commandments.But this mighty influence (the fear of God) did not stand alone.Others combined with it, and together they had the tendency of almostforcing the Jews to obey the behests of their religion most scrupulously.The first of these influences was their national fate. When the JewishState was destroyed the Pharisees and Scribes — i.e., those who cherished the traditions of Ezra and strove to make obedience to the Law theend and aim of life — the Pharisees and Scribes came to the head ofaffairs and naturally directed the course of events into channels whichthey favoured. Without a State, without their sanctuary, the Jews, underthe leadership of the Pharisees, flocked around the Law (that “portableFatherland,” as Heine calls it), and became a religious brotherhood,guided by a band of pious Scribes, pretty much as the disciples of Loyolamight gather around them the scattered remnants of a modern State.The Pharisees now led the way. Their most distinguished Rabbis lookedupon themselves as the successors of the ancient Synhedrium, and wereindeed so regarded, becoming the supreme authority in spiritual andtemporal affairs for all the Jews in the world.5

The power of the Rabbis

originated in this fashion, and the vicissitudes of the Jews in the MiddleAges only helped to strengthen it. So oppressive did it eventually become that the Jews themselves at times complained of the burden. Forthe more the Jews were shut off, or shut themselves off, from the peopleamong whom they dwelt, the more the authority of the Rabbis increased,and the more easily could the Jews be forced to be faithful to the Law.But the fulfilment of the Law, which was urged upon them by the Rabbis, must have been a necessity for the Jews for inner reasons: it satis-136/Werner Sombartfied their heart’s desire, it appeared the most precious gift that life hadto offer. And why? Because amid all the persecution and suffering whichwas meted out to the Jews on all sides, that alone enabled them to retaintheir dignity, without which life would have been valueless. For a verylong period religious teaching was enshrined in the Talmud, and henceJews through many centuries lived in it, for it and through it. The Talmud was the most precious possession of the Jew; it was the breath ofhis nostrils, it was his very soul. The Talmud became a family historyfor generation after generation, with which each was familiar. “Thethinker lived in its thought, the poet in its pure idealism. The outer world,the world of nature and of man, the powerful ones of the earth and theevents of the times, were for the Jew during a thousand years accidents,phantoms; his only reality was the Talmud.”6

The Talmud has been well

compared (and the comparison to my mind applies equally to all religious literature) to an outer shell with which the Jews of the Diasporacovered themselves; it protected them against all influences from without and kept alive their strength within.7We see, then, what forces were at work to make the Jews right downto modern times a more God-fearing people than any other, to makethem religious to their inmost core, or, if the word “religious” be objected to, to keep alive among high and low a general and strict observation of the precepts of their religion. And for our purpose, we mustregard this characteristic as applicable to all sorts and conditions ofJews, the Marannos of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries included. Wemust look upon these too as orthodox Jews. Says the foremost authorityon that period of Jewish history,8

“The great majority of the Marannos

were Jews to a much larger extent than is commonly supposed. Theysubmitted to force of circ*mstance and were Christians only outwardly.As a matter of fact they lived the Jewish life and observed the tenets ofthe Jewish religion. . . . This admirable constancy will be appreciated tothe full only when the wealth of material in the Archives of Alcalia deHenares, Simancas and other places has been sorted and utilized.”But among professing Jews the wealthiest were often enough excellent Talmudic scholars. Was not a knowledge of the Talmud a highwayto honour, riches and favour among Jews? The most learned Talmudistswere also the cleverest financiers, medical men, jewellers, merchants.We are told, for example, of some of the Spanish Ministers of Finance,bankers and court physicians that they devoted to the study of the HolyWrit not only the Sabbath day but also two nights of each week. In/137modern times old Amschel Rothschild, who died in 1855, did the same.He lived strictly according to Jewish law and ate no morsel at a stranger’stable, even though it were the Emperor’s. One who knew the Baron wellsays of him that “he was looked upon as the most pious Jew in allFrankfort. Never have I seen a man so afflict himself — beating hisbreast, and crying to Heaven — as Baron Rothschild did in the synagogue on the Day of Atonement. The continual praying weakens him sothat he falls into a faint. Odorous plants from his garden are held to hisnose to revive him.”9

[Sombart in the German text quotes this as an

occurrence on the Sabbath. It is obvious that the description refers tothe Day of Atonement. — Trans.] His nephew William Charles, whodied in 1901 and who was the last of the Frankfort Rothschilds, observed all the religious prescriptions in their minutest detail. The piousJew is forbidden to touch any object which under certain circ*mstanceshas become unclean by having been already touched by some one else.And so a servant always walked in front of this Rothschild and wipedthe door-handles. Moreover, he never touched paper money that hadbeen in use before; the notes had to be fresh from the press.If this was how a Rothschild lived, it is not surprising to come acrossJewish commercial travellers who do not touch meat six months in theyear because they are not absolutely certain that the method of slaughtering has been in accordance with Jewish law.However, if you want to study orthodox Judaism you must go toEastern Europe, where it is still without disintegrating elements — youmust go there personally or read the books about it. In Western Europethe orthodox Jews are a small minority. But when we speak of the influence of the Jewish religion it is the religion that held sway until a generation ago that we mean, the religion that led the Jews to so manyvictories.The Sources of the Jewish ReligionMohammed called the Jews “the people of the Book.” He was right.There is no other people that lived so thoroughly according to a book.Their religion in all its stages was generally incorporated in a book, andthese books may be looked upon as the sources of the Jewish religion.The following is a list of such books, each originating at a particulartime and supplementing some other.1. The Bible, i.e., the Old Testament, until the destruction of theSecond Temple. It was read in Hebrew in Palestine and in Greek138/Werner Sombart(Septuagint) in the Diaspora.2. The Talmud (more especially the Babylonian Talmud), from the2nd to the 6th century of the Common Era, the principal depository ofJewish religious teaching.3. The Code of Maimonides, compiled in the 12th century.4. The Code (called the Turim) of Jacob ben Asher (1248–1340).5. The Code of Joseph Caro — the Shulchan Aruch (16th century).These “sources” from which the Jewish religion drew its life appearin a different light according as they are regarded by scientific researchor with the eyes of the believing Jew. In the first case they are seen asthey really are; in the second, they are idealized.What are they in reality? The Bible, i.e., the Old Testament, is thefoundation upon which the entire structure of Judaism was built up. Itwas written by many hands at different periods, thus forming, as it were,a piece of literary mosaic.10 The most important portion of the whole isthe Torah, i.e., the Pentateuch. It received its present shape by the commingling of two complete works some time in the period after Ezra. Theone was the old and the new (the Deuteronomic) Law Book (650 B.C.)and the other, Ezra’s Law Book (440 B.C.).[I.e. Deut. v. 45–xxvi, 69(about 650 B.C.) and Exod. xii. 25–31, xxxv to Lev. xv; Numb. i–x; xv–xix; xxvii–xxxvi. (about 445 B.C.).] And its special character the Torahowes to Ezra and Nehemiah, who introduced a strict legal system. WithEzra and the school of Soferim (scribes) that he founded, Judaism in theform which it has to-day originated; from that period to the present ithas remained unchanged.Beside the Torah we must mention the so-called Wisdom Literature— the Psalms, Job, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus and the Proverbs. Thissection of Jewish literature is wholly postexilic; only in that period couldit have arisen, assuming as it did the existence of the Law, and the prevailing belief that for obeying the Law God gave Life, for transgressingit Death. The Wisdom Literature, unlike the Prophetic Books, was concerned with practical life. Some of the books contain the crystallizedwisdom of many generations and are of a comparatively early date. TheBook of Proverbs, for example, the most useful for our purpose, datesfrom the year 180 B.C.11Two streams flow from the Bible. The one, chiefly by way of theSeptuagint, ran partly into Hellenistic philosophy and partly into PaulineChristianity. That does not concern us further.The other, chiefly by way of the Hebrew Bible current in Palestine,/139ran into Jewish “Law,” and the course of this we shall have to follow.The specifically Jewish development of the Holy Writ already began as early as Ezra’s day; it was due to the first schools of Soferim(scribes), and the later schools of Hillel and Shammai only extendedand continued the work. The actual “development” consisted of explanations and amplifications of the Holy Writ, arrived at as the result ofdisputation, the method in vogue in the Hellenistic World. The development was really a tightening of the legal formalism, with the view ofprotecting Judaism against the inroads of Hellenistic Philosophy. Here,as always, the Jewish religion was the expression of a reaction againstdisintegrating forces. The Deuteronomic Law was the reaction againstBaal worship; the Priestly Code against Babylonian influences; the laterCodes of Maimonides and Rabbenu Asher and Caro against Spanishculture; and the teaching of the Tannaim [Tannai — teacher] in thecentury preceding and that commencing the Common Era against theenervating doctrines of Hellenism.12The old oral tradition of the “Wise” was codified about the year 200A.D. by R. Judah Hanassi (the Prince), usually called Rabbi. His work isthe Mishna. Following on the Mishna are further explanations and additions which were collected and given a fixed form in the 6th century(500-550 A.D.) by the Sdboraim [Saborai — those who give opinions].Those portions which had reference to the Mishna alone were termedthe Gemara, the authors of which were the Amoraim [Amorai —speaker], Mishna and Gemara together form the Talmud, of which thereare two versions, the Palestinian and the Babylonian. The latter is themore important.13The Talmud, as edited by the Saboraim, has become the chief depository of Jewish religious teaching, and its universal authority resulted from the Mohammedan conquests. To begin with, it became thelegal and constitutional foundation for Jewish communal life in Babylon,at the head of which stood the “Prince of the Captivity” and the Presidents of the two Talmudic colleges, the Gaonim [Gaon — Excellency].As Islam spread further and further afield the Jewish communities in thelands that it conquered came into closer relation with the Gaonate inBabylon; they asked advice on religious, ethical and common law questions and loyally accepted the decisions, all of which were based on theTalmud. Indeed, Babylonian Jewry came to be regarded as the new centre of Jewish life.As soon as the Gemara was written down, and so received perma-140/Werner Sombartnent form, the development of Judaism ceased. Nevertheless we mustmention the three codes which in the post-Talmudic period embodied allthe substance of the religion, first, because they presented it in a somewhat different garb, and secondly, because in their regulation of thereligious life they could not but pay some heed to changed conditions.All the three codes are recognized by Jews as authoritative side by sidewith the Talmud, and the last, the Shulchan Aruch, is looked upon today by the orthodox Jew as containing the official version of religiousduties. What is of interest to us in the case of all the codes is that theypetrified Jewish religious life still more. Of Maimonides even Graetzasserts as much. “A great deal of what in the Talmud is still mutable, hechanged into unmodifiable law. ... By his codification he robbed Judaism of the power of developing. . . . Without considering the age inwhich the Talmudic regulations arose, he makes them binding for allages and circ*mstances.” R. Jacob ben Asher went beyond Maimonides,and Joseph Caro beyond Jacob ben Asher, reaching the utmost limit.His work tends to ultra-particularism and is full of hair-splitting casuistry. The religious life of the Jews “was rounded off and unified by theShulchan Aruch, but at the cost of inwardness and unfettered thought.Caro gave Judaism the fixed form which it has retained down to thepresent day.”14This, then, is the main stream of Jewish religious life; these thesources from which Judaism drew its ideas and ideals. There were, ofcourse, tributary streams, as, for instance, that of the Apocalyptic literature of the pre-Christian era, which stood for a heavenly, a universal,an individualistic Judaism;15 or that of the Kabbala, which busied itselfwith symbols and arithmetical figures. But these had small share in thegeneral development of Jewish life, and may be neglected so far as theireffect on historic Judaism is concerned. Nor were they ever recognizedby “official” Judaism as sources of the Jewish religion.So much for the realistic conception of these sources. But what ofthat current in orthodox Jewish circles? In many respects the belief ofthe pious Jew touching the origin of the Jewish system is of much moreconsequence than its real origin. We must therefore try and acquaintourselveswith that belief.The traditional view, which every orthodox Jew still holds, is thatthe Jewish system has a twofold birth: partly through Revelation andpartly in the inspiration of the “Wise.” Revelation refers to the writtenand the oral tradition. The former is contained in the holy books of the/141Bible — the Canon as it was fixed by the members of the Great Synagogue. It has three parts16: — the Torah or Pentateuch, the PropheticalBooks and the “Writings” (the remaining books). The Torah was givento Moses on Sinai and he “gradually instructed the people in it duringtheir forty years’ wandering in the wilderness. ... It was not until the endof his life that he finished the written Torah, the five books of Moses,and delivered them unto Israel, and we are in duty bound to considerevery letter, every word of the written Torah as the Revelation of God.”17The remaining books were also the outcome of divine revelation, or, atany rate, were inspired by God. The attitude towards the Propheticalliterature and the Hagiographa, however, is somewhat freer than thattowards the Torah.The Oral Tradition, or the Oral Torah, is the explanation of thewritten one. This, too, was revealed to Moses on Sinai, but for urgentreasons was not allowed to be written down at once. That took place ata much later date — only after the destruction of the second Temple —and was embodied in Mishna and Gemara, which thus contain the onlycorrect explanation of the Torah, seeing that they were divinely revealed.In the Talmud are included also rabbinic ordinances and the Haggada,i.e., the interpretation of those portions of Holy Writ other than the legalenactments. The interpretation of the latter was called the Halacha, andHalacha and Haggada supplemented each other. Beside these wereplaced the collection of decisions, i.e., the three codes already referredto.What was the significance of all this literature for the religious lifeof the Jews? What was it that the Jew believed, what were the commands he obeyed?In the first place it must be premised that so far as I am aware thereis no system of dogmas in Judaism.18 Wherever compilation of such asystem has been attempted it was invariably the work of non-Jews.19The nature of the Jewish religion and more especially the constructionof the Talmud, which is characterized by its lack of order, is inconsistent with the formulation of any dogmatic system. Nevertheless certainprinciples may be discovered in Judaism, and its spirit will be foundexpressed in Jewish practices. Indeed, it will not be difficult to enumerate these principles, since they have remained the same from the verybeginning. What has been termed the “spirit of Ezekiel” has been paramount in Judaism from Ezra’s day to ours. It was only developed moreand more, only taken to its logical conclusions. And so to discover what142/Werner Sombartthis “spirit” is we need only refer to the sources of the religion — theBible, the Talmud and the later Rabbinic literature.It is a harder task to determine to what extent this or that doctrinestill finds acceptance. Does, for example, the Talmudic adage, “Killeven the best of the Gentiles,” still hold good? Do the other terribleaphorisms ferreted out in Jewish religious literature by Pfefferkom,Eisenmenger, Rohling, Dr. Justus and the rest of that fraternity, still findcredence, or are they, as the Rabbis of to-day indignantly protest, entirely obsolete? It is obvious, of course, that the single doctrines weredifferently expressed in different ages, and if the whole literature, butmore especially the Talmud, is referred to on particular points, oppositeviews, the “pros” and the “cons,” will be found. In other words, it ispossible to “prove” absolutely anything from the Talmud, and hence thethrust and counter-thrust between the anti-Semites and their Jewish andnon-Jewish opponents from time immemorial; hence the fact that whatthe one proved to be black by reference to the Talmud the others provedto be white on the same authority. There is nothing surprising in thiswhen it is remembered that to a great extent the Talmud is nothing elsethan a collection of controversies of the different Rabbinical scholars.To discover the religious ordinances which regulated actual life wemust make a distinction which, to my mind, is very real — the distinction between the man who by personal study strives to find out the lawfor himself, and the one who accepts it on the authority of another. Inthe case of the first, the thing that matters is that some opinion or otheris found expressed. It is of no consequence that its very opposite mayalso be there. For the pious Jew who obtains edification by the study ofhis literature the one view was enough. It may have been the spur to aparticular course of action; or it may have provided him with an additional reason for persisting in a course upon which he had already entered. The sanction of the book was sufficient in either event, most of allif it was the Bible or, better still, the Torah. Since all was of divineorigin, one passage was as binding as another. This held good whetherapplied to the Bible, to the Talmud or to the later Rabbinic writings.The matter assumes a different aspect if the individual does not, orcannot, study the sources himself but relies on the direction of his spiritual adviser or on books recommended by him. Such a one is confrontedwith only one opinion, arrived at by the proper interpretation of contradictory texts. Obviously these views must have varied from time to time,in accordance with the Rabbinic traditions in each epoch. Hence, to find/143the laws that in any period were binding we much search for its Rabbinic traditions — no great task since the publication of the Rabbiniclaw-books. From the llth to the 14th century we have the Yad Hachawka[“Strong Hand”] of Maimonides, from the 14th to the 16th the Tur of R.Jacob ben Asher, and after the 16th the Shulchan Aruch of Caro. Eachof these gives the accepted teachings of the age, each is the decisiveauthority. For the last three hundred years the Shulchan Aruch has thuslaid down the law wherever there were differences of opinion. As thetext-book I have already quoted says, “First and foremost the ShulchanAruch of R. Joseph Caro, together with the notes of R. Moses Isserleinand the other glosses, is recognized by all Israel as the Code on whichwe model our ritual observances.” The Law is also summed up in the613 precepts which Maimonides derived from the Torah and when evento-day are still in force. “According to the tradition of our Teachers (ofblessed memory) God gave Israel by the hand of Moses 613 precepts,248 positive and 365 negative. All these are binding to all eternity; onlythose which have reference to the Jewish State and agricultural life inPalestine and to the Temple service in Jerusalem are excepted, as theycannot be carried out by the Jews of the Diaspora. We can obey 369precepts, 126 positive and 243 negative; and in addition the seven Rabbinic commands.”20The lives of Orthodox Jews were governed by these manuals duringthe last century and still are so to-day, in so far as the guidance of theRabbinic law was followed and opinions based on a personal study ofthe sources were not formed. From the manuals we have mentioned,therefore, we must gather the ordinances which were decisive for eachindividual instance in religious life. Hence Reformed Judaism is of noconcern to us, and books trimmed to suit modern ideas, such as the greatmajority of the latest expositions of the “Ethics of Judaism,” are absolutely useless for our purpose — which is to show the connexion between capitalism and genuine Jewish teaching, and its significance inmodern economic life.The Fundamental Ideas of the Jewish ReligionLet me avow it right away: I think that the Jewish religion has the sameleading ideas as Capitalism. I see the same spirit in the one as in theother.In trying to understand the Jewish religion — which, by the way,must not be confused with the religion of Israel (the two are in a sense144/Werner Sombartopposites) — we must never forget that a Safer was its author, a rigidlyminded scribe, whose work was completed by a band of scribes afterhim. Not a prophet, mark you; not a seer, nor a visionary nor a mightyking; a Safer it was. Nor must we forget how it came into being: not asan irresistible force, not as the expression of the deepest needs of contrite souls, not as the embodiment of the feelings of divinely inspiredvotaries. No; it came into being on a deliberate plan, by clever deductions, and diplomatic policy which was based on the cry “Its religionmust be preserved for the people.” The same calm consideration, thesame attention to the ultimate goal were responsible in the centuries thatfollowed for the addition of line to line and precept to precept. Thatwhich did not fit in with the scheme of the Soferim from before the daysof Ezra and that which grew up afterwards, fell away.The traces of the peculiar circ*mstances which gave it birth are stillvisible in the Jewish religion. In all its reasoning it appeals to us as acreation of the intellect, a thing of thought and purpose projected intothe world of organisms, mechanically and artfully wrought, destined todestroy and to conquer Nature’s realm and to reign itself in her stead.Just so does Capitalism appear on the scene; like the Jewish religion, analien element in the midst of the natural, created world; like it, too,something schemed and planned in the midst of teeming life. This sheafof salient features is bound together in one word: Rationalism. Rationalism is the characteristic trait of Judaism as of Capitalism; Rationalism or Intellectualism — both deadly foes alike to irresponsible mysticism and to that creative power which draws its artistic inspiration fromthe passion world of the senses.The Jewish religion knows no mysteries, and is perhaps the onlyreligion on the face of the globe that does not know them. It knows notthe ecstatic condition wherein the worshipper feels himself at one withthe Godhead, the condition which all other religions extol as the highestand holiest. Think of the Soma libation among the Hindoos, think ofentranced Indra himself, of the Homa sacrifice of the Persians, ofDionysus, the Oracle of Greece and of the Sibylline books, to whicheven the staid Romans went for advice, only because they were writtenby women who in a state of frenzy prophesied the future.Down to the latest days of the Roman Empire the characteristic ofreligious life which remained the same in all aspects of heathenism continued to manifest itself — the characteristic which spread far and wideand infected large masses of people, of working yourself up by sheer/145force to a pitch of bodily or mental excitement, often becoming bacchanalian madness, and then regarding this as the deity’s doing and as partof his service. It was a generally accepted belief that certain suddenimpulses or bursts of passion or resolutions were roused in the soul of aman by some god or other; and conduct of which a man was ashamed orwhich he regretted, was usually ascribed to the influence of a god.21 “Itwas the god who drove me to it” — so, in Plautus’s comedy, the youngman who had seduced a maiden excused himself to his father.The same thing must have been experienced by Mohammed in hismorbid condition when his fits of ecstasy were upon him, and there is agood deal of mysticism in Islam. At least Mohammedanism has its howling dervishes.And in Christianity, too, so far as it was not Judaism, room wasfound for emotional feeling — witness the doctrine of the Trinity, thesweet cult of Mariolatry, the use of incense, the communion. But Judaism looks with proud disdain on these fantastic, mystical elements, condemning them all. When the faithful of other religions hold conversewith God in blissful convulsions, in the Jewish synagogue, called a Shool[i.e., School] not without significance, the Torah is publicly read. SoEzra ordained, and so it is done most punctiliously. “Ever since thedestruction of the State, study became the soul of Judaism, and religiousobservances without knowledge of the ordinances which enjoined themwas considered as being of little worth. The central feature of publicservice on Sabbaths and Holy Days was the lesson read from the Lawand the Prophets, the translation of the passages by the Targumists [Interpreters] and the homiletic explanation of them by the Haggadists[Preachers].”Radix stultitiae, cui frigida sabbata cordiSed cor frigidus relligione suaSeptima quaeque dies turpi damnato vetemoTanquam lassati mollis imago dei.[The Sabbath — monstrous folly! — fills the needOf hearts still icier than their icy creed,Each seventh day in shameful sloth they nod,And ape the languor of their weary God.]Such was the Roman view.22Judaism then looked askance at mysteries. With no different eye didit regard the holy enthusiasm for the divine in the world of feeling. Astarte,146/Werner SombartDaphne, Isis and Osiris, Aphrodite, Fricka and the Holy Virgin — itwould have none of them. It banished all pictorial art from its cult. “Andthe Lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire: ye heard the soundof words but ye saw no form” (Deut. iv. 12). “Cursed be the man thatmaketh a graven or molten image, an abomination unto the Lord, thework of the hands of the craftsman. . . .” (Deut. xxvii. 15). The command, “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image” finds acceptance to-day, and the pious Jew has no statues made, nor does he setthem up in his house.23The kinship between Judaism and Capitalism is further illustratedby the legally regulated relationship — I had almost said the businesslike connexion, except that the term has a disagreeable connotation —between God and Israel. The whole religious system is in reality nothingbut a contract between Jehovah and His chosen people, a contract withall its consequences and all its duties. God promises something and givessomething, and the righteous must give Him something in return. Indeed, there was no community of interest between God and man whichcould not be expressed in these terms — that man performs some dutyenjoined by the Torah and receives from God a quid pro quo. Accordingly, no man should approach God in prayer without bringing with himsomething of his own or of his ancestors’ by way of return i for whathe is about to ask.24The contract usually sets forth that man is rewarded for duties performed and punished for duties neglected; the rewards and punishmentsbeing received partly in this and partly in the next world. Two consequences must of necessity follow: first, a constant weighing up of theloss and gain which any action needs must bring, and secondly, a complicated system of bookkeeping, as it were, for each individual person.The whole of this conception is excellently well illustrated by thewords of Rabbi [164–200 A.D.]: “Which is the right course for a man tochoose? That which he feels to be honourable to himself and which alsobrings him honour from mankind. Be heedful of a light precept as of agrave one, for you do not know what reward a precept brings. Reckonthe loss incurred by the fulfilment of a precept against the reward secured by its observance, and the gain gotten by a transgression againstthe loss it involves. Reflect on three things and you will not come withinthe power of sin. Know what is above thee — a seeing eye, and a hearing ear, and all your deeds written in a book.”25 So that whether one isaccounted “righteous” or “wicked” depends on the balance of commands/147performed against commands neglected. Obviously this necessitates thekeeping of accounts, and each man therefore has his own, in which hiswords and his deeds, even the words spoken in jest, are all carefullyregistered. According to one authority (Ruth Rabba, 33a) the prophetElijah keeps these accounts; according to another (Esther Rabba, 86a)the duty is assigned to angels.Every man has thus an account in heaven: Israel a particularly largeone (Sifra, 446). And one of the ways of preparing for death is to haveyour “account” ready (Kohelet Rabba, Tic). Sometimes “extracts” fromthe accounts are forthcoming (by request). When the angels brought anaccusation against Ishmael, God asked, “What is his position at present?Is he a righteous man or a wicked?” (i.e., do the commands performedoutweigh those neglected?). And the angels replied, “He is a righteousman.” When Mar Ukba died, he asked for a statement of his account (ofthe money he had given to charity). It totalled 7000 zuzim. As he wasafraid that this would not suffice for his salvation he gave away half ofhis fortune in order to be on the safe side (Kethuboth, 25; Baba Bathra,7). The final decision as to the righteousness or wickedness of any manis made after his death. The account is then closed, and the grand totaldrawn up. The result is inserted in a document (Shetar) which is handedto each individual after it has been read out.26It is not difficult to perceive that the keeping of these accounts wasno easy matter. In Biblical times, so long as rewards and punishmentswere meted out in the life on earth, the task was no great one. But in theperiod that followed, when rewards and punishments were granted partlyin this life and partly in life everlasting, the question grew to be troublesome, and in the Rabbinic theology an intricate and artistic system ofbookkeeping was evolved. This distinguished between the capital sumor the principal, and the fruits or the interest, the former being reservedfor the future world, the latter for this. And in order that the rewardwhich is laid up in heaven for the righteous may not be diminished, Goddoes not lessen the stock when He grants him ordinary earthly benefits.Only when he receives extraordinary, i.e., miraculous, benefits on earthdoes the righteous man suffer a diminution of his heavenly reward.Moreover, the righteous is punished for his sins at once on earth, as thewicked is rewarded for his good deeds, so that the one may have onlyrewards in heaven and the other only chastisem*nts.27Another conception is bound up with this of divine bookkeepingand is closely akin to a second fundamental trait of capitalism — the148/Werner Sombartconception of profit. Sin or goodness is regarded as something apartfrom the sinner. Every sin, according to Rabbinic theology, is considered singly and by itself. “Punishment is according to the object and notthe subject of the sin.”28 The quantity of the broken commandmentsalone counts. No consideration whatever is had for the personality ofthe sinner or his ethical state, just as a sum of money is separated frompersons, just as it is capable of being added to another abstract sum ofmoney. The ceaseless striving of the righteous after well-being in thisand the next world must needs therefore take the form of a constantendeavour to increase his rewards. Now, as he is never able to tell whetherat a particular state of his conscience he is worthy of God’s goodness orwhether in his “account” the rewards or the punishments are more numerous, it must be his aim to add reward after reward to his account byconstantly doing good deeds to the end of his days. The limited conception of all personal values thus finds no admission into the world of hisreligious ideas and its place is taken by the endlessness of a pure quantitative ideal.Parallel with this tendency there runs through Jewish moral theology another which regards the getting of money as a means to an end.The conception is frequently found in books of religious edification, theauthors of which realizing but seldom that in their warnings against theacquisition of too much wealth they are glorifying this very practice.Usually the treatment of the subject is under the heading “covetousness,” forbidden by the tenth commandment. “A true Israelite,” remarksone of the most popular of modern “helps to faith,”29 “avoids covetousness. He looks upon all his possessions only as a means of doing what ispleasing in the sight of God. For is not the entire purpose of his life touse all his possessions, all enjoyment as the means to this end? Indeed itis a duty ... to obtain possessions and to increase one’s enjoyments, notas an end in themselves but as a means to do God’s will on earth.”But if it is urged that this is no conclusive proof of the connexionbetween the religious idea and the principle of getting gain, a glance atthe peculiar ordering of divine service will soon be convincing. At onestage in the service there is a veritable public auction. The honoraryoffices connected with the reading of the law are given to the highestbidder. Before the scrolls are taken from the Ark, the beadle walks roundthe central platform (the Almemor) and cries out:“Who will buy Hazoa vehachnosa? (i.e., the act of taking the scrollsfrom the Ark and of replacing them). Who will buy Hagboha? (the act/149of raising the scroll in the sight of the people). Who will buy Gelilah?”(the act of rolling up the scroll when the reading is finished). Thesehonours are knocked down to the highest bidder, and the money given tothe synagogue poor-box. It need hardly be said that to-day this practicehas long been eliminated from synagogue worship. In days of long agoit was quite general.30 Again, the words of some of the Talmudic doctors, who at times dispute over the most difficult economic questionswith all the skill of experienced merchants, cannot but have a curiousconnotation, and must needs lead to the conclusion that they preachedthe getting of gain. It would be fascinating to collect those passages ofthe Talmud wherein the modern practice of making profit is recommended by this or that Rabbi, in many cases themselves great traders. Iwill quote an instance or two. “R. Isaac also taught that a man shouldalways have his money in circulation.” It was R. Isaac, too, who gavethis piece of good advice. A man should divide his fortune into threeparts, investing one in landed property, one in moveable goods, andholding the third as ready cash (Baba Mezia, 42a). “Rav once said tohis son. Come let me instruct thee in worldly matters. Sell your goodseven while the dust is yet upon your feet.” (What is this but a recommendation to have a quick turnover?) “First open your purse and thenunloose the sack of wheat. . . . Have you got dates in the box? Hasten atonce to the brewer” (Pesachim, 113a).What is the meaning of this parallelism between the Jewish religionand capitalism? Is it a mere chance? A stupid joke perpetrated by Fate?Is the one the effect of the other, or are both traceable to the same causes?Questions such as these naturally suggest themselves to us, and I hopeto answer them as we proceed. Here it will suffice to have called attention to them. Our next step will be the comparatively simpler one ofshowing how individual customs, conceptions, opinions and regulationsof the Jewish religion influenced the economic conduct of Jews, of showing whether they facilitated the extension of capitalism by the Jews,and, if so, to what degree. We shall limit ourselves in this to primarypsychological motives, avoiding all speculative difficulties. Our firstproblem will be to discover the goal set up by the Jewish religion and itsinfluence on economic life, and the next section is devoted to it150/Werner SombartThe Idea of Rewards and PunishmentsThe idea of contract, which is part and parcel of the underlying principles of Judaism, must perforce have the corollary that whoever carriesout the contract receives reward, whoever breaks it receives punishment. In other words, the legal and ethical assumption that the goodprosper and the evil suffer punishment was in all ages a concept of theJewish religion. All that changed was the interpretation of prosperityand punishment.The oldest form of Judaism knows nothing of another world. So,weal and woe can come only in this world. If God desires to punish or toreward, He must do so during man’s lifetime. The righteous therefore isprosperous here, and the wicked here suffer punishment. Obey my precepts, says the Lord, “so that thou mayest live long and prosper in theland which the Lord thy God hath given unto thee.” Hence the bitter cryof Job, “Wherefore do the wicked live, becomeold, yea, wax mighty inpower? . . . But my way He hath fenced up, that I cannot pass ... He hathbroken me down on every side ... He hath also kindled His wrath againstme” [Job xxi. 7; xix. 8, 10, 11]. “Why hath all this evil come upon me,seeing that I walked in His path continually?”A little after Ezra’s time the idea of another world (Olam Habo)finds currency in Judaism, the idea, too, of the immortality of the souland of the resurrection of the body. These beliefs were of foreign origin,coming probably from Persia. But like all other alien elements in Judaism they, too, were given an ethical meaning, in accordance with thegenius of the religion. The doctrine grew up that only the righteous andthe pious would rise up after death. The belief in eternity was thus madeby the Soferim to fit in with the old teaching of rewards and punishments, in order to heighten the feeling of moral responsibility, i.e., of thefear of the judgment of God.”The idea of prosperity on earth is now extended. It is no longer theonly reward of a good life, for a reward in the world to come is added toit. Still, God’s blessing in this world is no small part of the total reward.Moreover, the very fact that a man is prosperous here was proof positive that his life was pleasing to God, and that therefore he might expectreward in the next world also. Then, too, the idea of a blind fate is nolonger troublesome. What appeared as such is now regarded as God’spunishment on earth to the righteous for his transgressions, so that hisheavenly recompense may suffer no diminution.The “doctrine of possession” (if the term may be allowed in connexion/151with the Jewish religion) received some such shape as this, more especially through the Wisdom Literature. The great aim of life is to obeyGod’s commandments. Earthly happiness apart from God has no existence. Hence it is folly to seek to obtain earthly possessions for their ownsake. But to obtain them in order to use them for divine ends, so thatthey become at one and the same time the outward symbols and guarantees of God’s pleasure, as signs of His blessing — such a course is wise.Now earthly possessions in this view of them include a well-appointedhouse and material well-being — in a word, wealth.Look through Jewish literature, more especially through the HolyWrit and the Talmud, and you will find, it is true, a few passages whereinpoverty is lauded as something higher and nobler than riches. But on theother hand you will come across hundreds of passages in which richesare called the blessing of the Lord, and only their misuse or their dangers warned against. Here and there, too, we may read that riches alonedo not necessarily bring happiness, other things are essential in addition(such as health, for example), that there are “goods” (in the broadest useof the word) more valuable or as valuable as riches. But in all thisnothing is said against riches; and never is it stated that they are anabomination to the Lord.I once gave expression to this view in a public lecture, and it wasseverely criticized on all sides. Just this point more than any other wascontroverted — the statement that riches are in the Jewish religion accounted as a valuable good. Many of my critics, among them severaldistinguished Jewish rabbis, went to the trouble of compiling lists ofpassages from the Bible and Talmud which confuted my opinion. I admit that there are many places in the Bible and the Talmud which regardwealth as a danger to the righteous, and in which poverty is extolled.There are some half-dozen of them in the Bible; the Talmud has rathermore. But the important thing is that each of these passages may becapped by ten others, which breathe a totally different spirit. In suchcases numbers surely count.I put the question to myself in this way. Let us imagine old AmschelRothschild on a Friday evening, after having “earned” a million on theStock Exchange, turning to his Bible for edification. What will he findthere touching his earnings and their effect on the refinement of his soul,an effect which the pious old Jew most certainly desired on the eve ofthe Sabbath? Will the million bum his conscience? Or will he not beable to say, and rightly say, “God’s blessing rested upon me this week. I152/Werner Sombartthank Thee, Lord, for having graciously granted the light of Thy countenance to Thy servant. In order to find favour in Thy sight I shall givemuch to charity, and keep Thy commandments even more strictly thanhitherto”? Such would be his words if he knew his Bible, and he didknow it.For his eye would rest complacently on many a passage in the HolyWrit. In his beloved Torah he would be able to read again and again ofthe blessing of God. “And He will love thee and bless thee and multiplythee. He will also bless the fruit of thy body and the fruit of thy ground,thy corn and thy wine and thine oil ... thou shalt be blessed above allpeoples” (Deut. vii. 13-15). And how moved he would be when he reachedthe words, “For the Lord, thy God, will bless thee, as He promised thee:and thou shalt lend unto many nations, but thou shalt not borrow” (Deut.xv. 6). Then suppose he turns to the Psalms, what would he find there?O fear the Lord, ye His saints: for there is no want to them thatfear Him (Psa. xxxiv. 10).Blessed is the man that feareth the Lord.... Wealth and riches arein his house (Psa. xc. 1–3).Our garners are full, affording all manner of store, our sheep bringforth thousands and ten thousands in our fields (Psa. cxliv. 13).He would rejoice with Job when on concluding the story of his trialshe found that his latter end was more blessed than his beginning, andthat “he had 14,000 sheep, 6000 camels, 1000 yoke of oxen and 1000she-asses” and the rest. (Happily our friend Amschel knew nothing ofmodern Biblical criticism, and was not aware therefore that this particular portion of Job is a later interpolation in the story.)The prophets also promised Israel earthly rewards if it kept to God’sway and walked therein. If Amschel turned to the 60th chapter of Isaiahhe would find the prophecy that one day the Gentiles should bring theirgold and silver to Israel.But perhaps Amschel’s favourite book would be Proverbs,32 “whichexpresses in a most pregnant form the ideas of life current in Israel” (asa rabbi wrote to me who quoted this book in proof of my error, Prov.xxii. 1, 2; xxiii. 4; xxviii. 20, 21; xxx. 8). Here he would be warned thatriches alone do not bring happiness (xxii. 1, 2), that God must not bedenied amid great wealth (xxx. 8), that “he that maketh haste to be richshall not be unpunished” (xxviii. 20). (Perhaps he will say to himselfthat he does not “hasten” to be rich.) The only verse that may disquieten/153him is when he reads “Weary not thyself to be rich; cease from thineown wisdom” (xxiii. 4). But only for a moment, for his mind will beeased when he observes the connexion with the preceding passage. Possibly these six little words may not after all trouble him much when heremembers the numerous passages in this very book which commendriches. So numerous indeed that it may be said they give the tone to thewhole of Proverbs.33 A few only shall be quoted: —Length of days are in her right hand; in her left are riches andhonour (iii. 16).Riches and honour are with me; yea, durable riches and righteousness” (viii. 18).The rich man’s wealth is his strong city (x. 15).Their riches are a crown unto the wise (xiv. 24).The reward of humility and the fear of the Lord is riches andhonour and life (xxii. 4).The Wisdom Literature included Ecclesiastes and the Wisdom ofSolomon. The first34 certainly does not breathe a uniform spirit; themany accretions of later times make it full of contradictions. Yet evenhere the pious Jew found never a passage which taught him to despisewealth. On the contrary, wealth is highly valued.Every man also to whom God hath given riches and wealth, andhath given him power to eat thereof . . . this is the gift of God (v.19).A feast is made for laughter and wine maketh glad the life: andmoney answereth all things (x. 19).The Wisdom of Solomon likewise praises riches. No less does theBook of Jesus, the son of Sirach, that fund of wise saws, which oldAmschel must have conned with delight. If any Rabbi had told him thatBen Sirach’s books regard the wealthy man almost as a sinner and wealthas the source of evil, instancing chapters x–xiii in proof, Amschel wouldhave replied, “My dear Rabbi, you are mistaken. Those passages are awarning against the dangers of wealth. But a rich man who avoids thedangers is thereby the more righteous. ‘Blessed is the rich that is foundwithout blemish ... his goods shall be established and the congregationshall declare his alms’ (xxxi. 8, 11). And why, my dear Rabbi” (soAmschel might continue), “do you not mention the passages which speak154/Werner Sombartof the man who has amassed millions, passages like the following?Better is he that laboureth and aboundeth in all things, than hethat boasteth himself and wanteth bread (x. 27).The poor man is honoured for his skill, and the rich man ishonoured for his riches (x. 30).Prosperity and adversity, life and death, poverty and riches comeof the Lord’ (xi. 14).Gold and silver make the foot stand sure (xl. 25). Riches andstrength lift up the heart (xl. 26). Better it is to die than to beg (xl.28).“Should I be ashamed of my millions, my dear Rabbi” (Amschelwould conclude the imaginary conversation), “should I not rather lookupon them as God’s blessing? Recall what the wise Jesus ben Sirachsaid of great King Solomon (xlvii. 18): “By the name of the Lord God,which is called the Lord God of Israel, thou didst gather gold as tin, anddidst multiply silver as lead.’ I also will go, Rabbi, and in the name ofthe Lord God will gather gold as tin and silver as lead.”In the Talmud the passages that express the same point of view arefrequent enough. Riches are a blessing if only their owner walk in God’sways, and poverty is a curse. Hardly ever are riches despised. Let usquote a few Talmudic sayings on the subject.Seven characteristics are there which are “comely to the righteousand comely to the world.” One of them is riches (Aboth. vi. 8).In prayer a man should turn to Him who owns wealth and possessions. ... In reality both come not from business, but according tomerit” (Kidushin, lxxxiiia).R. Eleazer said, “The righteous love their money more than theirbodies” (Sota, xiia).Rabba honoured the wealthy, so did R. Akiba (Erubin, lxxxvia).In time of scarcity a man learns to value wealth best (Aboth deRabbi Nathan).Doctrines concerning wealth such as these could not but encouragea worldly view of life. This the Jewish view was, despite the belief inanother world. There were indeed attempts at ascetic movements in Judaism (e.g., in the 9th century the Karaites combined to live the life ofmonks; [Sombart is mistaken in this. The characteristic of the Karaiteswas that they accepted and lived by the letter of the Torah. — Trans.]/155in the 11th century Bachja ibn Pakuda preached asceticism in Spain),but none of them ever took root. Judaism even in times of great affliction was always optimistic. In this the Jews differ from the Christians,whose religion has tried to rob them all it could of earthly joys. As oftenas riches are lauded in the Old Testament they are damned in the New,wherein poverty is praised. The whole outlook of the Essenes, turningits back upon the world and the flesh, was incorporated in the Gospels.One can easily recall passage after passage to this effect. (Cf. Matt. vi.24; x. 9, 10; xix. 23, 24.) “It is easier for a camel to go through aneedle’s eye than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of God.” Thisis the keynote of Christianity on the point, and the difference between itand Judaism is clear enough. There is no single parallel to the saying ofJesus in the whole of the Old Testament, and probably also none in theentire body of Rabbinic literature.There is no need to expatiate on the different attitude of the goodJew and the good Christian towards economic activities. The Christianis forced by all manner of mental gymnastics to interpret away the Esseneconception of riches from his Scriptures. And what anxious momentsmust the rich Christian live through as he thinks of heaven locked againsthim! Compare with him the position of the rich Jew, who, as we haveseen, “in the name of the Lord God” gathers gold as tin and silver aslead.It is well known that the religion of the Christians stood in the wayof their economic activities. It is equally well known that the Jews werenever faced with this hindrance. The more pious a Jew was and the moreacquainted with his religious literature, the more he was spurred by theteachings of that literature to extend his economic activities. A beautifulillustration of the way religion and business were fused in the mind ofpious Jews may be found in the delightful Memoirs of Glückel vonHamein, to which we have already referred. “Praise be to God, whogives and takes, the faithful God, who always made good our losses,”she says. And again, “My husband sent me a long, comforting letter,urging me to calm my soul, for God, whose name be blessed, wouldrestore to us what we had lost. And so it was.”The Rationalization of LifeSince Judaism rests upon a contract between God and His people, i.e.,upon a two-sided legal agreement, each party must have definite responsibilities. What were those of the Jews?156/Werner SombartAgain and again was the answer to this question given by Godthrough His servant Moses. Again and again the Israelite was informedthat two great duties were his. He was to be holy and to obey God’s law.(Cf. Exod. xix. 6; Deut. iv. 56.) God did not require sacrifices of him;He demanded obedience (Jer. vii. 22, 23).Now it is generally known that in the course of events the Jewscame to regard righteousness as a minute fulfilment of the Law. Theinward holiness that may have existed in early days soon vanished before formalism and legalism. Holiness and observation of the Law became interchangeable terms. It is generally known, too, that this legalism was a device of the Rabbis to protect the Jews against the influencesfirst, of Hellenism, then of Christianity, and finally, when the SecondTemple was destroyed, to maintain by its means the national consciousness. The struggle with Hellenism resulted in Pharisaism; the strugglewith Pauline Christianity whichaimed at replacing the Law by faith,transformed the religion of the Pharisees into that of the Talmud, andthe old policy of the Scribes “to encompass the whole of life with regulation” made greater progress than ever. In their political isolation theJewish communities submitted entirely to the new hierarchy. They desired to see the end attained and so accepted the means. The school andthe Law outlasted the Temple and the State, and Pharisaic Rabbinismhad unlimited sway. Righteousness henceforth meant living in strict accordance with the Law. Piety, under the influence of the legally mindedScribes, was given a legal connotation. Religion became the commonlaw. In the Mishna all this finds admirable expression. The commandsof the Pentateuch and the commands deduced from these are all divineordinances which must be obeyed without questioning. More and morestress is laid on externals, and between important and insignificant commands there is less and less differentiation.35So it remained for two thousand years; so it is to-day. Strict orthodoxy still holds fast to this formalism and the principles of Judaismknow no change. The Torah is as binding to-day in its every word aswhen it was given to Moses on Sinai.36 Its laws and ordinances must beobserved by the faithful, whether they be light or grave, whether theyappear to have rhyme or reason or no. And they must be strictly observed, and only because God gave them. This implicit obedience makesthe righteous, makes the saint. “Saintly or holy in the Torah sense is hewho is able to fulfil the revealed will of God without any struggle andwith the same joy as carrying out his own will. This holiness, this com-/157plete fusion of the will of man with the divine will, is a lofty goal attainable in its entirety by a few only. Hence the law of holiness refers in thefirst instance to the striving towards this goal. The striving all can do; itdemands a constant self-watchfulness and self-education, an endlessstruggle against what is low and vulgar, what is sensual and bestial.And obedience to the behests of the Torah is the surest ladder on whichto climb to higher and higher degrees of holiness.”37These words show clearly enough how holiness and legalism areconnected; they show that the highest aim of Israel still is to be a kingdom of priests and a holy nation; and that the path to that end is a strictobedience to God’s commandments. Once this becomes apparent, wecan imagine the importance the Jewish religion has for the whole of life.In the long run, external legalism does not remain external; it exercisesa constant influence on the inner life, which obtains its peculiar character from the observance of the law.The psychological process which led to the shaping of Judaism appears to me to be this. At first God’s behests were those that mattered,regardless of their contents. But slowly the contents must needs makethemselves manifest to the observer, and a clearly defined ideal of Lifeevolved itself from the word of God. To follow this ideal, to be righteous, to be holy was the heart’s desire of each believer.Before continuing, let us strive to obtain some notion of what thepious Jew meant, and means, by holiness in the material sense.Let us recall what was said in the last section about the “worldliness” of the Jewish religion. In accordance with this it can scarcely beholy to deny the natural instincts or to crush them, as other religionsteach — e.g.. Buddhism or Primitive Christianity. Other-worldly asceticism was always antagonistic to Judaism. “The soul which has beengiven thee — preserve it, never kill it” — that is the Talmudic maxim onwhich to build up the conduct of life and which found currency at alltimes.38The negation of life cannot therefore be holiness. Nor can the exercise of man’s passions and appetites be holiness. For if it were, it couldnot be put as an ideal before the righteous; it would then be accessible toeverybody. There remains therefore only one other possibility — to liveyour life of set purpose in accordance with some ideal plan based onsupernatural rules, and either utilizing the desires within you or crushing them. In fine, holiness is the rationalization of life. You decide toreplace the natural existence with its desires and inclinations by the158/Werner Sombartmoral life. To be holy is to become refined, and to realize this is toovercome all your natural tendencies by means of moral obedience.39A rugged Dualism — the terrible Dualism which is part and parcelof our constitution — characterizes the Jewish conception of ethicalworth. Nature is not unholy, neither is she holy. She is not yet holy. Shemay become holy through us. All the seeds of sin are in her; the serpentstill lurks in the grass as he did long ago in the Garden of Eden. “Godcertainly created the evil inclination, but he also created the Torah, themoral law, an an antidote to it.”40 The whole of human life is one greatwarfare against the inimical forces of Nature: that is the guiding principle of Jewish moral theology, and it is in accordance with it that thesystem of rules and regulations was instituted by which life might berationalized, de-naturalized, refined and hallowed without the necessityof renouncing or stifling it. In this we see the marked difference betweenthe Christian (Essene) and the Jewish (Pharisaic) ideas of morality. Theformer leads quite logically away from the world into the silent hermitage and the monastery (if not to death); the latter binds its faithful adherent with a thousand chains to the individual and social life. Christianity makes its devotee into a monk, Judaism into a rationalist; thefirst ends in asceticism outside the world; the second in asceticism withinit (taking asceticism to mean the subjugation of what is natural in man).We shall gain a clearer insight of what Jewish Ethics (and thereforealso the Jewish religion) stands for if we examine its regulations one byone.The effect of Law is twofold. Its very existence has an influence; sohave its contents.That there is a law at all, that it is a duty to obey it, impels one tothink about one’s actions and to accomplish them in harmony with thedictates of reason. In front of every desire a warning finger-post is set;every natural impulse is nullified by the thousand and one milestonesand danger-signals in the shape of directions to the pious. Now, sinceobedience to a multifariousness of rules (the well-known commandscompiled by Maimonides numbered 365 — of which 243 are still current — and his prohibitions 248) is well-nigh impossible without a prettygood knowledge of what they are, the system includes the command tostudy the Holy Writ, and especially the Torah. This very study itself ismade a means of rendering life holy. “If the evil inclination seizes holdof you, march him off to the House of Study,” counsels the Talmud.The view that all the enactments were for the purpose of ennobling/159the life of the faithful was accepted at all times, and is still held to-dayby many orthodox Jews.God wished to refine Israel, therefore He increased the number ofthe commandments (Makkoth, 23b).The commandments were given by God to ennoble man kind(Vajikra Rabba, 13).41It would have been better for a man never to have been born, butonce he is in the world let him continually examine his actions(Erubin, 13b).Every night a man should critically examine his deeds of the day(Magen Abraham on Orach Chajim, 239, § 7).42“Observe” and “remember” were ordained in a single utterance.”43Deum respice et cura44 is still the motto of the Jew. If he meets aking or sees a dwarf or a Negro, passes a ruined building or takes hismedicine or his bath, notes the coming storm or hears its roaring thunder, rises in the morning and puts on his clothes or eats his food, entershis house or leaves it, greets a friend or meets a foe — for every emergency there is an ordinance which must be obeyed.Now what of the contents of the ordinances? All of them aim at thesubjugation of the merely animal instincts in man, at the bridling of hisdesires and inclinations and at the replacing of impulses by thoughtfulaction; in short, at the “ethical tempering of man.”You must think nothing, speak nothing, do nothing without firstconsidering what the law about it is, and then apply it to the great purpose of sanctification. You must therefore do nothing merely for its ownsake, spontaneously, or from natural instinct. You must not enjoy Nature for the sheer pleasure of it.You may do so only if you think thereby of the wisdom and thegoodness of God. In the spring when the trees put on their blossom thepious Jew says, “Blessed art Thou, O Lord our God, . . . who hast madeThy world lacking in nought, but hast provided therein goodly creaturesand trees wherewith to give delight to the children of men.” At the sightof the rainbow he brings to mind the Covenant with God. On high mountains, in vast deserts, beside mighty rivers — in a word, wherever hisheart is deeply moved by Nature’s wonders — he expresses his feelingsin the benediction, “Blessed art Thou, O Lord our God, .. . who hastmade the Creation.”You must not enjoy art for its own sake. Works of plastic art should160/Werner Sombartbe avoided, for they may easily lead to a breach of the second commandment. But even the poet’s art is not looked upon with favour, except it refer to God. All reading is good, provided it has some practicalend in view. “It is best to read the books of the Torah or such as refer tothem. If we desire to read for recreation, let us choose books that areable to teach us something useful. Among the books written for amusem*nt and to while away the time there are some that may awake sinfulwishes within us. The reading of these books is forbidden.”45You must not indulge in harmless pleasures. “The seat of the scornful [Psa. i. I], — the theatres and circuses of the heathen are meant.”Song, dance and wine, save when they are connected with religious ceremonial, are taboo. “Rabbi Dosa ben Hyrkanus used to say. Morningsleep and midday wine and childish talk and attending the houses wherethe ignorant foregather put a man out of the world.”46 “He that lovethpleasure shall be a poor man; he that loveth wine and oil shall not berich” (Prov. xxi. 17).If this be so, those qualities which may lead a man to “unseemly”conduct are useless or even harmful. Such are enthusiasm (for while aman is in this state he may do something useless),47 kindness of heart(you must exercise kindness only because the idea of benevolence actuates you; you must never let pity carry you away, so that the nobilityand dignity of the ideal law may always be before you);48 a sensualtemperament (“the source of passion — and of sin — is in sensuality”),49 ingenuousness, in short anything that marks the natural (andtherefore unholy) man.The cardinal virtues of the pious are, on the other hand, self-controland circ*mspection, a love of order and of work, moderation andabstemiousness, chastity and sobriety.Self-control and circ*mspection especially and in regard to yourwords is a constant theme of the moralists. “In the multitude of wordsthere wanteth not transgression: but he that refraineth his lips doth wisely”(Prov. x. 19).50No less insistent was the later tradition. “Raba held that whosocarries on an unnecessary conversation transgresses a command” (Joma,19b). “Our sanctification,” says a modern book for popular edification,“depends to a large extent on the control of our tongues, on the power ofholding our peace. The gift of speech . . . was given to man for holypurposes. Hence all unnecessary talk is forbidden by our wise men.”51But self-control and circ*mspection generally are urged on the pi-/161ous Jew.Who is the strongest of the strong? He who controls his passions(Aboth de R. Nathan, xxiii. 1).The thoughts of the diligent tend only to plenteousness: but everyone that is hasty hasteth only to want (Prov. xxi. 5).He that hasteth with his feet sinneth (Prov. xix. 2).And as for industry and thrift, innumerable are the exhortations tothat end.The Jew must wake the day, not the day the Jew — so taught theRabbis, as a homily on Psalm lvii. 9.52It is just the strongest instincts of man that must be curbed, directedinto right channels, deprived of their natural force and made to serveuseful ends. In short, they must be rationalized.Take the instinct which desires to satisfy hunger. It is forbidden toappease the appetite merely because it happens to be there; it should beappeased only for the body’s sake. And when the good man sits down toeat, let him do so according to the precepts of his Maker. Hence thelarge number of rules concerning food; hence the command to be serious at meals — to begin and to close with prayer; hence the advice to bemoderate and the appeal to banish the pleasure of feeding. “It is onlythrough God’s goodness that you are enabled to use His creatures asfood, and therefore if your entire eating and drinking is not to be beastly,it must be hallowed; it must be looked upon as the getting of strength forHis service.”53 “The Jew should make the satisfaction of his appetite forfood a sacrament; should regard his table as an altar and the food thereonas sacrifice, which he enjoys only in order to obtain more strength forthe fulfilment of his duties.”54 (Jewish cooking, by the way, is excellent.)Finally — and this of course matters most — just like hunger, Lovealso must be rationalized, that is to say, its natural expression must beheld in check. Nowhere more than in the erotic sphere does the harddualism show itself so well. The world, and certainly the civilized nations, owes this conception of the sexual to the Jews (through the agencyof Christianity, which was infected with the idea). All earlier religionssaw something divine in the expression of sex, and regarded sexual intercourse as of the nature of a heavenly revelation. All of them wereacquainted with Phallus-worship in a grosser or finer form. None ofthem condemned what is sensuous, or looked upon women as a sourceof sin. But the Jews from Ezra’s day to this held, and hold, the opposite162/Werner Sombartview.To sanctify himself, to make himself worthy of his converse withGod, Moses “drew not nigh unto his wife.” And Job mentions as beingin his favour that he made a covenant with his eyes not to look upon amaid. The whole Wisdom Literature abounds in warnings against women,[Sombart instances Prov. v. 3–4. But does not the passage clearly referto bad women? — Trans.] and the same spirit dominates the Talmud.“Better to die than to be guilty of unchastity” (Sanhedrim, 75a). Indeed,the three capital crimes for which even death does not atone are murder,idol-worship and adultery. “Hast thou business with women? See to itthat thou art not with them alone” (Kiddushin, 82a). This dread runsthrough all the codes. The Eben Ha-ezer condemns to death by stoningany one who has had guilty intercourse with a woman related to himwithin the prohibited degrees. The very clothes or the little finger of awoman of such close consanguinity must not be looked at “to get pleasure from it.” It is forbidden a man to allow himself to be waited on bya woman, or to embrace his aunt or his grown-up sister.Teachers of to-day are no less explicit. “Guard yourself against anycontact with impurity,” says one of the most popular of them. “Look atnothing, hear nothing, read nothing, think of nothing which may in anywise occupy your thoughts unchastely or make you familiar with whatis not clean. Do not walk in the street behind a woman; if you cannothelp yourself, look not at her with desire. [Cf. Robert Louis Stevenson:‘To remember the faces of women without desire, ... is not this to knowboth wisdom and virtue?” — Trans.] Do not let your eye rest longinglyon a woman’s hair, nor your ears on her voice; do not take pleasure inher form; yea, a woman’s very clothes should not be looked at if youknow who has worn them. In all things go out of the way of Opportunity. . . . The two sexes should not jest together. Even in make-believelittle pressures of the hand, winking of the eyes, embracing and kissingare sinful.”55Warnings such as these were not neglected, as may be seen from theautobiographies of pious Jews, some of which may now be read in modern languages.56But the point of it all must not be overlooked. Other religions alsoshow signs of being terrified at women. Ever since the notion becameprevalent that woman brought sin into the world there have always beenmorbid souls who spent their lives exciting themselves with all mannerof lascivious imaginings but avoiding woman as though she were the/163devil incarnate. In other religions the man fled to the hermit’s cave in thewilderness or to a monastery. In either case, his religion forced “chastity” upon him, with all the horrid resultants well known to students ofmonastic life. Not so Judaism. Judaism does not forbid sexual intercourse; it rationalizes it. Not that it does not regard sexual intercourseas sinful. Sinful it must always be, but its sinfulness may to some extentbe removed by sanctification. Hence Judaismadvocates early marriagesand regulates the relationship between husband and wife as something“ever in the great Taskmaster’s eye.”“A man should not be without a wife, nor a woman without a husband; but both shall see to it that God’s spirit is in their union.” That isthe motto, and in accordance with it the Talmud and the later codes havemultiplied rules and regulations for the guidance of married couples. Inthe 11th century (to mention but a few) R. Eleazar ben Nathan compileda special code on the subject, the Eben Ha-ezer, and in the 13th centuryR. Nachman wrote a famous work on the sanctification of marriage.57The laws of the Eben Ha-ezer were incorporated in the Shulchan Aruchand together with the glosses upon them receive recognition to-day. Themain ideas throughout are those we have already considered: hallow thybody’s strength in accordance with God’s will; be careful of thy manhood; be God’s servant at all times.58Such was the Jewish view of marriage, which has continued formore than two thousand years. It is well illustrated by that touchingstory in the Book of Tobit, which may form a fitting conclusion to ourconsiderations under this head.And after that they were both shut in together, Tobias rose out ofthe bed, and said, Sister, arise, and let us pray that God wouldhave pity on us.Then began Tobias to say. Blessed art Thou, O God of our fathers,and blessed is Thy holy and glorious name for ever; let the heavens bless Thee, and all Thy creatures.Thou madest Adam, and gavest him Eve his wife for an helperand stay: of them came mankind: Thou hast said, It is not goodthat man should be alone; let us make unto him an aid like untohimself.And now, O Lord, I take not this my sister for lust, but uprightlytherefore mercifully ordain that we may become aged together.And she said with him. Amen.So they slept both that night. — Tobit vii. 4-9.164/Werner SombartIt may be asked. Why have I treated this aspect of Jewish life atsuch great length? My answer is simple. I really believe that the rationalization of life, and especially of the sexual life, which the Jewishreligion effects cannot be too highly estimated for its influence on economic activities. If religion is at all to be accounted a factor in Jewisheconomic life, then certainly the rationalization of conduct is its bestexpression,To begin with, a number of good qualities or virtues which are indispensable to any economic order owe their existence to rationalization— e.g., industry, neatness, thrift. But the whole of life, if lived in accordance with the ordinances of the “Wise,” ministers to the needs of wealthgetting. Sobriety, moderation and piety are surely qualities which standthe business man in good stead. In short, the whole ideal of conductpreached in Holy Writ and in Rabbinic literature has something of themorality of the small shopkeeper about it — to be content with onewife, to pay your debts punctually, to go to church or synagogue onSunday or Saturday (as the case may be) and to look down with immeasurable scorn on the sinful world around.But Jewish moral teaching did not spend itself in the mere production of this type of the small respectable shopkeeper. It may even bequestioned whether the type is altogether its work. At any rate, it is notof much consequence for economic development. Middle-class respectability as a matter of fact owes its origin to the narrow outlook of thepetty trading class. Hence it can have but little to do with capitalism,except in so far as the qualities which that class possessed were thefoundation on which capitalism could be built up. But capitalism didnot grow out of the qualities, and therefore we must search in otherdirections for the causes which made the Jews pioneers of capitalism.The fast that suggests itself is the cultivation of family life amongJews, calling forth as it did energies so necessary to economic growth.The cultivation and refinement of family life was undoubtedly the workof the Jewish Rabbis, assisted, it must be added, by the vicissitudes ofthe Jewish people. In Judaism woman was fast held in that high esteemwhich is the prime postulate for the existence of a sound family life andall that it means for man’s conduct. The Rabbis by thenlaws and regulations affecting marriages, the marital relationship and the educationof children and the rest, did all that was humanly possible in the way ofoutward limitation and influence to establish family life in all its purity./165That marriage is considered more sacred among pious Jews than amongpeople of other denominations is demonstrated by the statistics of illegitimate births. These are considerably fewer among Jews than amongChristians.59ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS PER THOUSANDYear Country General Jews1904 Prussia 2.51 0.661905 Wiirtemberg 2.83 0.161907 Hesse 2.18 0.131908 Bavaria 4.25 0.561901 Russia 1.29 0.14If the figures for Russia be looked into a little more carefully it willbe seen that illegitimate births among Jews vary very much from thoseamong non-Jews. At the same time it must not be forgotten that there isa slight lowering of the standard in sexual morality among Jews. Thus,the following table shows the percentage of illegitimate births in Russia.ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS PER HUNDRED IN RUSSIAYear Greek Orthodox Catholics Protestants Jews1868 2.96 3.45 3.49 0.191878 3.13 3.29 3.85 0.251898 2.66 3.53 3.86 0.371901 2.49 3.57 3.76 0.46Such then was one result of the family life current among Jews andintroduced by them. The man contributed to it the best that was in him,and in return he drew from it invigorating strength, courage, and aninducement to maintain and to expand his position in life. Family life ofthis kind generated centres for masculine energy large enough to set inmotion such a mighty economic system as capitalism. For this systemcalls for great energy, and we can scarcely imagine it being producedexcept through the agency of psychological influences which appeal notonly to the social instincts but also to the family ideal.It may perhaps be necessary to look below the psychological influences to the physical ones. How curiously moulded must the constitution of the Jew have become through the rationalization of his marriedlife! We see this phenomenon — that a people with strong sexual inclinations (Tacitus speaks of it as proiectissima ad libidinem gens) is166/Werner Sombartforced by its religion to hold them in complete restraint. Extra-maritalconnexions are absolutely forbidden; every one must content himselfwith one wife, but even with her intercourse is restricted.The result of all this is obvious. Enormous funds of energy wereprevented from finding an outlet in one direction and they turned toothers. Knowing as we do the condition of the Jews throughout the Common Era, we shall not be wrong in assuming that economic activitieswere their chief channel. But we may go further. It is possible to provethat, quite generally, restrained sexual desires and the chase of profitsgo hand in hand. For the present we have had but little scientific investigation of this fact, so important for all modern sociological problems.60That a lordly way of life is usually accompanied by lavishness of moneyand of love, whereas such qualities as nigg*rdliness, avarice and a setting of much store by money are the ubiquitous partners of a stuntedsexual life — these are everyday experiences, and though it would bepresumptuous to attempt to solve this most interesting problem with theaid of observations which must perforce be limited, yet for the purposeof my argument they ought not to be omitted, at least as an hypothesis.We see then that a good deal of capitalistic capacity which the Jewspossessed was due in large measure to the sexual restraint put uponthem by their religious teachers. The effect of the rationalization of thewhole of life on the physical and intellectual powers of the Jew muststill be gone into by scientists;61 at present we have only beginnings ofsuch studies. I refer to the influence of the very wise regulations ofsexual intercourse, of eating and drinking and so on. (Incidentally it isworthy of note that Jewish law has long restricted the marriage of theunfit.)One other point in conclusion. The rationalization of life accustomed the Jew to a mode of living contrary to (or side by side with)Nature and therefore also to an economic system like the capitalistic,which is likewise contrary to (or side by side with) Nature. What inreality is the idea of making profit, what is economic rationalism, butthe application to economic activities of the rules by which the Jewishreligion shaped Jewish life? Before capitalism could develop the naturalman had to be changed out of all recognition, and a rationalisticallyminded mechanism introduced in his stead. There had to be a transvaluation of all economic values. And what was the result? The hom*ocapitalisticus, who is closely related to the hom*o Judceus, both belonging to the same species, homines rationalistic! artificiales./167And so the rationalization of Jewish life by the Jewish religion, if itdid not actually produce the Jewish capacity for capitalism, certainlyincreased and heightened it.Israel and the NationsOne of the causes to which the Jew owed his economic progress was, asthe reader will remember, the fact that Israel was for generations astranger and an alien. If we seek to account for this aloofness we shallfind its roots in the ordinances of the Jewish religion, shall find that thisreligion always maintained and broadened the line of separation. AsLeroy-Beaulieu, who has studied this aspect of Jewish history with greatsuccess, has so well said, “La loi leur donnait l’ésprit de clan.” The veryfact that they had their Law forced the Jews to live apart from the Gentiles. For if they desired to observe the Law they needs must keep tothemselves. The Jews created the Ghetto, which from the non-Jewishpoint of view was a concession and a privilege and not the result ofenmity.But the Jews wished to live separated from the rest because they feltthemselves superior to the common people round them. They were theChosen Race, a People of Priests. The Rabbis did all that was requiredto fan the flame of pride — from Ezra, who forbade intermarriage as aprofanation of Jewish purity, down to this very day, when the pious Jewsays every morning, “Blessed art Thou, O Lord, King of the Universe,who has not made me a Gentile (stranger).”And so they lived separate and apart all through the centuries of theDiaspora, despite the Diaspora and (thanks to the bands which the Lawlaid upon them) because of the Diaspora — separate and apart, andtherefore a group by themselves, or, if you will, a group by themselvesand therefore separate and apart.A group by themselves — they were that already at the time of theBabylonian Exile, which in reality established the internationalism ofthe Jew. Many of them, especially the wealthier ones, remained behindin Babylon of their own free will, but they retained their Judaism andprofessed it zealously. They kept up a lively intercourse with their brethrenwho had returned home, took a sympathetic interest in their fortunes,rendered them assistance and sent them new settlers from time to time.62The bonds of union were in no wise relaxed in the HellenisticDiaspora. “They kept closely together in the cities and throughout theworld. No matter where they pitched their tents, their connexion with168/Werner SombartZion was upheld. In the heart of the wilderness they had a native landwhere they were at home ... By means of the Diaspora they entered intothe world. In the Hellenistic cities they adopted the Greek tongue andGreek manners even if only as the outer garb of their Jewishness”(Wellhausen).So it continued throughout the centuries of their exile. If 0anythingthe bond became strengthened. “Scis quanta concordia” — “You knowhow they hang together!” cries Cicero.63 So it was; so it still is. “All theJewries in the Empire and beyond,” we read of the rebellion of the year130 A.D., “were stirred and more or less openly supported the insurgentson the banks of the Jordan.”64 Is it any different to-day when a Jew isexpelled from some Russian town or other?A group by themselves and therefore separate and apart — this istrue from earliest antiquity. All nations were struck by their hatred ofothers, of which they were for the fast time accused by Hekateus ofAbdera (300 B.C.) . Many other ancient writers repeat the indictment,65almost always in the same words. Perhaps the best known passage is inTacitus:“Apud eos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu. Sed adversusomnes alias hostile odium. Separati epulis discreti cubilibus,proiectissima ad libidinem gens, alienarum concubitu abstinent”(Historia, V, i. 5). [Amongst themselves they are doggedly faithful andquick to pity, but all strangers they hate as enemies. They neither eat norintermarry with strangers; they are a people of strong passions, yet theywithhold themselves from other men’s wives.]Jewish apologetics never attempted to combat these views:66 theremust therefore have been some foundation for them.It is true that the Jews kept together so closely and shut themselvesoff very often on account of the unfriendly treatment they received at thehands of their hosts. But it was not so originally. The Jews wanted tolive secluded from their neighbours because of their religion. That thiswas so appears from their attitude in those lands where they were welltreated. Witness one or two instances in the ancient world, of which Ihave just given illustrations [Tacitus, etc.]. Witness the same tendencyin the Middle Ages. Take Arabia in the first century. The Jews there atthe period named lived according to the religion which the Tanaim andAmor aim had formulated — keeping the dietary laws and festivals, thegreat White Fast and the Sabbath. “Although they could not complainof anything in this hospitable country they yet longed for the return to/169the Holy Land and awaited the advent of the Messiah every day. . . .They were in direct communication with the Jews of Palestine.”67 Ortake Moorish Spain. While the Christians who lived among the Mohammedans forgot their mother tongue (Gothic Latin), no longer understood their sacred books, and were rather ashamed of their Christianity,the Spanish Jews were more and more devoted to their national language, their Holy Writ and their ancient religion.68 This attitude wasclearly reflected in the Jewish poetry and philosophy of the period, thegreatest perhaps that mediaeval Jewry can boast. In the midst of anArabic-Spanish world in which they lived and enjoyed the respect oftheir fellow-citizens, they were strictly “national,” that is religious; theydrew poetic inspiration from the Messianic hopes and were filled withan unconquerable longing for Zion.69 One need only mention the greatJehuda Halevy, whose Odes to Zion are the highest expression of thegenius of neo-Hebrew poetry.Like a cloud sailing in the blue of the sky above, Judaism winds itsway through history, refreshed by the memories of its hoary and holypast as by a soft breeze. To this very day the pious Jew blesses hischildren with the words, “The Lord make thee as Ephraim andManasseh.”What was the effect on economic life of this seclusion and separation of the Jewish social organism? Directly the Jews stepped outsidethe Ghetto gates their intercourse was with strangers. We have alreadydealt with the point elsewhere; my reason for calling attention to it againis to show that this attitude was a direct consequence of the teaching ofJudaism, that in treating the people among whom they lived as “others,”the Jews were but obeying a divine behest. Here, too, their conduct washallowed, and it received a sanction from the peculiar system of lawsrelating to “strangers.”The most important and most frequently discussed legal ordinancein this system was that affecting the taking of interest. In the old Jewishtheocracy,70 as in every society in early civilization, loans without interest were the regular means of rendering assistance by a man to hisneighbour. But it may be observed that even in the earliest collection oflaws interest was allowed to be taken from “strangers.”The Jewish code was no exception. The best example of this may befound in Deuteronomy xxiii. 20. Other passages in the Torah that havereference to interest are Exodus xxii. 25 and Leviticus xxv. 37. They allform the theme of a lively discussion which has been carried on from the170/Werner Sombartdays of the Tanaim down to the present. The chief instance and at thesame time the crux of the matter is in the Talmud, in Baha Mew, 70b,and my own feeling is that for the most part it is an attempt to discountthe very clear statement of the Torah by all manner of sophistries. Forwhat does the verse in Deuteronomy say? “Unto a foreigner thou mayestlend upon usury; but unto thy brother thou shall not lend upon usury.”The only doubt is in the wording of the original, which may mean withequal grammatical exactitude, “thou mayest lendupon usury” or “thoushalt lend upon usury.” (It need hardly be added that “usury” with thetranslators was nothing more or less than our “interest.”)In either case, the pious Jew was allowed to take interest from nonJews — that is the significant thing as far as we are concerned. Rightthrough the Middle Ages he was not oppressed by the burden of theanti-usury prohibition which weighed upon the Christian. The Jewishlaw on the subject was never to my knowledge questioned by the Rabbis.71 On the other hand, there were periods when the “mayest” in theDeuteronomic passage was read as “shalt,” periods when the Jew wasurged to become a money-lender.The authors who have dealt with this subject in modern times appear to have overlooked the fact that the Deuteronomic command hasbeen received as one of the laws that regulate the life of the Jew, and thatTradition sanctions money-lending to a stranger on payment of interestOf the 613 commandments, this is the 198th and may be found likewisein the Shulchan Aruch. Modem Rabbis72 to whom the perfectly clearordinance in Deuteronomy is somewhat inconvenient (one cannot quiteunderstand why), attempt to explain it away by asserting that “strangers” in the passage is intended not for all non-Jews but only for heathensor idol-worshippers. If this be so, let it not be forgotten that there neverwas any very distinct conception as to who was, and who was not, anidol-worshipper. Besides, the pious Jew who has committed the 198thcommand to memory is not likely to draw the fine distinction urged bythe learned Rabbis. Sufficient for him that the man to whom he lentmoney was no Jew, no “brother,” no neighbour, but a Gentile.Now think of the position in which the pious Jew and the piousChristian respectively found themselves in the period in which moneylending first became a need in Europe, and which eventually gave birthto capitalism. The good Christian who had been addicted to usury wasfull of remorse as he lay a-dying, ready at the eleventh hour to cast fromhim the ill-gotten gains which scorched his soul. And the good Jew? la/171the evening of his days he gazed upon his well-filled caskets and coffers,overflowing with sequins of which he had relieved the miserable Christians or Mohammedans. It was a sight which warmed his heart, forevery penny was almost like a sacrifice which he had brought to hisHeavenly Father.Apart from this particular question, the stranger was accorded special consideration in the Jewish legal code. Duties towards him werenever as binding as towards your “neighbour,” your fellow-Jew. Onlyignorance or a desire to distort facts will assert the contrary. True, theconception of law and morality as it affected the “stranger” varied fromage to age. But there was no change in the fundamental idea that youowed less consideration to the stranger than to one of your own people.That has remained the same from the day when the Torah first becamecurrent to our own. That is the impression that is conveyed by an unprejudiced study of the law concerning strangers in the Holy Writ, theTalmud, the Codes and the Responsa literature. There certainly are passages in the Torah which breathe equality between the home-born andthe stranger (Exod. xii. 49, xxiii. 9; Lev. xix. 33, 34, xxv. 44-6; Deufcx. 18, 19). But in a question of fudacha (legal enactment) such as thisis, the oral tradition cannot be neglected. Secondly, the passages instanced above all refer to the Ger, the non-Jew who had settled in Palestine, seeing that the Jews knew the heart of a Ger, “for ye were Gerim inthe land of Egypt.” [In the sentence about interest the word used isNacharl, some one from another nation.] As time went on it was butnatural that there should be an increase of the cases in Jewish law inwhich the non-Jew was at a disadvantage as compared with the Jew. Somuch so that in the latest code they occupy a good deal of space.73What was the importance in economic life of the laws concerningstrangers? It was twofold. First, intercourse with strangers was bereftof all considerations, and commercial morality (if I may put it so) became elastic. I admit that there was no absolute necessity for this tocome about, but all the conditions were given for it to do so, and it musthave been an everyday occurrence in certain circles. “If a non-Jew makesan error in a statement of account, the Jew may use it to his own advantage; it is not incumbent upon him to point it out” So we may read in theTur, and though Joseph Caro did not include this in his law-book, itcrept in later as a gloss from the pen of Isserlein. Is it not obvious thatthe good Jew must needs draw the conclusion that he was not bound tobe so particular in his intercourse with non-Jews? With Jews he will172/Werner Sombartscrupulously see to it that he has just weights and a just measure;74 butas for his dealings with non-Jews, his conscience will be at ease eventhough he may obtain an unfair advantage. It is not to be denied that insome cases honesty towards non-Jews was inculcated.75 But to thinkthat this should have been necessary! Besides, this is the actual wordingof the law: “It is permissible to take advantage of a non-Jew, for it iswritten. Thou shalt not take advantage of thy brother.” (The contextrefers not to overreaching, but only to the asking of higher prices from anon-Jew.)This conception must have been firmly rooted in those districts (e.g.,in Eastern Europe) where the study of the Talmud and the casuistry itengendered were universal. The effect it had on the commerce of theJew has been described by Graetz, surely no prejudiced witness. “Totwist a phrase out of its meaning, to use all the tricks of the cleveradvocate, to play upon words, and to condemn what they did not know. . . such were the characteristics of the Polish Jew. . . Honesty and rightthinking he lost as completely as simplicity and truthfulness. He madehimself master of all the gymnastics of the Schools and applied them toobtain advantage over any one less cunning than himself. He took adelight in cheating and overreaching, which gave him a sort of joy ofvictory. But his own people he could not treat in this way: they were asknowing as he. It was the non-Jew who, to his loss, felt the consequencesof the Talmudically trained mind of the Polish Jew.”76In the second place, the differential treatment of non-Jews in Jewishcommercial law resulted in the complete transformation of the idea ofcommerce and industry generally in the direction of more freedom. Ifwe have called the Jews the Fathers of Free Trade, and therefore thepioneers of capitalism, let us note here that they were prepared for thisrole by the free-trading spirit of the commercial and industrial law, whichreceived an enormous impetus towards a policy of laissez-faire by itsattitude towards strangers. Clearly, intercourse with strangers could notbut loosen the bonds of personal duties and replace them by economicfreedom. Let us glance at this in greater detail.The theory of price in the Talmud and the Codes, in so far as itaffected trade between Jew and Jew, is exactly parallel to the scholasticdoctrine of justum pretium which was prevalent in Europe throughoutthe Middle Ages. But as between Jew and non-Jew, there was no justprice. Price was formed as it is to-day, by “the higgling of the market.”77Be that as it may, the important thing to observe is that already in/173the Talmud, and still more distinctly in the Shulchan Aruch, conceptions of the freedom of industry and enterprise, so entirely alien to theChristian law of Mediaeval Europe, are met with. It is a subject deserving of close study and should be taken up by a specialist. For my part, Ican do no more here than refer to a few instances. But few though theybe, they seem to me to be conclusive evidence on the point in question.My first reference is to a passage in the Talmud which fully recognizesfree competition among sellers.Mishna. — R. Judah was of opinion that a shopkeeper should notdistribute nuts among children, because by so doing he gets theminto the habit of coming to him. But the Rabbis allow it. Moreover, it is not lawful to spoil prices. But the Rabbis say, “Blessedbe his memory.”Gemara. — The question at once arises, what was the reason forthe attitude of the Rabbis in the first case? The answer is that theshopkeeper may say to his competitor, “I give the children nuts,you can give them plums.” And what is the reason of the Rabbisin the second case? The Mishna forbids price alteration, and yetthey say, “Blessed be his memory.” The answer is, they bless hismemory because he reduces prices (Baba Mew, 60a and b).In the Codes the reasons have been omitted, and the dry statementof law only is found. “A shopkeeper is allowed to make presents of nutsand other things to the children who come to purchase in his shop, inorder to win their custom. Moreover, he may sell at a price below thecurrent one, and the competing tradesmen can do nothing” (ChoshenMishpat, 225, §18).Similarly, in the laws regulating the conduct of traders who bringtheir goods to the market town, the following may be read: “Should thestrangers sell more cheaply than the native dealers, or should their goodsbe of a better quality, the natives may not prevent them, for the Jewishpublic derives benefit therefrom” (Choshen Mishpat, 156, §7).Once more. “If a Jew is prepared to lend money to a non-Jew at alower rate of interest than some one else, the latter can do nothing againstit” (Choshen Mishpat, 156, §5).Finally, Jewish law favours industrial laissez-faire. So we find inthe Shulchan Aruch: “If any one commenced a handicraft in his streetand none of his neighbours protested, and then one of the other residentsin the street wishes to carry on the same calling, the first may not com-174/Werner Sombartplain that the new-comer is taking the bread out of his mouth, and try toprevent him” (Choshen Mishpat, 156, §5).Clearly, then, free trade and industrial freedom were in accordancewith Jewish law, and therefore in accordance with God’s will. What amighty motive power in economic life!Judaism and PuritanismI have already mentioned that Max Weber’s study of the importance ofPuritanism for the capitalistic system was the impetus that sent me toconsider the importance of the Jew, especially as I felt that the dominating ideas of Puritanism which were so powerful in capitalism were moreperfectly developed in Judaism, and were also of course of much earlierdate.A complete comparison of the two “isms” is not within my provincehere. But I believe that if it were made, it would be seen that there is analmost unique identity of view between Judaism and Puritanism, at least,on those points which we have investigated. In both will be found thepreponderance of religious interests, the idea of divine rewards and punishments, asceticism within the world, the close relationship betweenreligion and business, the arithmetical conception of sin, and, above all,the rationalization of life.Let me refer to an instance or two. Take the attitude of Judaism andPuritanism to the problem of sex. In one of the best hotels of Philadelphia I found a notice in my room to this effect: “Visitors who may haveto transact business with ladies are respectfully requested to leave thedoor of their room open while the lady is with them.” What is this butthe old dictum of the Talmud (Kiddushin, 82a), “Hast thou businesswith women? See to it that thou art not with them alone”?Again, is not the English Sunday the Jewish Sabbath?I would also recall the words of Heine,78 who had a clear insightinto most things. “Are not,” he asks in his Confessions, “Are not theProtestant Scots Hebrews, with their Biblical names, their Jerusalem,pharisaistic cant? And is not their religion a Judaism which allows youto eat pork?”Puritanism is Judaism.Whether the first was influenced by the second, and if so, how, aremost difficult questions to answer. It is well known, of course, that inthe Reformation period there was close intercourse between Jews andcertain Christian sects, that the study of Hebrew and the Hebrew Scrip-/175tures became fashionable, and that the Jews in England in the 17th century were held in very high esteem by the Puritans. Leading men inEngland like Oliver Cromwell built up their religious views on the OldTestament, and Cromwell himself dreamed of a reconciliation betweenthe Old and the New Testaments, and of a confederation between theChosen People of God and the Puritan English. A Puritan preacher ofthe day, Nathaniel Holmes by name, wished for nothing better than, inaccordance with the letter of the prophetic message, to become a servantof God’s people and to serve them on bended knee. Public life becameHebraic in tone no less than the sermons in churches. And if only speechesin Parliament had been in Hebrew, you might have believed yourself inPalestine. The “Levellers,” who called themselves “Jews” (in oppositiontotheir opponents whom they termed “Amalekites”), advocated the adoption of the Torah as the norm of English legislation. Cromwell’s officerssuggested to him to appoint seventy members of his Privy Council according to the number of the members of the Synhedrin. To the Parliament of 1653 General Thomas Harrison, the Anabaptist, was returned,and he and his party clamoured for the introduction of the Mosaic legislation into England. In 1649 it was moved in the House of Commonsthat the Lord’s Day should be observed on Saturday instead of on Sunday. On the banners of the victorious Puritans was inscribed “The Lionof Judah.”79 It is significant that not only the Bible, but the Rabbinicalliterature as well, was extensively read in large circles of the clergy andlaity.Altogether, then, there appears to be sufficient evidence for the deduction of Puritan doctrines from Jewish sources. The specialists mustdecide. Here I have been able to do no more than give a hint or two. Andin conclusion I would draw attention to a little humorous publication,which appeared in the year 1608 and the contents of which would seemto demonstrate the close connexion between Judaism and Calvinism(which is only Puritanism). It is called, Der Calvinische Judenspiegel(the Calvinistic Jewish Mirror), and on page 33 a comparison is drawnbetween the two religions in the following droll fashion. [The old German is delightful.] “If I am to say on my honour why I am become aCalvinist, I shall have to confess that the one and only reason whichpersuaded me was that among all the religions I could find none whichagreed so much with Judaism, and its view of life and faith. (Here follow a number of parallel statements, partly serious and partly satirical).8. The Jews hate the name of Mary and tolerate her only when she is176/Werner Sombartmade of gold and silver, or when her image is impressed on coins. So dowe. We too like Mary farthings and crowns, to which we pay all duerespect, for they are useful in business. 9. The Jews everywhere are atpains to cheat the people. So are we. For that very reason we left ourcountry to wander in other lands where we are not known in our truecolours, so that by our deceit and cunning ... we might lead astray theignorant yokels, cheat them and bring them to us....”

Chapter 12 Jewish Characteristics

The ProblemThe decision to deal in a work of a scientific character with the problemsuggested by the title of the present chapter has not been arrived atwithout a great effort. For it has of late become the fashion to seize uponanything even but faintly savouring of the psychology of nations as theplaything for the lighter moods of dilettanti, whilst descriptions of theJewish genius have been hailed as the newest form of political sport bycoarser spirits, whose rude instincts cannot but give offence to all thosewho, in our gross age, have managed to preserve a modicum of goodtaste and impartiality. Unjustifiable juggling with categories in race psychology has already led to the conclusion that it is impossible to arriveat any scientific results in this field of study. Read the books of P. Hertz,Jean Finot and others1

and you will lay them down with the feeling that

it is useless to attempt to find common psychological characteristicsamong any conglomeration of humans; that French esprit is a myth —in fact that there are no Frenchmen, just as there are no Jews. But crossthe street, and lo and behold, you are face to face with a specific type;read a book or stand before a picture and almost unconsciously you say.How very German, how thoroughly French!Is this only the imagining of our fancy?2Nay more. If we think for a moment of human history we mustneeds construct for ourselves the hypothesis of a sort of “collective soul.”When, for example, we talk of the Jewish religion we are bound to connect it with the Jewish people whose genius gave it birth. Or, when wesay the Jews had an influence on modern economic development, it follows surely that there must have been something essentially Jewish thatbrought it about. Otherwise we might as well assert that it would havemade no difference to the economic history of Western Europe if Eski-/177mos had taken the place of Jews, or perhaps even gorillas would havedone equally well!This reductio ad absurdum shows plainly enough that there mustbe some specifically Jewish characteristic. But let us consider the matter from a slightly different point of view. Let us glance at the objectivecirc*mstances in the Jewish aptitude for modern capitalism. There wasfirst, as we have seen, the dispersion of the Jews over a wide area. Nowwithout recourse to subjective forces the Diaspora can be as little explained as the effects of the Diaspora. And one thing is evident. Thedispersion of a people in itself does not necessarily have either economic or cultural results; nay, very often dispersion may lead to fusionand ultimate disappearance.It has been claimed — and with truth — that it was the dispersionof the Jews which fitted them to become intermediaries. Granted, butdid it also tend to make of them negotiators and private advisers ofprinces, callings which have from time immemorial been the stcppingstones of the interpreter to higher posts? Were the capacities essential tothese new offices not inherent in the Jews themselves?We have admitted that the dispersion of the Jews was responsiblefor no little of their success in international commerce and credit. But isnot the postulate to this success the fact that the Jews everywhere kepttogether? What would have happened if, like so many other scatteredraces, they had not maintained their bonds of union?Lastly, let us not forget that the Jews came among just those peopleswho happened to be mature enough to receive capitalism. But even so, ifJewish influence was strong (and it is so still) in Holland, in England, inGermany, in Austria-Hungary — stronger far than their influence onthe Spaniards, Italians, Greeks or Arabs — it was in a large measuredue to the contrasts between them and their hosts. For it would seemthat the more slow-witted, the more thick-skulled, the more ignorant ofbusiness a people is, the more effective is Jewish influence on their economic life. And can this be satisfactorily accounted for except throughspecial Jewish peculiarities?No matter what was the origin of their innate dissimilarity fromtheir hosts, the salient point is that this strangeness should have obtained lasting influence in economic life. Once more it is impossible tofathom this without the assumption of inherent Jewish characteristics.That a people or a tribe is hated and persecuted does not furnish sufficient reason for spurring them on to redoubled efforts in their activities.178/Werner SombartOn the contrary, in most cases this contempt and ill-treatment but serveto destroy morals and initiative. Only where man is possessed of exceptional qualities do these become, under the stress of circ*mstances, thesource of regenerated energy.Again, look at their semi-citizenship. Does not the identical argument hold good here also? It is so obvious as to become almost a truism.Nowhere did the Jews enjoy the same advantages as their fellow-citizens, and yet everywhere they achieved economically much more thanthe rest of the population. There can be but one explanation for this —the specifically Jewish characteristics.On the other hand, the legal position of the Jews varied in differentcountries and at different times. In some States they were allowed toengage in certain occupations; in others these same occupations wereforbidden them; in others again, such as England, they were on a perfectly equal footing with the rest of the people in this respect. And yetthey devoted themselves almost everywhere to particular callings. InEngland and America they began their commercial mission by becoming bullion-merchants or storekeepers. And can this be accounted for inany other way than by once more pointing to their peculiar characteristics?As for the wealth of the Jews, that alone will hardly suffice to explain their great achievements in the sphere of economic activities. Aman who possesses vast sums must have a number of intellectual qualities in addition, if his money is to be usefully employed in the capitalistic sense. That surely requires no proof.Jewish characteristics must therefore exist. It remains only to discover what they are.Our first thought of the Jews as a unit will naturally be associatedwith their religion. But before we proceed another step I should like topremise that on the one hand I shall limit the group lumped togetherunder the Jewish religion, and on the other hand, I shall enlarge it. I shalllimit it by only considering the Jews since their expulsion from Spainand Portugal, that is, from the end of the Middle Ages. I shall enlarge itby including within the circle of my observations the descendants ofJews, even if they themselves have left the faith.Moreover, I should like to touch upon the arguments urged againstthe existence of Jewish peculiarities.(1) It has been remarked that the Jews of Western Europe andAmerica have to a large extent assimilated with the peoples among whom/179they dwell. This need not be denied, even if specifically Jewish characteristics were as clear as daylight. Is it not possible for social groups tointermingle? A man may be a German, have all the characteristics of aGerman, and yet be an individual in the group “international proletariat!”Or take another instance. Are not the German Swiss at one and the sametime Swiss and German?(2) The Jews in the Diaspora, it is maintained, are not a “nation” ora “people” in the commonly accepted meaning of the term,3

since they

are not a political, cultural or linguistic community. The reply to thisobjection is that there are many other qualifications besides those mentioned (e.g., a common origin) which must be considered. But speakinggenerally, it is as well not to press a definition too closely.(3) The differences between the Jews themselves have been mademuch of. It has been said that there is no hom*ogeneity among Jews, thatone section is bitterly opposed to the other. The Western Jews are different from the Eastern Jews, the Sephardim from the Ashkenazim, theOrthodox from the Liberals, the everyday Jew from the Sabbath Jew (touse a phrase of Marx). This also there is no need to deny. But it does notby any means preclude the possibility of common Jewish characteristics. Is it so difficult to conceive of wheels within wheels? Cannot alarge group contain lesser groups side by side? Think of the many groupsto which an Englishman may belong. He may be a Catholic or a Protestant, a farmer or a professor, a northerner or a southerner and Heavenonly knows what else besides. But he remains an Englishman all thesame. So with the Jew. He may belong to one circle within the whole,may possess certain characteristics that mark all individuals in that circle,but he retains the specifically Jewish characteristics nevertheless.Finally, I must make it plain that I have no intention of outlining allJewish characteristics. I propose to deal with those only that have reference to economic life. I shall not content myself with the old-fashionedexpressions, such as the Jewish “commercialism,” the “bartering spirit”and the like. I say nothing of the practice of some to include the desirefor profit as a characteristic of a social group. The desire for profit ishuman — all too human. In fact, I must reject all previous analyses ofthe Jewish soul (in so far as they touch economic life), and for the following reasons. First, what the Jew was well-fitted for was never clearlyenough designated. “For trade” is much too vague a term to be of theslightest use. I have therefore tried to show, in a special chapter, thecircle of economic activities for which Jews are specifically fitted. Sec-180/Werner Sombartondly, mere description is not explanation. If I want to prove that a manhas all the capabilities necessary to make him an admirable speculatoron the Stock Exchange, it will not be enough if I say that he will make afine jobber. It is like saying indigence is due to poverty. Yet that is howJewish economic talents have been treated. Our method will be different. We shall try to discover certain properties of the soul which arecongenial to the exercise of economic functions in a capitalistic organism.And now, having cleared the way, I shall proceed to demonstratewhat the real Jewish peculiarities are.An Attempt at a SolutionIt is surprising to find that despite the enormity of the problem there isyet a great degree of unanimity in the different views about the Jews. Inliterature no less than in actual life, unprejudiced observers agree onone or other point of importance. Read Jellinek or Fromer, Chamberlainor Marx, Heine or Goethe, Leroy-Beaulieu or Picciotto — read the pious or the non-conforming Jew, the anti-Semitic or the philo-Semiticnon-Jew — and you get the impression that all of them are conscious ofthe same peculiarities. This is comforting to one who is about to describe the Jewish genius once more. At any rate, he will say nothing thatother people might not have said, even though his standpoint be slightlydifferent. In my own case I shall attempt to show the connexion betweenthe characteristics and the natural gifts of the Jews and the capitalisticeconomic system. I shall first try to sketch a detailed picture of Jewishqualities and then proceed to bring them into relation with capitalism.Unlike most other writers on the subject I will begin by noting aJewish quality which, though mentioned often enough, never receivedthe recognition which its importance merited. I refer to the extreme intellectuality of the Jew. Intellectual interests and intellectual skill aremore strongly developed in him than physical (manual) powers. Of theJew it may certainly be said, “l’intelligence prime le corps.” Everydayexperience proves it again and again, and many a fact might be cited inits support. No other people has valued the learned man, the scholar, sohighly as the Jews. “The wise man takes precedence of the king, and abastard who is a scholar of a high-priest who is an ignoramus.” So theTalmud has it. Any one who is acquainted with Jewish students knowswell enough that this over-rating of mere knowledge is not yet a thing ofthe past. And if you could not become “wise,” at least it was your duty/181to be educated. At all times instruction was compulsory in Israel. Intruth, to learn was a religious duty; and in Eastern Europe the synagogue is still called the Shool (Schule, School). Study and worship wenthand in hand; nay, study was worship and ignorance was a deadly sin. Aman who could not read was a boor in this world and damned in thenext. In the popular sayings of the Ghetto, nothing had so much scornpoured upon it as foolishness. “Better injustice than folly,” and “EinNarr ist ein Gezar” (A fool is a misfortune) are both well known.4The most valuable individual is the intellectual individual; humanity at its best is intellectuality at its highest. Listen to what a sensibleJew has to say when he pictures the ideal man, the superman if you like,of the future. He takes it all as a matter of course; those who are differently constituted must surely tremble at the prospect. “In the place ofthe blind instincts . . . civilized man will possess intellect conscious ofpurpose. It should be every one’s unswerving ideal to crush the instinctsand replace them by will-power, and to substitute reflection for mereimpulse. The individual only becomes a man in the fullest sense of theword when his natural predisposition is under the control of his reasoning powers. And when the process of emancipation from the instincts iscomplete we have the perfect genius with his absolute inner freedomfrom the domination of natural laws. Civilization should have but oneaim — to liberate man from all that is mystic, from the vague impulsiveness of all instinctive action, and to cultivate the purely rational sideof his being.”5

Only think. Genius, the very essence of instinctive expression, conceived as the highest form of the rational and the intellectual!

One consequence of this high evaluation of the intellect was theesteem in which callings were held according as they demanded more“headwork” or more “handwork.” The former were almost in all agesplaced higher than the latter. It is true that there may have been, and stillmay be, Jewish communities in which hard bodily labour is done everyday, but this hardly applies to the Jews of Western Europe. Even inTalmud times Jews preferred those callings which necessitated a lesserexpenditure of physical energy. As Rabbi said, “The world needs boththe seller of spices and the tanner, but happy be who is a seller of spices.”Or again, “R. Men: used to say, A man should have his son taught aclean and easy handicraft” (Kiddushin, 82b).The Jews were quite alive to their predominant quality and alwaysrecognized that there was a great gulf between their intellectuality and182/Werner Sombartthe brute force of their neighbours. One or two sayings popular amongPolish Jews express the contrast with no little humour. “God help a managainst Gentile hands and Jewish heads.” “Heaven protect us againstJewish mooch (brains) and Gentile koach (physical force).” Mooch v.Koach — that is the Jewish problem in a nutshell. It ought to be themotto of this book.The predominance of intellectual interests could not but lead in apeople so gifted as the Jews to intellectual skill. “Say what you likeabout a Jew, you cannot say he is a fool.” “A gallant Greek, a stupidJew, an honest Gipsy — all are unthinkable” is a popular saying amongRoumanians. And a Spanish proverb has it, “A hare that is slow and aJew who is a fool: both are equally probable.”6

Who that has had dealings with Jews but will not confirm that on an average they possess a

greater degree of understanding, that they are more intelligent than otherpeople? I might even call it astuteness or sagacity, as was remarked byone of the keenest observers of Jews7

a century or more ago, who characterized them as “intellectual and endowed with great genius for things

of the present age,” though, he added, “to a less degree than in the past.”“The Jewish mind is an instrument of precision; it has the exactnessof a pair of scales”: most people will agree with this judgment of LeroyBeaulieu. And when H. S. Chamberlain speaks of the under-development of Jewish “understanding” he must surely be using the term in aspecial sense. He cannot possibly mean by it quick thought, preciseanalysis, exact dissection, speedy combination, the power of seeing thepoint at once, of suggesting analogies, distinguishing between synonymous things, of drawing final conclusions. The Jew is able to do all this,and Jellinek, who rightly lays stress8

on this side of the Jewish character, points out that Hebrew is particularly rich in expressions for activities demanding qualities of the mind. It has no fewer than eleven words

for seeking or researching, thirty-four for distinguishing or separating,and fifteen for combining.There is no doubt that these mental gifts make the Jews prominentas chess-players, as mathematicians9

and in all calculating work. These

activities postulate a strong capacity for abstract thought and also aspecial kind of imagination, which Wundt has so happily christened thecombinatory. Their skill as physicians (ability at diagnosis)10 may alsobe traced to their calculating, dissecting and combining minds, which“like lightning, illuminate dark places in a flash.”It is not unknown that often enough Jewish mental ability degener-/183ates into hair-splitting. (When the mill has no corn to grind it grindsitself.) But this does not matter so much as another fact. The intellectuality of the Jew is so strong that it tends to develop at the expense ofother mental qualities, and the mind is apt to become one-sided. Let ustake a few instances. The Jew lacks the quality of instinctive understanding; he responds less to feeling than to intellect. We can scarcelythink of a Jewish mystic like Jacob Bohme, and the contrast becomesstill more striking when we remember the sort of mysticism found in theKabbala. In the same way all romance is alien to this particular view oflife; the Jew cannot well sympathize with losing oneself in the world, inmankind or in nature. It is the difference between frenzied enthusiasmand sober, matter-of-fact thought.Akin to this characteristic is that of a certain lack of impressionability, a certain lack of receptive and creative genius. When I was inBreslau a Jewish student from the far East of Siberia came to me oneday “to study Karl Marx.” It took him nearly three weeks to reachBreslau, and on the very day after his arrival he called on me and borrowed one of Marx’s works. A few days later he came again, discussedwith me what he had read, brought back the book and borrowed another. This continued for a few months. Then he returned to his nativevillage. The young man had received absolutely no impressions fromhis new surroundings; he had made no acquaintances, never taken awalk, hardly knew in fact where it was that he was staying. The life ofBreslau passed him by completely. No doubt it was the same before hecame to Breslau, and will be the same throughout the future. He willwalk through the world without seeing it. But he had made himself acquainted with Marx. Is this a typical case? I think so. You may meetwith it every day. Are we not continually struck by the Jew’s love for theinconcrete, his tendency away from the sensuous, his constant abidingin a world of abstractions? And is it only accidental that there are farfewer Jewish painters than literary men or professors? Even in the caseof Jewish artists is there not something intellectual about their work?Never was word more truly spoken than when Friedrich Naumann compared Max Liebermann [the famous Jewish painter] with Spinoza, saying, “He paints with his brain.”The Jew certainly sees remarkably clearly, but he does not see much.He does not think of his environment as something alive, and that is whyhe has lost the true conception of life, of its oneness, of its being anorganism, a natural growth. In short, he has lost the true conception of184/Werner Sombartthe personal side of life. General experience must surely support thisview; but if other proofs are demanded they will be found in the peculiarities of Jewish law, which, as we have already seen, abolished personal relationships and replaced them by impersonal, abstract connexionsor activities or aims.As a matter of fact, one may find among Jews an extraordinaryknowledge of men. They are able with their keen intellects to probe, asit were, into every pore, and to see the inside of a man as only Rontgenrays would show him. They muster all his qualities and abilities, theynote his excellences and his weaknesses; they detect at once for what heis best fitted. But seldom do they see the whole man, and thus they oftenmake the mistake of ascribing actions to him which are an abominationto his inmost soul. Moreover, they seldom appraise a man according tohis personality, but rather according to some perceptible characteristicand achievement.Hence their lack of sympathy for every status where the nexus is apersonal one. The Jews’ whole being is opposed to all that is usuallyunderstood by chivalry, to all sentimentality, knight-errantry, feudalism, patriarchalism. Nor does he comprehend a social order based onrelationships such as these. “Estates of the realm” and craft organizations are a loathing to him. Politically he is an individualist. A constitutional State in which all human intercourse is regulated by clearly defined legal principles suits him well.[Is not this the general modern tendency? Cf. Sir H. Maine’s dictum: The progress of Society is fromstatus to contract. — Trans.] He is the born representative of a “liberal” view of life in which there are no living men and women of fleshand blood with distinct personalities, but only citizens with rights andduties. And these do not differ in different nations, but form part ofmankind, which is but the sum-total of an immense number of amorphous units. Just as so many Jews do not see themselves — do they notdeny their obvious characteristics and assert that there is no differencebetween them and Englishmen or Germans or Frenchmen? — so theydo not see other people as living beings but only as subjects, citizens, orsome other such abstract conception. It comes to this, that they beholdthe world not with their “soul” but with their intellect. The result is thatthey are easily led to believe that whatever can be neatly set down onpaper and ordered aright by the aid of the intellect must of necessity becapable of proper settlement in actual life. How many Jews still holdthat the Jewish Question is only a political one, and are convinced that a/185liberal regime is all that is required to remove the differences betweenthe Jew and his neighbour. It is nothing short of astounding to read theopinion of so soundly learned a man as the author of one of the newestbooks on the Jewish Question that the whole of the anti-Semitic movement during the last thirty years was the result of the works of Marr andDuhring. “The thousand victims of the pogroms and the million sturdyworkers who emigrated from their homes are but a striking illustrationof the power of — Eugen Duhring” (!).11 Is not this opposing ink andblood, understanding and instinct, an abstraction and a reality?The conception of the universe in the mind of such an intellectualpeople must perforce have been that of a structure well-ordered in accordance with reason. By the aid of reason, therefore, they sought tounderstand the world; they were rationalists, both in theory and in practice.Now as soon as a strong consciousness of the ego attaches itself tothe predominating intellectuality in the thinking being, he will tend togroup the world round that ego. In other words, he will look at the worldfrom the point of view of end, or goal, or purpose. His outlook will beIdeological, or that of practical rationalism. No peculiarity is so fullydeveloped in the Jew as this, and there is complete unanimity of opinionon the subject. Most other observers start out with the teleology of theJew; I for my part regard it as the result of his extreme intellectuality, inwhich I believe all the other Jewish peculiarities are rooted. In sayingthis, however, I do not in the least wish to minimize the very great ‘importance of this Jewish characteristic.Take any expression of the Jewish genius and you will be certain tofind in it this teleological tendency, which has sometimes been calledextreme subjectivity. Whether or no the Indo-Germanic races are objective and the Semitic subjective,12 certain it is that the Jews are the mostsubjective of peoples. The Jew never loses himself in the outer world,never sinks in the depth of the cosmos, never soars in the endless realmsof thought, but, as Jellinek well puts it, dives below the surface to seekfor pearls. He brings everything into relation with his ego. He is for everasking why, what for, what will it bring? Cui bono? His greatest interest is always in the result of a thing, not in the thing itself. It is unJewish to regard any activity, be it what you will, as an end in itself; unJewish to live your life without having any purpose, to leave all to chance;un-Jewish to get harmless pleasure out of Nature. The Jew has taken allthat is in Nature and made of it “the loose pages of a text-book of ethics186/Werner Sombartwhich shall advance the higher moral life.” The Jewish religion, as wehave already seen, is teleological in its aim; in each of its regulations ithas the ethical norm in view. The entire universe, in the Jew’s eyes, issomething that was made in accordance with a plan. This is one of thedifferences between Judaism and heathenism, as Heine saw long ago.“They (the heathens) all have an endless, eternal ‘past,’ which is in theworld and develops with it by the laws of necessity; but the God of theJews was outside the world, which He created as an act of free-will.”No term is more familiar to the ear of the Jew than Tachlis, whichmeans purpose, aim, end or goal. If you are to do anything it must havea tachlis; life itself, whether as a whole or in its single activities, musthave some tachlis, and so must the universe. Those who assert that themeaning of Life, of the World, is not tachlis but tragedy, the Jew willreckon as foolish visionaries.How deeply the teleological view of things is embedded in the nature of the Jew may be seen in the case of those of them who, like theChassidim, pay no attention to the needs of practical life because “thereis no purpose in them.” There is no purpose in making a living, and sothey let their wives and children starve, and devote themselves to thestudy of their sacred books. But we may see it also in all those Jewswho, with a soul-weariness within them and a faint smile on their countenances, understanding and forgiving everything, stand and gaze at lifefrom their own heights, far above this world. I have in my mind suchchoice spirits among the literary men of our day as George Hirschfeld,Arthur Schnitzler and George Hermann. The great charm of their worklies in this world-aloofness with which they look down on our hustle andbustle, in the quiet melancholy pervading all their poetry, in their sentiment. Their very lack of will-power is only strength of will in a kind ofnegative form. Through all their ballads sounds the same soft plaint ofgrief: how purposeless and therefore how sad is the world! Nature herself is tinged with this sorrow; autumn always lurks in ambush thoughwood and meadow be bright with gay spring blossoms; the wind playsamong the fallen leaves and the sun’s golden glory, be it never so beautiful, must go down at last. Subjectivity and the conception that all thingsmust have an aim (and the two are the same) rob the poetry of Jewishwriters of naiveté, freshness and directness, because Jewish poets areunable simply to enjoy the phenomena of this world, whether it be human fate or Nature’s vagaries; they must needs cogitate upon it and turnit about and about. Nowhere is the air scented with the primrose and the/187violet, nowhere gleams the spray of the rivulet in the wood. But to makeup for lack of these they possess the wonderful aroma of old wine andthe magic charm of a pair of beautiful eyes gazing sadly into the distance.When this attitude of mind that seeks for a purpose in all things isunited with a strong will, with a large fund of energy (as is generally thecase with the Jew), it ceases to be merely a point of view; it becomes apolicy. The man sets himself a goal and makes for it, allowing nothingwhatever to turn him aside from his course; he is determined, if you like,stiff-necked. Heine in characterizing his people called it stubbornness,and Goethe said that the essence of the Jewish character was energy andthe pursuit of direct ends.My next point is mobility, but I am not quite sure whether this canbe ascribed to all Jews or only to the Ashkenazi (German) Jews. Writerswho have sung the praises of the Sephardim (Spanish Jews) always laystress on a certain dignified air which they have, a certain superciliousness of bearing.13 Their German brethren, on the other hand, have always been described as lively, active and somewhat excitable.14 Evento-day you may meet with many Spanish Jews, especially in the Orient,who strike you as being dignified, thoughtful and self-restrained, whodo not in the least appear to have that mobility, moral or physical, whichis so often noticeable in European Jews. But mobility of mind — quickperception and mental versatility — all Jews possess.These four elements, intellectuality, teleology, energy and mobility,are the corner-stones of Jewish character, so complicated in its nature. Ibelieve that all the qualities of the Jew may be easily traced to one ormore of these elements. Take two which are of special import in economic life — extreme activity and adaptability.The Jew is active, or if you will, industrious. In the words of Goethe,“No Jew, not even the most insignificant, but is busy towards the achievement of some worldly, temporary or momentary aim.” This activity often enough degenerates into restlessness. He must for ever be up anddoing, for ever managing something and carrying it to fruition. He isalways on the move, and does not care much if he makes himself anuisance to those who would rest if they could. All musical and social“affairs” in our large towns are run by Jews. The Jew is the born trumpeter of progress and of its manifold blessings. And why? Because ofhis practical-mindedness andhis mobility combined with his intellectuality. The last more especially, because it never strikes deep root. All188/Werner Sombartintellectuality is in the long run shallowness; never does it allow of probingto the very roots of a matter, never of reaching down to the depths of thesoul, or of the universe. Hence intellectuality makes it easy to go fromone extreme to the other. That is why you find among Jews fanaticalorthodoxy and unenlightened doubt side by side; they both spring fromone source.But to this shallow intellectuality the Jew owes perhaps the mostvaluable of his characteristics — his adaptability — which is unique inhistory. The Jews were always a stiff-necked people, and their adaptability no less than their capacity to maintain their national traits areboth due to the one cause. Their adaptability enabled them to submit forthe time being, if circ*mstances so demanded, to the laws of necessity,only to hark back to their wonted ways when better days came. From ofold the Jewish character was at one and the same time resistant andsubmissive, and though these traits may appear contradictory they onlyseem so. As Leroy-Beaulieu well said, “The Jew is at once the moststubborn and the most pliant of men, the most self-willed and the mostmalleable.”The leaders and the “wise” men of the Jewish people were in allages fully alive to the importance, nay the necessity, of this flexibilityand elasticity, if Israel was to continue, and they were therefore nevertired of insisting upon it. Jewish literature abounds in instances. “Be aspliant as the reed which the wind blows in this direction and in that, forthe Torah can be observed only by him that is of a contrite spirit. Why isthe Torah likened unto water? To tell you that just as water never flowsup to the heights but rather runs down to the depths, so too the Torahdoes not abide with the haughty but only with the lowly.”15 Or again,“When the fox is in authority bow down before him.”16 Once more,“Bend before the wave and it passes over you; oppose it, and it willsweep you away.”17 Finally, a supplication from the Prayer Book runsas follows: “May my soul be as the dust to every one.”It was in this spirit that the Rabbis counselled their flocks to pretendto accept the dominant faiths in those countries where their existencedepended on the renunciation of their own. The advice was followed toa large extent, and in the words of Fromer, “The Jewish race, by simulating death from time to time, was able to live on and on.”There are very few, if any, make-believe Christians or Moslems today. Nevertheless, the remarkable power of the Jew to adapt himself tohis environment has more scope than ever. The Jew of Western Europe/189and America to-day no longer wishes to maintain his religion and hisnational character intact; on the contrary, he wishes, in so far as thenationalist spirit has not yet awakened in him, to lose his characteristicsand to assimilate with the people in whose midst his lot happens to becast. And lo, this too he can successfully achieve.Perhaps the clearest illustration of the way in which Jewish traitsmanifest themselves is the fact that the Jew in England becomes like anEnglishman, in France like a Frenchman, and so forth. And if he doesnot really become like an Englishman or a Frenchman, he appears to belike one. That a Felix Mendelssohn should write German music, that aJacques Offenbach French and a Sousa Yankee-doodle; that LordBeaconsfield should set up as an Englishman, Gambetta as a Frenchman, Lassalle as a German; in short, that Jewish talent should so oftenhave nothing Jewish about it, but be in accord with its environment, hascuriously enough again and again been urged as evidence that there areno specifically Jewish characteristics, whereas in truth it proves the veryopposite in a striking fashion. It proves that the Jews have the gift ofadaptability in an eminently high degree. The Jew might go from oneplanet to another, but his strangeness amid the new surroundings wouldnot continue for long. He quickly feels his way and adapts himself withease. He is German where he wants to be German, and Italian if thatsuits him better. He does everything and dabbles in everything, and withsuccess. He can be a pure Magyar in Hungary, he can belong to theIrredenta in Italy, and be an anti-Semite in France (Drumont!). He is anadept in seizing upon anything which is still germinating, and bringingit with all speed to its full bloom.18 All this his adaptability enables himto do.I have already said that this peculiar capacity for adaptation is rootedin the four elements of the Jewish character. But perhaps the rationalismof the Jew is responsible for it to a greater degree than the other three.Because of his rationalism he is able to look at everything from without.If the Jew is anything, it is not because he must but because he determines to be so. Any convictions he may have do not spring from hisinmost soul; they are formulated by his intellect. His standpoint is noton solid earth but an imaginary castle in the air. He is not organicallyoriginal but mechanically rational. He lacks depth of feeling and strengthof instinct. That is why he is what he is, but he can also be different.That Lord Beaconsfield was a Conservative was due to some accidentor other, or some political conjuncture; but Stein and Bismarck and190/Werner SombartCarlyle were Conservatives because they could not help it; it was intheir blood. Had Marx or Lassalle been born in another age, or in another environment, they might quite easily have become Conservativesinstead of Radicals. As a matter of fact, Lassalle was already coquetting with the idea of becoming a reactionary, and no doubt he wouldhave played the part of a Prussian Junker as brilliantly as that of socialist agitator.The driving power in Jewish adaptability is of course the idea of apurpose, or a goal, as the end of all things. Once the Jew has made uphis mind what line he will follow, the rest is comparatively easy, and hismobility only makes his success more sure.How mobile the Jew can be is positively astounding. He is able togive himself the personal appearance he most desires. As in days of oldthrough simulating death he was able to defend himself, so now by colouradaptation or other forms of mimicry. The best illustrations may bedrawn from the United States, where the Jew of the second or thirdgeneration is with difficulty distinguished from the non-Jew. You cantell the German after no matter how many generations; so with the Irish,the Swede, the Slav. But the Jew, in so far as his racial physical featuresallow of it, has been successful in imitating the Yankee type, especiallyin regard to outward marks such as clothing, bearing and the peculiarmethod of hairdressing.Easier still, on account of his mental and moral mobility, is it for theJew to make the intellectual atmosphere of his environment his own. Hismental mobility enables him quickly to seize upon the “tone” of anycircle, quickly to notice what it is that matters, quickly to feel his wayinto things. And his moral mobility? That helps him to remove troublesome hindrances, either ethical or aesthetical, from his path. And he cando this with all the more facility because he has only to a small degreewhat may be termed personal dignity. It means little to him to be untrueto himself, if it is a question of attaining the wished-for goal.Is this picture faithful of life? The obvious adaptability of the Jewto the changing conditions of the struggle for existence is surely proofenough. But there is further proof in some of the special gifts whichJews possess. I refer to their undoubted talent for journalism, for theBar, for the stage, and all of it is traceable to their adaptability.Adolf Jellinek, in the book we have referred to more than once, hasdrawn a clever little sketch showing the connexion between the two.“The journalist,” he says, “must be quick, mobile, lively, enthusiastic,/191able to analyze quickly and as quickly to put two and two together; mustbe able to enter in medias res, to have the gist of any question of the dayor the central fact of a debate in his mind’s eye; must be able to dealwith his subject in clear and well-marked outlines, to describe it epigrammatically, antithetically, sententiously, in short arresting sentences,to breathe life into it by means of a certain amount of pathos, to give itcolour by means of esprit, to make it spicy by means of seasoning.” Arenot all these Jewish traits?The actor’s calling, no less than the barrister’s, depends for successon his ability to place himself quickly in a strange world of ideas, to takea right view of men and conditions without much difficulty, to form acorrect estimate of them and to use them for his own end. The Jew’s giftof subjectivity stands him here in good stead, for by its aid he can easilyput himself in the position of another, take thought for him and defendhim. To be sure, jurisprudence is the bulk of the contents of Jewishliterature!Jewish Characteristics as Applied to CapitalismNow comes the question, how and in what way did the Jewish characteristics enable Jews to become financiers and speculators, indeed, toengage as successfully in economic activities within the framework ofthe capitalistic system as to be mathematicians, statisticians, physicians,journalists, actors and advocates? To what extent, that is, does a specialtalent for capitalistic enterprise spring from the elements in the Jewishcharacter?Speaking generally, we may say in this connexion what we havealready remarked about capitalism and the Jewish religion, that the fundamental ideas of capitalism and those of the Jewish character show asingular similarity. Hence we have the triple parallelism between Jewishcharacter, the Jewish religion and capitalism. What was it we found asthe all-controlling trait of the Jewish people? Was it not extreme intellectuality? And is not intellectuality the quality which differentiates thecapitalistic system from all others? Organizing ability springs from intellectuality, and in the capitalistic system we find the separation between head and hands, between the work of directing and that of manufacturing. “For the greatest work to be completely done, you need ofhands a thousand, of mind but only one.” That sums up the capitalisticstate of things.The purest form of capitalism is that wherein abstract ideas are192/Werner Sombartmost clearly expressed. That they are part and parcel of the Jewishcharacter we have already seen; there is no occasion to labour the closekinship in this respect between capitalism and the Jew. Again, the quality of abstraction in capitalism manifests itself in the substitution of allqualitative differences by merely quantitative ones (value in exchange).Before capitalism came, exchange was a many-sided, multicoloured andtechnical process; now it is just one specialized act — that of the dealer:before there were many relationships between buyer and seller; there isonly one now — the commercial. The tendency of capitalism has beento do away with different manners, customs, pretty local and nationalcontrasts, and to set up in their stead the dead level of the cosmopolitantown. In short, there has been a tendency towards uniformity, and in thiscapitalism and Liberalism have much in common. Liberalism we havealready shown to be a near relative of Judaism, and so we have thekindred trio of Capitalism, Liberalism, and Judaism.How is the inner resemblance between the first and the last bestmanifested? Is it not through the agency of money, by means of whichcapitalism succeeds so well in its policy of bringing about a drab uniformity? Money is the common denominator, in terms of which all valuesare expressed; at the same time it is the be-all and end-all of economicactivity in a capitalistic system. Hence one of the conspicuous things insuch a system is success. Is it otherwise with the Jew? Does he not alsomake the increase of capital his chief aim? And not only because theabstractness of capital is congenial to the soul of the Jew, but also because the ‘great regard in which (in the capitalistic system) money isheld strikes another sympathetic note in the Jewish character — its teleology. Gold becomes the great means, and its value arises fromthe factthat you can utilize it for many ends. It needs but little skill to show thata nature intent on working towards some goal should feel itself drawn tosomething which has value only because it is a means to an end. Moreover, the teleology of the Jew brings it about that he prizes success.(Another point of similarity, therefore, with capitalism.) Because he ratessuccess so highly he sacrifices to-day for to-morrow, and his mobilityonly helps him to do it all the better. Here again we may observe alikeness to capitalism. Capitalism is constantly on the look-out for something new, for some way of expanding, for abstaining to-day for thesake of to-morrow. Think of our whole system of credit. Does not thischaracteristic show itself there clearly enough? Now remember also thatthe Jews were very much at home in the organization of credit — in/193which values or services which may, or can, become effective some timein the future are made available to-day. Human thought can plainlypicture future experiences and future needs, and credit offers the opportunity through present economic activities of producing future values.That credit is extensively found in modern life scarcely requires pointing out. The reason too is obvious: it offers golden chances. True, wemust give up the joys that spring from “completely throwing ourselvesinto the present.”19 But what of that? The Jewish character and capitalism have one more point in common — practical rationalism, by whichI mean the shaping of all activities in accordance with reason.To make the whole parallelism even more plain, let me illustrate itby concrete instances. The Jew is well fitted for the part of undertakerbecause of his strength of will and his habit of making for some goal orother. His intellectual mobility is accountable for his readiness to discover new methods of production and new possibilities of marketing.He is an adept at forming new organizations, and in these his peculiarcapacity for finding out what a man is best fitted for stands him in goodstead. And since in the world of capitalism there is nothing organic ornatural but only what is mechanical or artificial, the Jew’s lack of understanding of the former is of no consequence. Even undertaking on alarge scale is itself artificial and mechanical; you may extend a concernor contract it; you may change it according to circ*mstances. That iswhy Jews are so successful as organizers of large capitalistic undertakings. Again, the Jew can easily grasp impersonal relationships. We havealready noted that he has the feeling of personal dependence only in aslight measure. Hence, he does not care for your hoary “patriarchalism,”and pays little attention to the dash of sentimentality which is still sometimes found in labour contracts. In all relations between sellers and buyers, and between employers and employed, he reduces everything to thelegal and purely business basis. In the struggle of the workers to obtaincollective agreements between themselves and the masters, which shallregulate the conditions of their labour, the Jew is almost invariably onthe side of the first.But if the Jew is well fitted to be an undertaker, still more is he cutout for the part of the trader. His qualities in this respect are almostinnumerable.The trader lives in figures, and in figures the Jew has always been inhis element. His love of the abstract has made calculation easy for him;it is his strong point. Now a calculating talent combined with a capacity194/Werner Sombartfor working always with some aim in view has already won half thebattle for the trader. He is enabled to weigh aright the chances, the possibilities and the advantages of any given situation, to eliminate everything that is useless, and to appraise the whole in terms of figures. Givethis sober calculator a strong dose of imagination and you have theperfect speculator before you. To take stock of any given state of thingswith lightning speed, to see a thousand eventualities, to seize upon themost valuable and to act in accordance with that — such, as we havealready pointed out, is the aim of the dealer. For all this the Jew hasthenecessary gifts of mind. I should like expressly to emphasize the closekinship between the activities of the clever speculator and those of theclever physician who can successfully diagnose a disease. The Jew, because of his qualities, is eminently fitted for both.A good dealer must be a good negotiator. What cleverer negotiatorsare there than the Jews, whose ability in this direction has long beenrecognized and utilized? To adapt yourself to the needs of a market, tomeet any specified form of demand, is the one prime essential for thedealer. That the Jew with his adaptability can do this as well as anyother is obvious. The second is the power of suggestion, and in this alsothe Jew is well qualified by his ability to think himself into the situationof another.Wherever we look the conclusion forces itself upon us that the combination of no other set of qualities is so well fitted, as are those of theJew, for realizing the best capitalistic results. There is no need for me totake the parallelism further; the intelligent reader can easily do so forhimself. I would only direct his attention to one point more before leaving the subject — the parallel between the feverish restlessness of StockExchange business, always intent on upsetting the tendency towards anequilibrium, and the restless nature of the Jew.In another place I have sought to characterize the ideal undertakerin three words — he must be wide-awake, clever and resourceful. Wideawake: that is to say, quick of comprehension, sure in judgment, mustthink twice before speaking once, and be able to seize upon the rightmoment.Clever: that is to say, he must possess a knowledge of the world,must be certain of himself in his judgment and in his treatment of men,certain in his judgment on a given conjuncture; and above all, acquaintedwith the weaknesses and mistakes of those around him.Resourceful: that is to say, full of ideas. The capitalistic undertaker/195must have three additional qualities: he must be active, sober and thorough. By sober, I mean free from passion, from sentiment, from unpractical idealism. By thorough, I mean reliable, conscientious, orderly, neatand frugal.I believe this rough sketch will, in broad outline, stand for the capitalistic undertaker no less than for the Jew.Part IIIThe Origin of the Jewish Genius

Chapter 13 The Race Problem

Prefatory NoteStrictly speaking the task I had set myself has now been completed. Ihave tried to show the importance of the Jews in modern economic lifein all its aspects, and the connexion between Capitalism and “Jewishness.”In other words, I have endeavoured to point out why it was that the Jewshave been able to play, and still continue to play, so significant a part ineconomic life; endeavoured to show that their great achievements weredue partly to objective circ*mstances, and partly to their inherent characteristics.But here new questions crop up in plenty, and I must not pass themby unanswered, if I desire my most valued readers may not lay aside mybook with a feeling of dissatisfaction. It is obvious that any one who hasaccompanied me to the point where I maintain that specifically Jewishcharacteristics exist, and that they will account for the great influenceof the Jews in the body economic, must be bound to ask. What is thetrue nature of these characteristics? How have they come about? Whatwill their ultimate effect be?The answers to these questions may vary considerably. The Jewishcharacteristics we have noted may be nothing else but, as it were, afunction without a corresponding organism; may be only surface phenomena, skin-deep, without any root at all in the human beings that giveexpression to them; may be but as a feather on a coat — easily blownaway; something which vanishes with the disappearance of the person./197Or they may become hardened into a habit and be deep-seated, butyet not sufficiently powerful to be hereditary. Contrariwise, they may beso marked as to pass from one generation to another. In this case, thequestion presents itself, when did they arise? Were these characteristicsalways in the Jew, were they in his blood, or have they only been acquired in the course of his history — either in what is termed ancienttimes, or later? Again, all hereditary qualities may last for ever, or beonly a temporary nature — may be, that is, permanent or only transient.Seeing that we are dealing with a social group, it will be necessary here,too, to answer the question. Is the group a racial entity? In a word, arethe Jews a subdivision of mankind, differing by blood-kinship from otherpeople? Finally, in a problem of this sort we must deal with the possibility that the peculiar characteristics of the group may be due to admixtures with other groups, or to selection within the group itself.The problem is many-sided: of that there can be little doubt. Andthe worst of it is that modern science can give no certain replies to thequestions propounded. Attempts have of course been made, but they arenot without prejudice, and any one even only superficially acquaintedwith the subject will be faced by more problems and puzzles than bysolutions.The most pressing need of the moment, so it seems to me — onewhich alone will be able to withdraw the Jewish Problem from the semidarkness in which it is enshrouded — is to obtain a clear conception ofthe questions at issue, and to bring some order into the abundant material at hand. It is almost as though at the point where the general JewishQuestion intersects the race problem, a thousand devils had been letloose to confuse the mind of men. As one authority1 recently urged withregard to the doctrines of heredity: what is most needed is an exactprecision concerning elementals. The same is the case to an enormousextent with the question of whether the Jews are a race or not, andperhaps an outsider may contribute something to this end, just becausehe stands apart from the specialists. This thought emboldens me to attempt to give a resume of all that is current to-day regarding Jews as arace — of all that is certain,and of the thousand and one theories, to saynothing of the numerous false hypotheses.198/Werner SombartThe Anthropology of the JewsTouching the origin of the Jews and their anthropology and ethnology,opinions at the present day are pretty well agreed as to the essentialfacts. It is generally assumed2

that Israel, like Judah, arose from the

admixture of different Oriental peoples. When, in the 15th century B.C.,the Hebrews, then a Bedouin tribe, wished to settle in Palestine theyfound there an old population long since established — Canaanites,who were probably hegemonic, Hittites, Perizites, Hivites and Jebusites(Judg. iii. 5). Recent research has come to the conclusion, opposed tothe older view, that the Israelitish clans largely intermarried with thesepeoples.Later, when a portion of the population went into the BabylonianExile, the admixture of races continued in Palestine. And as for theexiles (whose history in this connexion is of vital importance), we learnmuch from the latest cuneiform inscriptions concerning their attitudetoward intermarriage. The inscriptions show, “without doubt,” that therewas a gradual fusion between the Jews and the Babylonians. The immigrants called their children by Babylonian names, and the Babylonianstheirs by Persian, Hebrew and Aramaic names.3Nothing like so clear are the views as to the relationship to eachother of the peoples and clans of which the Jews were composed; stillless as to how they can be distinguished from other similar groups; andleast of all how they are to be called. A very heated controversy hasrecently raged about the term “Semites,” with the result that in anthropological circles the word is no longer used. The Semite controversy,like that on the Aryans, only shows how vicious it is to allow linguisticconcepts to interfere in the anthropological divisions of mankind. It isgenerally accepted that the Semites are all those peoples whose speechis Semitic, but that anthropologically they belong to different and differing groups.4My own view is that the controversy as to the exact demarcation ofthe civilized Oriental peoples is a little futile. Nor does our ignorance onthis point much matter. One thing however is certain — that all of them,the Egyptians, the Babylonians, the Assyrians, the Phoenicians and theJews, by virtue of their origin and earliest history, belong to one class,which may perhaps be termed “Desert” or “Desert-edge” Peoples. Theassumption that a fair, blue-eyed tribe from the North intermingled withthese is now almost unanimously regarded as a fable. The theory of theubiquity of the Germans” will have to be but coldly entertained as long/199as no more convincing proofs are forthcoming than the reddish hair ofSaul, or the dolichocephalic skull of the mummy of Rameses II.What, then, was the anthropological history of the group of peoplesin which the Jews originated? A common answer as regards the Jewswas that they continued to mix with their non-Jewish neighbours in theDiaspora as they had done before. Renan, Loeb, Neubauer and othersbelieve that the modern Jews are in large measure the descendants ofheathen proselytes in the Hellenistic Age, or of marriages between Jewsand non-Jews in the early centuries of the Common Era. The existenceof fair Jews (to the extent of 13 per cent), especially in Eastern Europe,lent probability to this opinion. But to-day, so far as I can make out, theentirely opposite view generally prevails — that from the days of Ezrato these the Jews have kept strictly apart. For more than two thousandyears they have been untouched by other peoples; they have remainedethnically pure. That drops of alien blood came into the Jewish bodycorporate through the long centuries of their dispersion no one will deny.But so small have these outside elements been that they have not influenced to any appreciable degree the ethnical purity of the Jewish people.It seems pretty clear now that in the past the number of proselytesadmitted into Judaism was considerably overestimated. There is no doubtthat in the Hellenistic and early Christian periods Judaism won adherents among the heathen peoples. (The subsequent centuries were of noconsequence at all, with the exception of one case only.) Both the Roman and the Jewish Law made provision for such converts.. But wemay assume with certainty that all of them were the so-called “Proselytes of the Gate” — that is, they worshipped God in accordance withJewish teaching, but they were not circumcised, nor were they allowedto marry Jewesses. Nearly all of them eventually drifted into Christianity. As a matter of fact, in the time of Pius circumcision was againallowed to the Jews, but the rite was expressly forbidden to be performed on proselytes. In this way conversion to Judaism was made apunishable offence. This in all probability was not the intention of theframers of the prohibition, but its effect was soon recognized, and it wasextended.6

For Severus “forbade conversion to Judaism on pain of grave

penalties.”But even if we allow foreign admixtures among the Jews in theearly Christian Age, it could never have amounted to very much whenwe think of the millions of Jews who presumably existed at the time, andanyhow the stranger elements came from peoples closely akin to the200/Werner SombartJews.As for the centuries that followed the entry of the Jews into European history, we may take it that proselytizing ceased almost entirely.Throughout the Middle Ages therefore the Jews received but little ofnon-Jewish blood. The remarkable conversion of the Chozars in the 8thcentury cannot be regarded as an exception to this statement, for theirrealm was never very extensive. In the 10th century it was limited to avery small area in the western part of the Crimea, and in the 11th thetiny Jewish State disappeared altogether. Only a small remnant of theChozars live in Kieff as Karaites. Hence, even if the whole of the Chozarsprofessed Judaism, the ethnical purity of the Jews could have been affected but little. As a matter of fact, however, it is very doubtful whetherany others than the ruling family, or the upper classes, became Jews.7Mixed marriages thus remain as the only possible source whenceJewish blood might be made impure. Certainly marriages between Jewsand non-Jews must have occurred in some periods of Jewish history.Mixed marriages were probably numerous — a not extravagant assumption — in those epochs in which the band of Jewish solidarity wassomewhat loosened — say, the last pre-Christian century, or the 12thand 13th in Spain. Even so, such relaxations never lasted for any considerable time; Jewish orthodoxy soon regained the upper hand, to theexclusion of non-Jews. What the Pharisees achieved in the first-namedperiod resulted in the second from the Maimonides schism, and this hadsuch reactionary consequences that marriages with Christian and Mohammedan women were annulled.8But there are indications that such marriages were to be found. Theywere expressly forbidden at the early Spanish Councils. For instance,the 16th Canon of the Council of Elovia (304) provides that “the daughters of Catholics shall not be given in marriage to heretics, except theyreturn to the Church. The same applies to Jews and schismatics.” The64th Canon of the Third Council of Toledo (589) forbids Jews to haveChristian women either as wives or mistresses; and if any children springfrom such unions they must be baptized. Once more, the 63rd Canon ofthe Fourth Council of Toledo (633) makes it incumbent upon Jews whohave Christian wives to accept Christianity if they wish to continue tolive with them.9

It seems hardly likely, however, that marriages against

which these canons were issued were very numerous. And anyhow, asthe children of such marriages were lost to Judaism, Jewish racial purity could not have suffered much by them./201Similarly, it is improbable that there was any admixture of Jewswith the Northern peoples. There was an opinion current that the Jewsin Germany up to the time of the Crusades lived among their Christianneighbours, and had free intercourse with them in every direction. Butthis view is hardly credible, and Brann, one of the best authorities onGerman Jewish history, has declared the assumption of even the leastdegree of assimilation at this period to be “an airy fancy, which mustvanish into nothingness when the inner life of the Jews of those days isunderstood.”10There remain the fair Jews. They have been regarded as a proof ofJewish admixture with the fair races of the North. But no scholar ofrepute looks upon these as the outcome of legitimate unions betweenJews and their Slav neighbours. On the other hand, one hypothesis11 hasfound credence — that the fair Jews are the children of illegitimateunions between Jews and Russians, either in the ordinary way or forcibly on the occasion of pogroms. But the weakness of this assumption isobvious. Even if it did explain the existence of fair Jews in Russia, itwould be of no use at all for accounting for fair Jews in Germany, inSouthern lands, in North Africa and in Palestine.There is really no necessity to look for an explanation of the fairJews in the admixture of races. All dark peoples produce a number ofvariants, and this is a case in point.12We come back then to the fact that for some twenty centuries theJews have kept themselves ethnically pure. One proof of this is found inthe similarity of the anthropological characteristics of the Jews all overthe globe, and, moreover, in that the similarity has been remarkablyconstant through the centuries. “Differences in treatment or environment have not been able to blur a common type, and the Jews more thanany other race stand as a proof that the influence of heredity is muchmore powerful than that of environment” (E. Auerbach).The anthropological hom*ogeneity of the Jewish stock at the presenttime has been established by numerous anatomical experiments andmeasurements.13 The only doubtful question is whether the ancient contrast between Ashkenazim [German Jews] and Sephardim [Spanish Jews]extends to their anthropology. There are two conflicting opinions on thesubject,14 but I believe the basis of either is not sufficiently conclusive tojustify an independent judgment. It must be added, though, that personal observation would seem to warrant the belief that there was someanthropological difference between the two. Look at your spare, elegant202/Werner SombartSpanish Jew, with his small hands and feet and his thin, hooked nose,and then at his German brother, stout and bow-legged, with his broad,fleshy Hittite nose. Do they not appear as two distinct types to the ordinary observer? There is as yet no scientific ground to explain the difference.Another controversial argument is whether the Jews of to-day are aseparate entity, distinct from their neighbours physiologically and pathologically. There can be no doubt that from this point of view Jews doexhibit certain peculiarities in many respects — early puberty, little liability to cancer, especially cancer of the womb, strong disposition fordiabetes, insanity, and so forth. There are people, however, who cannotlook upon these things as physiological and pathological Jewish traits,but explain them as resultants of the social position of the Jews, of theirreligious practices, and so on.15 Here also the ground has not been sufficiently prepared to warrant a definite statement.It is different with the physiognomy of the Jew. Physiognomy, as iswell known, is the outcome of two causes — of certain facial forms andof their particular expression. You cannot weigh or measure either, andtherefore this is a matter that must be left entirely to common observation. Now, just as the colour-blind distinguish no colours, so those whocannot see differences in men’s faces know nothing of physiognomy.When, therefore, some writers16 say that in the case of three-quarters ofcultivated and wealthy Jews they cannot with certainty tell that they areJews merely from their faces, then there is nothing to urge in reply. Buta keen observer will most decidedly be able to tell. Jewish physiognomyis still a reality, and few will deny it. Undoubtedly there are individualsamong Jews who do not look one whit Jewish. But there are also verymany individuals among Gentiles who look very Jewish. I should notlike to go so far as some do,17 and say that the Hapsburgs because oftheir heavy lips, or the Louis of France because of their hooked noses,were Jewish-looking. But among Oriental peoples (including possiblythe Japanese) we do come across Jewish types. This in no wise detractsfrom the anthropological unity of the Jews. If it proves anything, it onlypoints to a common origin of the Jews and the Oriental peoples. (Itmight be mentioned, by the way, that the lost Ten Tribes have beenlocated in Japan — a somewhat fantastic conjecture, but having something in its favour in the striking similarity of the Japanese and Jewishtypes.) To consider the Jewish physiognomy as an expression of decadence, or to account for it, as Ripley does, as a result of Ghetto life, is/203not very conclusive in face of the undeniable Jewish types depicted onthe monuments of ancient Egypt and Babylonia. Look at the picture ofJewish captives in the epoch of Shishak (973 B.C.), or of the Jewishambassadors at the court of Salmanasar18 (884 B.C.), and you will beconvinced that from those days to our own, a period of nearly threethousand years, few changes have marked the Jewish type of countenance. This is but another proof of the proposition that the Jewish stockis an anthropological entity, and that its characteristics have been constant through the ages in a most extraordinary fashion.The Jewish “Race”In view of all this, may we speak of a Jewish race? The answer woulddepend on the connotation of the word “race.” But to define it is noteasy, for there are probably as many definitions as there are writers onit.19 It is, of course, open to any one to say. Such and such things I lookupon as the mark of race, and if I apply my standard the Jews are or arenot a race, as the case may be. But a procedure of this kind is more ofthe nature of a game. What is needed is a scientific definition. But how?Many methods have been tried — anthropological differences, skullmeasurements, biological experiments and their application — but allwith no absolute result. It would, however, be a fallacy to conclude thatbecause hitherto no satisfactory classification of the human species hasbeen achieved, therefore no anthropological differences really exist. AnEskimo is different from a Negro, and the South Italian from the Norwegian. We do not require anthropology to tell us that.So with the Jews. It may be difficult to class them, but anthropological peculiarities of their own they surely have. When therefore onedistinguished scholar20 writes: “I recognize only a Jewish religious community; of a Jewish race I know nothing,” we must regard it as a hastyexpression uttered in the heat of the moment. The objection to it is thatwe can easily place a “Jewish national community” with a commonhistory beside the “Jewish religious community.”So with anthropological characteristics which mark off the Jew fromthe non-Jew. I am firmly of opinion that the Jews, no matter where theymay be found, are an anthropological group differing from, let us say,the Swede or the negro. “A religious community” will not suffice.After all, is it not a controversy about words? Some will have it thatthere is no Jewish race. Well and good. But they admit Jewish anthropological peculiarities. It is a thousand pities that there is no satisfactory204/Werner Sombartterm by which to describe them. “A people” will not serve, for the definitions of “people” are no less numerous than those of “race.” But whatdoes the name matter? The thing certainly is there, and I should have nohesitation in speaking of the Jewish race, or, if you will, of the Jewish“race.”Let me conclude this section with one or two wise words written byArthur Ruppin,21 that excellent authority on the Jew, words that appearto me to be among the best that have been uttered on the subject: “Theterm ‘race’ should not be stretched too far. If we include in it suchgroups as developed their special anthropological characteristics in prehistoric times, and have since kept themselves without admixture withother groups, then in reality there are no ‘races’ among white-skinnedpeoples, seeing that all of them have intermingled over and over again.As for the Jews, whether they had common racial features in prehistorictimes and have preserved them through the centuries, is a detail of nogreat significance. What does matter is this — that it is certain thatthose who professed the Jewish religion formed a well-defined groupdistinct from their surroundings, even as late as the end of the 18thcentury, after many generations of strict avoidance of marriage withnon-Jews. The community which has descended from this group may becalled, for lack of a better name, a race, more particularly, ‘the Jewishrace.’”How the Jewish Genius Remained ConstantThe question of greatest interest in these anthropological considerationsis to discover whether any connexion exists between the somatic characteristics of the Jew and his intellectual qualities. We want to makesure whether the latter are in his blood, so to say, i.e., whether they areracial or no. To discover this it will be necessary to see whether thecharacteristics we have observed in modern Jews were to be found amongJews in ancient times also; whether they reach back to their earliesthistory, or whether they appeared at a later date, and if so, when.The result will be that we shall observe that Jewish intellectual qualities have remained constant, that certain characteristics, certain peculiar features of the Jewish soul may be traced as far back as the formation of the Jewish ethnical group. We cannot prove all this directly,because we have no reliable accounts of the Jewish popular characterdating from early times. What we do possess are brief and scanty expressions of opinions, valuable, however, as far as they go. It is of great/205interest, for example, to note that the Pentateuch (in four places —Exod. xxxii. 9, xxxiv. 9; Deut. ix. 13 and 27) asserts of the Jews whatTacitus said of them later — that they are a stiff-necked people. No lessinteresting is Cicero’s statement that they hang together most fraternally, or Marcus Aurelius’s that they are a restless people, to whom hecries, “O ye Marcomanni, O ye Quadi, O ye Sarmatae, at length have Ifound a race more restless than you!”; or finally Juan de la Huarte’s thattheir intellect is keen and well fitted for worldly things.The first point to note is: —(1) The attitude of the Jews to the peoples among whom they dweltall through the Diaspora. In the last century or so we have seen this to beone of aloofness. Before capitalism came and set them free, Jews werelooked upon as “strangers,” as “semi-citizens.” They were hated andpersecuted in all lands, but everywhere they knew how to preserve andmaintain themselves.How was it in antiquity? How later? The same spectacle confrontsus, ever since the Jews came into contact with other peoples. Everywhere there was opposition, persecution and ill-treatment. To begin withthe Egyptians: “They abhorred the children of Israel” (Exod. i. 12).Paul of Tarsus went so far as to say that the Jews “were contrary to allmen” (1 Thess. ii. 15). In the Hellenistic period, in Imperial Rome —the same story of hate and plunder and death. Philo and Josephus bothrecord dreadful Jewish pogroms in Alexandria in the first century of ourera. “Hatred of the Jew and ill-treatment of him are as old as the Diasporaitself” (Mommsen).Under the Caesars their lot was no different: “I am just sick of thesefilthy, noisy Jews,” said Marcus Aurelius. Then, in the time of Theodoric,massacres and wholesale plundering were the order of the day, as laterin the 7th century under the Longobards. And the East was like theWest; the 6th century in Babylon was as dark as the 7th in NorthernItaly. Even in the Pyrenean Peninsula, where they enjoyed much thatwas good, the end was bitter: Christian and Moslem both laid handsupon them.These instances might be multiplied. They are all expressions ofhatred of the Jew in Christian and non-Christian environments alike.Can the phenomenon be explained without the assumption of the existence of Jewish characteristics, which remained constant no matter wherethe Jew was placed? The answer must surely be in the affirmative. Thehatred of the Jew could not have been the result of a passing mood on206/Werner Sombartthe part of all these peoples.Then again, everywhere and at all times the Jews were semi-citizens. Sometimes indeed they were not in this category because the lawplaced them there. On the contrary. There were many cases in antiquitywhere Jews were assigned privileged positions, by virtue of which theywere excused certain duties of the citizen (e.g., military service), or hadexceptional advantages in regard to legal enactments. Nevertheless theytook no full share in the life of the State in which they were domiciled.The Greek inhabitants of Caesarea, a city on Jewish soil and built underJewish rule, denied citizen rights to the Jews, and Burnus, Nero’s minister, upheld their decision.22 There was little change in this respect duringthe Middle Ages.How are we to account for this generally prevailing treatment? Differing States adopted a similar policy towards the Jew: does it not seemclear that it was due to some special characteristic of his? If you like,say it was the strict adherence to the letter of the Jewish religion. Butsomething it must have been.And yet, despite all oppression, the Jew was not crushed. He knewhow to maintain himself from the oldest times onward. Perhaps it wasbecause of the curious mixture of stubbornness and elasticity which wehave noted in Jews of modern days. They might be crushed never sorelentlessly, but like a Jack-in-the-box they were soon up again. Howthey withstood the onslaught of the Roman Emperors, who used all theweapons at their command to stamp them out! Despite their efforts,there was again in the 3rd century a Patriarch at Jerusalem recognizedby the government, with a jurisdiction of his own. In antiquity, in theMiddle Ages, in this our own time, the peoples have summed up theirjudgment of the Jew in the one word — stubborn: “ostinato come unebreo.”The peculiar mixture of determination and elasticity is most wonderfully exhibited by the Jews in their bearing towards governments,where their religion was concerned. To it they owed most of their enemies; because of it they suffered hardships untold. Yet they would notgive up their beloved faith. And when pressure was severe, many Jewspretended to have forsworn their religion only to be able to carry out itsprecepts in secret. We know of this conduct in connexion with theMarannos, but it is as old as the Diaspora itself. When you read of thethousands of crypto-Jewish heathens, crypto-Jewish Mohammedans,crypto-Jewish Christians, you are astounded at this unique event in hu-/207man history. The more so as it was the most religious Jews, teachers andleaders, who had recourse to the sham conversions in order to save theirlives. Recall the case of R. Eleazar ben Parta, who was active underHadrian as a pretended heathen;23 that of Ismael ibn Negrela, who, asR. Samuel, held discourses on the Talmud and answered questions ofreligious practice, and as Vizier of the Mohammedan King Habus, began his master’s ordinances with the formula Chamdu-l-Illahi and endedthem with urging those to whom they were addressed to live accordingto the laws of Islam;24 that of the great Maimonides, who sought to giveexcellent reasons for his pretended conversion to Mohammedanism;25that of Sabbatti Zevi, the false Messiah, who though he acknowledgedMahomet yet did not lose the respect of his followers; that of the Neapolitan Jew Basilus, who made a pretence of having his sons baptized inorder to be able to carry on the trade in slaves under their name,26 sincethis branch of commerce was forbidden the Jews; that of the thousandsand thousands of Marannos who, after the expulsion of the Jews fromthe Pyrenean Peninsula, appeared to all the world as Christians andreturned to the faith of their fathers at the very first opportunity thatpresented itself. What remarkable people must these have been whocombined such determination with such elasticity!We have thus noted that many Jewish characteristics developed totheir fullest in the Diaspora. But(2) Is the Diaspora itself explicable as a result of only outwardcirc*mstances? Does it not itself rather bear witness to special characteristics? Or to put the question somewhat differently, would it havebeen possible to scatter any other people over the face of the earth as theJews were scattered?The experience of exile the Jews tasted in quite early days. Mostpeople have heard of Tiglath-Pileser, who dragged a part of the Jewishpopulation to Media and Assyria; of the later Babylonian Exile; ofPtolemy Lagi, who forced very many Jews to settle in Egypt and planteda Jewish colony in Cyrene; of Antiochus the Great, who brought twothousand Jewish families from Babylon and peopled with them the centre of Asia Minor, Phrygia and Lydia. Mommsen calls the settlement ofJews outside Palestine “an invention of Alexander or of his generals.”In all these cases the temptation is strong to ascribe the dispersionof the Jews to outward circ*mstances, seeing that in most of the casesthe Jews were carried away from their homes against their will. Thereappears to be nothing therefore in these dispersions that would point to208/Werner Sombartinherent Jewish characteristics. Such a conclusion would be hasty. Isthere not this possibility — that if the Jews had not possessed certainqualities they might never have been transplanted? The enforced settlements must have had some purpose. Either they were beneficial to theland from which the Jews were taken, or (what was more probable) tothe land or the town where they were settled. Either they were feared intheir own country as firebrands of sedition, or they were accounted suchvaluable citizens for their wealth or their industry that they were madethe nucleus of new settlements, or they were held to be so trusty thatthey were utilized by rulers to strengthen their hold on turbulent centres(as was done by Ptolemy Lagi in Cyrene).But many Jews may have forsaken Palestine for what might be termedeconomic reasons: there was not sufficient room for the maintenance ofan increasing population. Considering the size and the productivenessof Palestine, emigration on these grounds must have been of frequentoccurrence. But this points to a national characteristic — viz., an increasing population due, as is known, to physiological and psychological causes alike. Furthermore, that economic pressure led to emigrationwas traceable to another national peculiarity. In this respect the Jewshave been compared to the Swiss. They, too, leave their homes becausethe country is unable efficiently to maintain them all. But they onlyemigrate because they have the energy and the determination to do better for themselves. The Hindoo does not emigrate. If the populationincreases, he is content with his smaller portion of rice.But to regard all Jewish dispersion as enforced is probably onesided. We cannot possibly explain so general a phenomenon, whichmoreover remains the same through the ages, without assuming a voluntary migration. What precisely this was due to — whether to amigrative instinct, or to inability to remain on one piece of soil for long— does not much matter. But some special characteristic will have to beassociated with this people to account for their travelling so easily fromland to land, no less than for their settlement in large cities, a proclivityshown by the Jews already in very early times. Herzfeld, who has compiled probably the most complete list of Jewish settlements in the Hellenistic Age, draws attention to the striking fact that of the settlements 52are in towns, and of these 39 were wealthy commercial centres.27It would appear from all this that Jewish characteristics were by nomeans developed in the Diaspora, or as the Jewish historians assume, inthe Middle Ages, but that the Diaspora itself was the result of these/209characteristics. The characteristics were there first, at least in embryo.(3) So, too, with their religion. When it is asserted that the Jew ofto-day is a product of his religion, that he has been made what he is,almost artificially, by means of a well thought-out policy of some manor group of men, and not organically, I am ready to admit the statement.My own presentation of this very subject in a previous chapter attemptedto show what enormous influence the Jewish religion had, more especially on the economic activity of the Jew. But I want to oppose the viewpromulgated by H. S. Chamberlain with all my power. I want to make itclear that the religion of the Jew would have been impossible but for thespecial characteristics of the Jew. The fact that some man, or group ofmen, was able to give expression to such wonderful thoughts necessarily postulates that the individual or the group was specially gifted. Again,that the whole people should accept their teachings not merely by wayof lip-service, but with deep and sincere inwardness — can we explainthis except by the supposition of special national characteristics? Today we can no longer free ourselves from the opinion that every peoplehas, in the long run, the religion best suited for it, and that if it adoptsanother religion it keeps on changing it to suit it to its needs.I believe, therefore, that we may deduce the special characteristicsof the Jewish people from the special characteristics of the Jewish religion. From this standpoint many traits of the Jewish character adducedfrom Jewish legends may be placed very far back, certainly as early asthe Babylonian Exile. That I shall proceed in this as the authors of antiSemitic catechisms do, and infer from the somewhat questionable storyof Isaac, Jacob and Esau, and their cheating of each other, a tendencyon the part of the Jews for swindling, need not be feared. No one, I hope,will flunk so badly of me. Cheating is an element found in all mythologies. We need only cast our eyes on Olympus or Valhalla to see the godscheating and swindling each other in the most shameless fashion. No.What I mean is that the fundamental characteristics of the Jewish religious system which we have already examined — Intellectuality, Rationalism, Teleology — are also the characteristics of the Jewish people,and they must have been in existence (I would repeat, at least in embryo) even before the religion was developed.(4) My next point is the remarkable similarity in the economic activities of the Jews throughout almost all the centuries of history. Inasserting that this is a proof that Jewish characteristics were constant, Iam setting myself in opposition to the prevailing views. I differ not only210/Werner Sombartfrom those who believe that the economic activities of the Jews havechanged in the course of time, but also from those who agree with methat it was a constant factor in their development. From the latter Idiffer because we do no agree as to what those activities were.What is the generally accepted view of Jewish economic history? Ibelieve it may be traced to Heine, and is something to this effect. Originally the Jews were an agricultural people. Even in the Diaspora, it issaid, the Jews tilled the soil, avoiding all other pursuits. But in the 6thand 7th centuries of our era they were forced to sell their holdings andhad, willy-nilly, to look out for other means of livelihood. What did theydo? They devoted themselves to trade, and for something like five centuries continued in this calling. Again Fate pressed heavily upon them,for the Crusades engendered much anti-Jewish feeling in commercialcircles, and the growing trading class in each country organized themselves into gilds, and excluded the Jews from the markets, which theyretained as the exclusive preserves of members of their corporations.Once more the Jews had to cast about for new occupations. All channelswere closed to them; the only possibility left was to become moneylenders. So they became money-lenders, and before long enjoyed privileges as such because the usury laws meted out special treatment tothem.Such is the almost semi-official view prevalent in Jewish circles,certainly among assimilationists, but also among a goodly number ofJewish nationalists.There is another view to which some historians, Jewish and Gentile(among the former Herzfeld), have given currency. It is that the Jewshave always been a commercial people, from the age of King Solomononwards, throughout the Diaspora, down to our own times.I regard both views as wrong, certainly as one-sided, and I hope togive my reasons in a sketch of the economic history of the Jews which Ishall furnish.From the period of the Kings to the end of the national independence — we may even say up to the codification of the Talmud — theJewish people were a self-contained, self-sufficing economic unit. Itssurplus commodities it sent to foreign lands, and its constituent unitsproduced all they needed, or at best, supplemented their own work bysimple bartering with their neighbours. We should describe the wholeby saying that we had here single economic units satisfying their ownwants, with which was connected a certain amount of hired labour; there/211was something of the nature I of the manorial system, and there weresome handicrafts. Where these are found little trade is possible. Buthow about the numerous merchants in Palestine, of whom we read in thetime of the Kings? How account for them? To speak of merchants in theordinary interpretation of the term is to misunderstand the nature of theeconomic organization of the country .in Solomon’s day. It was nothingbut an extensive manorial system, something like that of Charlemagne,and obviously required the distribution of commodities. But this wasnot commerce. “The chief officers (they corresponded to the villici) thatwere over Solomon’s work were 550. .. . And King Solomon made anavy of ships in Ezion-geber. . . . And Hiram sent in the navy his servants, shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, with the servants ofSolomon. And they came to Ophir and they fetched from thence gold,four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to King Solomon” (1Kings ix. 23, 26–28).This and similar passages have been taken to denote a flourishinginternational commercial intercourse, even a monopoly of trade. Butthere is no need of this explanation at all. It is perfectly simple when wethink of the royal household as a manor on a large scale, from which theservants, in company with those from another large manor, were sentforth to distant lands in order to bring back commodities that were neededat the King’s court. The economic independence of the royal householdfurther appears in the story of the building of the Temple. Solomon asksHiram to send him “a man cunning to work in gold, and in silver and inbrass, and in iron and in purple, and in crimson and in blue, and that canskill to grave all manner of gravings, to be with the cunning men that arewith me. . . . Send me also cedar-trees, fir-trees and algum-trees, out ofLebanon: for I know that thy servants can skill to cut timber in Lebanon; and behold my servants will be with thy servants. . . . And beholdI will give to thy servants, the hewers that cut timber, twenty thousandmeasures of beaten wheat, and twenty thousand measures of barley, andtwenty thousand baths of wine, and twenty thousand baths of oil” (2Chron. ii. 7ff.). The same applies to a later passage in the same book (2Chron. viii. 4), “And Solomon built Tadmor in the wilderness and allthe store cities which he built in Hamath.” Store cities tell of the manorand its wealth in kind rather than of commerce.The other passages on which the theory is based that an extensivetrade was carried on in later times hardly warrant this deduction.28 True,we learn that the Babylonian exiles were wealthy (Ezra i. 46; Zech. vi.212/Werner Sombart10, 11), but no indication is given of their callings. There is not one iotaof evidence in the Bible for the contention of Graetz that they had obtained their riches in commerce. Perhaps the cuneiform inscriptionsbrought from Nippur may support such an assumption. But to refer theprophecy of Ezekiel about the destruction of Tyre (Ezek. xxvi. 2) tojealousy of the Phoenicians, and then on that basis to establish the suggestion that even in the pre-Exilic period Palestine was largely a tradingcountry, appears to me to be somewhat bold.That we cannot be too careful in reasoning of this kind is madeabundantly manifest by the interpretation put upon the famous passagein Proverbs (vii. 19, 20), where the wiles of the adulteress are described.“For the goodman is not at home, he is gone a long journey; he hathtaken a bag of money with him: he will come back at the full moon.”Was the husband a merchant? Perhaps, but he may have been a farmerwho had left home to pay his rent to the bailiff in a distant town, and atthe same time to buy a couple of oxen there.There is no clear proof, therefore, for the existence of commerce asa specialized calling. On the other hand, there are passages which support my view that the manorial system was prevalent even at a laterperiod. Take, for example, Nehemiah ii. 8, where the letter is mentionedin which Asaph, the keeper of the King’s forest, is asked to give timberto make beams for the gate of the castle. The injunction in Leviticus(xix. 35, 36) about just weights and measures does not in itself militateagainst this theory.But this does not mean that there were no traders. There must havebeen, even in the period of the Kings, but they were only retail dealers.Do we not read of them in the Book of Kings (1 Kings xx. 34), wherethe defeated Benbadad. King of Syria, offers Ahab to build streets forbazaars in Damascus as his father had done in Samaria? Or in Nehemiah(iii. 32), where we are told that the goldsmiths and the merchants builttheir shops in a particular quarter? How this last statement can be construed to mean that there must have been highly respected merchantgilds (Bertholet) I cannot understand. You can almost see the small shopkeepers at the Sheep Gate.That there was an international exchange of commodities, even inthe earliest times, cannot of course be denied. There must have beenextensive trade and great merchants, who exchanged the surplus produce of Palestine for the articles of luxury which they brought withthem.29 “Judah, and the land of Israel, they were thy (Tyre’s) traffickers:/213they traded for thy merchandise wheat of Minnith and pannag [a kind ofconfection] and honey and oil and balm” [Ezek. xxvii. 17]. But the extraordinary thing is that these great merchants were never Jews, butalways foreigners. The caravans that crossed the country were led byMidianites, Sabaeans, Dedanites, men of Keder, but not by Jews.30 Evenretail trade, when the Proverbs were written, was in the hands ofCanaanites. Ousted from trade in their own land, the Jews were hardlylikely to have had any influence in the international trade of those times.The great international merchants were Phoenicians, Syrians or Greeks.31“Absolute proofs that Jewish emigration was chiefly for commercialends are wanting entirely.”32 In view of all this I see no reason for regarding the passage in Josephus, which describes the position of theJews in his days, as prejudiced and one-sided. It was in all probabilitytrue to fact. What does he say? “As for ourselves, therefore, we neitherinhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in merchandise” (ContraApion, i. 12).The centuries that followed brought little change in these conditions. In the Talmud those sayings predominate that would point to theprevalence among Jews, at least in the East, of small independent economic units, each sufficient for its own needs. It would be a mistake tospeak of commercial activity. Granted we hear33 that man accountedblessed who is able to become a spice-seller, and need not do laboriouswork. But surely the retail trader is meant, and not the great merchant.In fact trade, and more particularly over-sea trade, found little favourwith the Rabbis. Some even go so far as to damn all manner of markets,pinning their faith to that economic organization where there is no needfor the exchange of commodities. “R. Achai ben Joshia used to say,Unto whom may he be likened who buys fruit in the market? Unto alittle child whose mother has died, which, when taken to the houses ofother mothers who feed their own babes, yet remains unsatisfied. Whosobuys bread in the market is like to a man who digs the grave in which hewill be buried.”34 Rab (175–247) constantly impressed upon his secondson that “better was a small measure from the field than a large onefrom the vat” (i.e., warehouse).35 Or again, “The Rabbis taught: fourkinds of grain bring no blessing — the payment of a scribe, the fee of aninterpreter, the earnings that flow from orphans’ property and the profits derived from over-sea trade.” Why the latter? “Because miracles donot happen every day.”36So much for the East. What of the West? Here, too, the Jews were214/Werner Sombartnot great merchants. Throughout the Imperial period and the succeeding early Middle Ages the Jew, like the Syrian, if he were a “trader” wasonly a poor chapman, a mere grasshopper who got entangled betweenthe feet of the royal merchants of Rome, just like the small Polish dealerof the 17th and 18th centuries, who made himself a nuisance to themerchants of that day. All that we can discover regarding Jewish tradein the early mediaeval period fits beautifully into the picture. The Jews,in short, were never merchants so long as commerce, and especiallyinter-municipal and inter-national commerce, remained partly a robbing expedition and partly an adventure — that is to say, until moderntimes.If this is so — if the Jews never were a trading people from of old— are those correct who hold that they were agriculturists? Certainly,in so far as their economic organization was the manorial one. But thatis not all. The occupation to which Jews devoted themselves in latertimes and which, in the view of Jewish historians, was forced upon themagainst their will, was well-known and practised even in the earliestperiods. I refer to money-lending, and I attach the greatest importanceto the establishment of this fact. The economic history of the Jewsthroughout the centuries makes it appear that money-lending alwaysplayed a very great, nay, an extraordinarily great, part in the economiclife of the people. We meet with it in all phases of Jewish history, in theage of national independence as in the Diaspora. Indeed, a communityof peasant proprietors is fine game for money-lenders. Always the creditors are Jews, anyhow after the Exodus. In Egypt it appears the Jewswere the debtors, and when they left, as the official report narrates, theycarried away what had been lent to them. “And I will give this peoplefavour in the sight of the Egyptians, and it shall come to pass when yego, ye shall not go empty” (Exod. iii. 21). “And the Lord gave the peoplefavour in the sight of the Egyptians, so that they let them have what theyasked . . .” (Exod. xii. 36). Thereafter the position changed. Israel became the creditor and other peoples became its debtors. Thus the promise made by God was fulfilled, the promise that may rightly be called themotto of Jewish economic history, the promise which indeed expressesthe fortunes of the Jewish people in one sentence: “The Lord thy Godwill bless thee as He promised thee: and thou shalt lend unto manynations, but thou shaltnot borrow” (Deut. xv. 6).37The oldest passage which points to a highly developed system ofborrowing in ancient Israel is that in Nehemiah (vi. 15): —/215Then there arose a great cry of the people and of their wives againsttheir brethren the Jews. For there were that said. We, our sons andour daughters, are many: let us get corn, that we may eat and live.Some also there were that said, We are mortgaging our fields, andour vineyards and our houses: let us get corn because of the dearth.There were also that said. We have borrowed money for the king’stribute upon our fields and our vineyards. Yet now our flesh is asthe flesh of our brethren, our children as their children: and lo, webring into bondage our sons and our daughters to be servants, andsome of our daughters are brought into bondage already: neitheris it in our power to help it, for other men have our fields and ourvineyards. And I was very angry when I heard their cry and thesewords. Then I consulted with myself and contended with the noblesand the rulers, and said unto them, Ye exact usury, every one ofhis brother. . . . Restore, I pray you, to them even this day theirfields, their vineyards, their olive-yards and their houses, also thehundredth part of the money, and of the corn, the wine and the oil,that ye exact of them.The picture here drawn is clear enough. The people were dividedinto two sections, an upper wealthy class, which became rich by moneylending, and the great mass of agricultural labourers whom they exploited. This state of affairs must have continued, in despite of Nehemiahand other reformers, throughout the whole history of the Jews in Palestine and Babylon. We need only refer to the Talmud for proof. In someof the Tractates, after the study of the Torah nothing occupies so muchspace as money-lending. The world of ideas which the Rabbis had wascrammed full with money business. A decision of Rabina (488–556),one of the last of the Amoraim (Baba Mezia, 70b), sounds almost likethe creation of a money-lending monopoly for the Rabbis. Throughoutthe three Tractates called Baba, there are numerous examples from thebusiness of money-lending and from the rise and fall of interest, andnumerous discussions about money and problems of money-lending.The unprejudiced reader of the Talmud cannot but come to this conclusion: in the Talmudic world there must have been a good deal of moneylending.With the Diaspora the business only extended. How far moneylending was regulated among the Jews in the Egyptian Diaspora, four orfive centuries before the Common Era, may be seen from the OxfordPapyrus (MS. Aram. cl. P)38: —216/Werner Sombart... Son of Jatma ... you gave me money ... 1000 segel of silver. AndI am ready to pay by way of interest 2 hallur of silver / per monthfor each segel until the day whereon I repay the money to you. Theinterest / for your money is thus to amount to 2000 hallur everymonth. And if in any month I pay you no / interest, then the amountof interest shall be added to the principal and shall bear interestit*elf. I undertake to pay you month by month / out of my salarywhich I receive from the Treasury, and you will give me a receipt(?) for the whole / sum and for the interest that I will pay you. Andif I have not repaid the whole of your / money by the month ofRoth in the year . . . then your money shall be doubled (?) / andalso the interest I have yet to pay, and month by month I must bemade to pay the same / until the day I repay you the whole / Witness, etc.In the Hellenistic and Imperial periods rich Jews were found supplying crowned heads with money, and the poorer Jews lent to the lowerclasses. The Romans were not unacquainted with Jewish business.39 Itwas the same in the pre-Islamic period among the Arabs, to whom theJews lent money at interest, and who regarded this business as beingnatural to the Jew, as being in his blood.40When the Jews first appeared on the scene in Western Europe it wasas money-lenders. We have already noted that they acted as financiersto the Merovingians, which means, of course, mainly as creditors.41They went further in Spain; there, where they had complete freedom ofmovement, the common people were soon in their debt. Long beforethere was a Jewish (i.e., money-lending) question in other States, thelegislative authorities in Castile were dealing with the problem of debtsowing to Jews, and dealing with it in such a way as to show that it wasof no small practical importance.42 That money-lending became the principal calling of the Jews after the Crusades will be admitted on all hands.We come, then, to this conclusion, that from the earliest times moneylending was a prime factor in the economic history of the Jews.The time has really arrived when the myth that the Jews were forcedto have recourse to money-lending in mediaeval Europe, chiefly afterthe Crusades, because they were debarred from any other means of livelihood, should be finally disposed of. The history of Jewish moneylending in the two thousand years before the Crusades ought surely toset this fable at rest once and for all. The official version that Jews could/217not devote themselves to anything but money-lending, even if they would,is incorrect. The door was by no means always shut in their faces; thefact is they preferred to engage in money-lending. This has been provedby Professor Bücher for Frankfort-on-the-Main, and the same may bedone for other towns as well. The Jews had a natural tendency towardsthis particular business, and both in the Middle Ages and after rulerswere at pains to induce Jews to enter into other callings, but in vain.Edward I made the attempt in England;43 it was also tried in the 18thcentury in the Province of Posen,44 where the authorities sought to direct the Jews to change their means of livelihood by offering them bounties if they would. Despite this, and despite the possibility of being ableto become handicraftsmen and peasants like all others, there were, in1797, in the southern towns of Prussia, 4164 Jewish craftsmen side byside with 11,000 to 12,000 Jewish traders. The significance of thesefigures is borne in upon us when we note that though the Jewish population formed 5 or 6 per cent. of the whole, the Christian traders totalled17,000 or 18,000.It may be urged, however, that the practice of usury, even when it iscarried on quite voluntarily, need not be accounted for by special racialattributes. Human inclinations of a general kind will amply explain it.Wherever in the midst of a people a group of moneyed men dwell sideby side with others who need cash, be it for consumption, be it forproduction, it soon comes about, especially where the legal conditionsgoverning money-lending are of a primitive kind, that the one class becomes the debtors and the other the creditors.True. Wherever rich and poor lived together, the latter borrowedfrom the former, even when there was as yet no money in existence — inwhich case the debts were in kind. In the earliest stages of civilization,when the two classes felt themselves members of the same brotherhood,the lending was without interest. Later, especially when some intercoursewith strangers sprang up, the borrower paid the lender a certain quantity of corn or oil or (where a money economy had already establisheditself) gold over and above the principal, and the custom of giving interest gradually became universal.In this there is no difference between the ancient, the mediaeval orthe modern world. All three were acquainted with money-lending and“usury,” which was never confined to the members of any one race orreligion. Think of the agrarian reforms in Greece and Rome, which proveconclusively that the economic conditions in these countries at certain218/Werner Sombarttimes were exactly like those in Palestine in the days of Nehemiah.[Cf.A. E. Zimmern, The Greek Commonwealth, p. 111 ff. — Trans.] In theancient world the temples were the centres of the money-lending business, for in them were stored vast quantities of treasure. If at the Jerusalem Temple money-lending was carried on — what is by no means established: the Talmudic tractate (Shekalim) which deals with Templetaxes clearly forbids the utilization of what remained over from certainsacrifices for purposes of business — I say if such were the case, thenthere was nothing extraordinary in this: all temples in antiquity lentmoney. The temples of Babylonia, we are informed,45 were like so manygreat business houses. The temples at Delphi, at Delos, at Ephesus, atSamos were no different.46 And in the Middle Ages the churches, themonasteries, the houses of the various Knights and other religious orders took the place of the ancient temples in this respect. Despite theprohibitions of the Church against usury, they were the centres of abrisk trade in money. Is it any different to-day? The German peasant onthe marshes of the North Sea coast who has managed to make a littlemoney knows of nothing better to do with it than to lend it at interest toa needy neighbour.To increase one’s fortune by means of interest on loans is so easyand pleasant, that everybody who is able makes the attempt. Every period wherein the demand for money is great gives opportunity enough(the periods, that is, of the so-called credit crises — regularly followed,by the way, in recent European history by Jewish persecutions).Everybody, then, does it — gladly does it. The desire to take interest on money is pretty generally prevalent. But is the ability to do so?This leads me to my next proof in support of the view that Jewish characteristics have remained constant —(5) The capacity of the Jew for money-dealing.It is well-known that in the Middle Ages many authorities, whetherindividual rulers or corporations, almost begged the Jews to come totheir city in order to carry on money-lending. All sorts of privilegeswere held out to them. The Bishop of Speyer is a case in point. Hethought it would give his city a certain cachet to count a number of richJews among its inhabitants. Some of the cities of Italy in the 15th and16th centuries actually made agreements with the wealthiest Jewishmoney-lenders that they should come and establish loanbanks and pawnshops.47Why should these requests have been made, and these privileges/219offered? Why should just Jews and no others have been invited to foundmoney-lending concerns? No doubt to some extent it was because goodChristian men were not willing to soil their souls by the nefarious trade,and Jews were called in to stand between them and damnation. But wasthis all? Does it not appear rather that the Jews had a special capacityfor the business? They were the cleverest, the most gifted money-lenders, and that is why they were in demand. How else should we be able toaccount for their success, which for centuries brought them so muchriches? Anybody can be a lender, but not everybody can be a successfullender. For that special capacities and attributes are necessary.Turn to the pages of the Talmud and you will find that moneylending was no mere dilettante business with the Jews. They made an artof it; they probably invented (certainly they utilized) the highly organized machinery of lending.The time has come, it seems to me, for a trained economist to dealthoroughly with the economic side of the Talmud and of Rabbinic literature generally. I hope this book may act as some spur to this end. All Ican do here is to point the way, so that some successor of mine may findit the more easily. I shall briefly note some of the passages which appearto me to bear witness to an extensive acquaintance with economic problems, and more particularly those bearing on credit. When we recall theperiod in which the Talmud came into being (200 B.C. to 500 A.D.) andcompare what it contains in the field of economics with all the economicideas and conceptions that the ancient and the mediaeval worlds havehanded down to us, it seems nothing short of marvellous. Some of theRabbis speak as though they had mastered Ricardo and Marx, or, to saythe least, had been brokers on the Stock Exchange for several years, orcounsel in many an important money-lending case. Let me cite an instance or two.(a) A profound acquaintance with the nature of the precious metals.“R. Chisda said. There are seven kinds of gold: ordinary gold, best gold,gold of Ophir (1 Kings x. 11), fine gold (1 Kings v. 18), drawn gold,heavy gold and Parvayin gold” (Joma, 45a).(b) The idea that money is a common denominator in terms of whichcommodities are exchanged is fully developed. The best proof of this isthe legal decision that the act of purchasing becomes complete not assoon as the price has been paid, but when the commodity is delivered.The whole of the 4th section of Baba Mezia is illustrative of this point.(c) There is a clear conception of the difference between credit for220/Werner Sombartproduction and for consumption. In the case of the first, interest is permitted; not so, from a Jew, in the case of the second. “If A rents a fieldfrom B at a rental of 10 measures of wheat and then requests B to lendhim 200 zuz for the improvement of the field, promising a total paymentof 12 measures of wheat — that is permissible. But may you offer togive more in renting a shop or hiring a ship? Rab Nachman (235–320),on the authority of Rabba bar Abuha, was of opinion that sometimes itwas permissible to give more for a shop in order to be able to hangpictures up in it, and for a ship too, in order to place a mast on it. Thepictures in the shop will attract many people and so increase profits,and the mast on the ship will enhance the ship’s value” (Baba Mezia,69b).(d) Law and rules of practice point to an extraordinarily developedsystem of credit agreements. After reading the 4th and 5th sections ofBaba Mezia you feel as though you had just laid down the report of anEnquiry into Money-lending in Hesse twenty or thirty years ago, wherea thousand and one gins and traps were introduced into money-lendingcompacts. The Prosbol, too (by means of which it was possible to ensure the existence of a debt even over the year of release), is a sign of ahighly organized system of lending (Section 10 of Sheviith).(e) The treatment of deposits is handled in a way which shows practical knowledge of the subject. “If any one deposits moneys with a banker,the latter may not make any use of them if they are in one bundle. If,however, they are loose, he may, and if they are lost he is held responsible. But if the moneys are deposited with a private individual, whetherthey are in one bundle or loose, he may make no use of them whatever;and if they should be lost he is not bound to replace them. R. Meir (100–160) held that a shopkeeper was regarded as a private individual in thisrespect; but R. Judah (136–200) was of the contrary opinion, and saidthat the shopkeeper was like the banker. ...” (Baba Mezia, 43a).(f) Finally I would mention the Jewish gift for figures. The Talmudists all had it, but it was to be found in earlier ages also. The exactstatistical lists in the Bible and the later literature must have struckevery one. One French writer remarks on the topic: “The race possesseda singular capacity for calculation — a genius, so to say, for numbers.”48Apart from all these considerations, the very success of the Jews intheir money-lending activities effectively demonstrates a special capacity for the business. And the success was manifested in/221(6) Jewish wealth.That ever since the race began some Jews amassed huge fortunescan be easily shown, nor can it be doubted that the average wealth of allJews was fairly high. In all ages and in all lands Jewish riches wereproverbial.We may begin with King Solomon, whose wealth was renownedeven among wealthy Oriental potentates — although he did not acquireit by successful trading (though you never can tell!). Later we read thatsome of the Jewish exiles in Babylon were in a short time able to sendgold and silver to Jerusalem (Zech. vi. 10, 11). That Jews played a greatpart in the economic life of the Euphrates country during the Exile appears from the commercial contracts dug up at Nippur.49 Those whor*turned with Ezra brought great opulence with them (Ezra i. 6–11),and in the subsequent period the wealth of the priests was notorious.50Noticeable are the large number of rich men, some of them very rich,among the Talmudic Rabbis. It would not be difficult to compile quite arespectable list of such of them as were renowned for their wealth. Certainly, in any view, the rich Rabbis were in the majority.51In the Hellenistic Diaspora likewise the impression cannot be avoidedthat the standard of wealth among Jews was pretty high. Wherever Jewsand Greeks lived side by side, as in Caesarea,52 the former were themore opulent. There must have been a specially great number of wealthyJews among those of Alexandria. Of very rich Alabarchs we are actually told, and we have already mentioned the position of the AlexandrianJews as financiers of crowned heads.It was not one whit otherwise in the early Middle Ages. We have iton record that many Jews in those days were blessed with the goodthings of the world in abundance. In Spain they offered money to Reccaredif he would annul anti-Jewish legislation,”53 and in the early period ofMohammedan rule we learn that the Arabs envied them their wealth.54Cordova, in the 9th century, had “several thousand (?) Jewish familieswho were well off.”55 And more to the same effect.56There is no need to labour the statement that in the later MiddleAges the Jews were wealthy. It is a generally accepted fact.57 And forwhat is called the modern period I have myself adduced proofs enoughin this book.We shall be justified in the conclusion, therefore, that from KingSolomon to Bamey Bamato Jewish opulence runs through history like agolden thread, without ever once snapping. Is this merely accidental? If222/Werner Sombartnot, what was it due to — subjective or objective causes?Objective factors, i.e., outward forces, have certainly been hinted atto explain Jewish wealth. In the first place, the Jews were early taught tolook for their chief happiness in the possession of money; in the second,the insecurity of their position forced them to accumulate their wealth ineasily movable forms — in gold or ornaments, which they could takeabout with them, which they could hide or carry off without much difficulty. These causes undoubtedly go a good way to account for the growthof Jewish wealth, but they by no means suffice to explain it completely.We must not forget that the outward forces referred to above, in order toproduce the result they did, could not but have influenced a people possessing certain special gifts. But let that pass. Again, the facts instancedcould only have been of any effect in the Diaspora. Let that also pass.The great weakness of this explanation is that it tells us merely why theJews had any desire to become wealthy, and, incidentally, that then”wealth took a particular form. The desire in this case is of little moment;it does not make clear why it was realized. Hence we must look for othercauses. Besides, the desire to become rich has been universal ever sinceAlberich robbed the Maidens of the Rhine-gold.Another explanation has therefore been suggested for Jewish wealth.The Jews, it has been rightly pointed out, for centuries occupied a position of inequality with their Christian neighbours, and therefore had lessoccasion to spend as much as the latter. The conception of social status,with varying standards of comfort for each, was unknown among them,and therefore also the thousand and one artificial wants that were associated with the idea. “It is certain,” remarks a writer who has dealt withthis aspect of the problem in a most delicate fashion,58 “that a Jew,compared with a Christian of the same income, was bound to becomethe richer of the two, seeing that the Christian had very many opportunities of spending money which were denied to the Jew, for the simplereason that the former belonged to the ruling class, and the latter wasonly tolerated. As for the rich Jew, his circ*mstances were differentfrom those of the Christian, for he had no need to consider what wasdemanded in his social class. Thus, any luxuries he cared to enjoy werenot necessarily in accordance with his status.”Doubtless this is one explanation of the wealth of the Jews, and willaccount also for the specifically Jewish economic standpoint, which wehave noted above. To it were due such ideas as that of free competition,that your expenses should be limited by your income — a conception/223utterly foreign to a feudal society — and that saving, associated withJews from earliest times, was good. Let me recall an old German proverb: —Selten sind sieben Dinge:Eine Nonne, die nicht singe,Ein Madchen ohne Liebe,Ein Jahnnarkt ohne Diebe,Ein Geissbock ohne Bart,Ein Jude der nicht spart,Ein Kornhaus ohne Mause,Und ein Kosak ohne Lause.[Rare are seven things:A nun who never sings,A maid without a lover,A fair without a robber,A goat of beard bereft,A Jew that knows no thrift,A granary without mice,And a Cossack without lice.]To the saving habit of the Jews may be traced the tendency to accumulate capital. One sometimes hears it said that Jewish money remainsin a business longer than Christian money, and increases more quicklyto boot. In olden times the Jew could not enter the charmed circle of thefeudal landed gentry, and so his money was not spent in keeping up theappearances demanded by his status. If he saved, his money had perforce to be invested in commercial enterprise, unless, of course, he lentit out directly at interest, as the Jews of Hamburg of the 17th centurywere in the habit of doing. Glückel von Hamem and her friends, whenever they had any surplus, always lent it out on security. The moneyfructified and increased.All these considerations are valuable as far as they go. But they donot go far enough satisfactorily to explain the phenomenon of Jewishwealth. It is all very well pointing to objective forces in any problem.We must not forget, however, that those forces might not effect the particular result they did if the men and women whom they influenced werenot constituted in a particular way. A people does not become thriftybecause of the stress of outward circ*mstances alone. The merest tyroknows that. Besides, nowadays, when the Ghetto walls have long sincefallen, and the Jew enjoys perfect equality when he may become a landed224/Werner Sombartproprietor and regulate his life in accordance with the most rigid requirements — nowadays, too, I say, Jews are thriftier than Christians.Look at a few statistics. In Baden, in the years 1895 to 1903, capitalincreased in the case of Protestants from 100 to 128.3 per cent, in thecase of Jews from 100 to 138.2 per cent. This is striking enough, but itbecomes even moreso when we remember that during the same periodthe incomes of Protestants grew from 100 to 146.6 per cent, those ofJews from 100 to 144.5 percent.When all is said the possible causes hitherto mentioned would onlyexplain why already existing wealth was increased. Not one can satisfactorily answer the question, How was it in the first place obtained?There is only one answer. Wealth is got by those who have a talent for it.From the wealth of the Jews, therefore, may be deduced special Jewishcharacteristics or attributes.Is the Jewish Genius Natural or Artificial?What is the result of all our considerations in the previous section? Thatin all probability the anthropological character of the Jews, no less thantheir intellectual attributes, has remained constant for thousands of years.What does this prove? Are we to conclude that the Jewish genius isrooted in race? Those who have a dogmatic faith in race unhesitatinglysay yes. We however, who are trying to proceed scientifically, must sayno. Nothing as yet has been proved.A brief reference to the methods of some of the believers in the racetheory59 will show how unreliable their conclusions are. They start outwith the assumption that the Jews are a race. Since every race musthave specific characteristics, Jews have theirs. In other words, theirspecific characteristics are rooted in their race. But for this there is noactual proof. If the truth must be told, we know nothing whatever of theconnexion between somatic or anthropological features and intellectualcapacities.What the race-theorists have produced is a new sort of religion toreplace the old Jewish or Christian religion. What else is the theory ofan Aryan, or German, “mission” in the world but a modern form of the“chosen people” belief? All well and good, but let no one be deceivedinto imagining that this is science. It is faith, and faith and science hadbest be kept apart.As we have said, there is no certain connexion between somaticattributes and intellectual capacities. The constancy of each may be/225purely accidental; it may arise anew in every generation or may be carried on by the aid of tradition. And among a people who were attachedto tradition as the Jews were, this assumption seems likely enough. TheJews were shut off from others, they possessed a strong love of family,their religious practices were scrupulously observed, the Talmud wasenergetically studied in every generation — all these supplied, as it were,the machinery for carrying on certain peculiarities from one generationto another merely by education alone.This is one view. Yet Jewish characteristics may spring from theblood. Again, there are those who would trace them to environment.The Jewish religion, Ghetto life, the dealing in money for so many centuries have all three been instanced to account for the specifically Jewish type of character. There may be something in this. Only possibly, asI have tried to show, these influences instead of being causes may beresults.I propose in the next chapter to analyse the Jewish genius, layingspecial stress on the following points in the order given: (1) The originalaptitudes of those races from which the Jews sprang as exhibited in theirmode of life. (2) How the various elements mingled. (3) Which of theseaptitudes survived under the influences of Jewish history. Finally, ifthese considerations should prove insufficient, we shall venture the hypothesis: (4) that certain characteristics grew up in the course of history. We shall see, however, that there will be no need to have recourseto this hypothesis, since the Jewish genius can be adequately explainedalong the first three lines. If this be so, then one result will have beenestablished: that the Jewish characteristics are rooted in the blood of therace, and are not in any wise due to educative processes.Chapter 14The Vicissitudes of the Jewish PeopleIf any one wished in a sentence to account for the importance of theJews in the world’s civilization, and more particularly in economic life,he could do so by saying that it was due to the transplanting of anOriental people among Northern races, and the culture union of the two.A similar assertion has been made regarding the civilizations of theclassical world, of the Greek more especially, and also of that of theItalian Renaissance. It has been suggested that they resulted from themixture of Northern peoples, who had wandered into a Southern environment, with the autochthonous inhabitants — a brilliant hypothesis,226/Werner Sombartnot without an element of truth in it.But the statement concerning the Jews is no hypothesis: it is anestablished fact, capable of abundant proof. The capitalistic civilizationof our age is the fruit of the union between the Jews, a Southern peoplepushing into the North, and the Northern tribes, indigenous there. TheJews contributed an extraordinary capacity for commerce, and the Northern peoples, above all the Germans, an equally remarkable ability fortechnical inventions.It is clear, therefore, what we must have in view in our considerations of the Jewish genius and its enormous influence. Not whether theJews were Semites, or Hittites, or of some other stock, not whether theyare “pure,” or “mixed,” is the important thing, but that they are anOriental folk transplanted into an environment both climatically andethnically strange, wherein their best powers come to fruition.They are an Oriental people — that is to say, one of those peopleswhose habitat was in that part of the globe lying between the AtlasMountains in the West, and the Persian Gulf in the East; one of thoseraces baked by the sun in the dry, burning climate of the great deserts ofNorth Africa, Arabia and Asia Minor, or of their border-lands; the raceswhich brought their special characteristics to maturity amid their peculiar environment which had never altered since the Ice Age, a period ofsome twelve or sixteen thousand years.The whole of this region, from which the Jews also hailed, is anextensive sandy desert, with here and there an oasis where man andbeast can dwell. In the larger of these watered valleys arose, as is wellknown, the earliest civilizations of the world — in Egypt, in Mesopotamiaand in Palestine. All three are comparatively small fertile patches; allare true oases in the desert, and theirs was an essentially oasis civilization. The cultivable area of Egypt was about as large as the PrussianProvince of Saxony is to-day [about 5,500,000 acres, according to theStatesman’s Year Book]; Mesopotamia at its widest extent was onlyabout half the size of the Plain of Lombardy [about 4500 square miles,according to the same authority]; Palestine, the land of the whole peopleof Israel, was smaller still, being no larger than perhaps Baden (about5000 square miles]; while Judsea, the Southern Kingdom, and thereforethe home of the Jews, was as extensive as the Duchies of Anhalt andSaxe-Coburg and Gotha together [about 1600 square miles]. But theseoases, and Palestine more especially, were themselves broken by deserts,Judaea being particularly badly treated by Nature. Its southern end ex-/227tended past Hebron and Beersheba, right into the modern sandy waste.All agriculture in these countries was the tillage of oases. Whatdoes this mean? It means that the soil collected by almost artificial means,and that the great aim of the farmer was to gather the water necessaryfor the growth of vegetation. This was the case in Palestine, where thecultivation of the soil depended on the water-supply. Drought is thescourge that the farmer fears most. Every year he trembles lest the aridwaste should stretch its arms and embrace his strip of land, tended withso much care and tribulation. Every moment he is in dread lest the desertsend him its scorching winds, or its locust swarms. And above all, hefears the desert wastes because of the marauding bands who may fallupon him, robbing, killing, pillaging as they cross the country, sometimes even taking possession of his holding if the fancy seize them. Thesechildren of the desert, whom we now call Bedouins, and of whom theoasis-dwellers were once themselves a part, were nomadic shepherds.Their raids hastened the rise of strong cities with stout walls, behindwhich the inhabitants of the plain could take refuge. Sometimes thedesert crept right into them, and so at all times they were filled with thespirit of the sandy wastes.Such a tribe of restless wandering Bedouins were the Hebrews, whenabout the year 1200 B.C. they fell upon Canaan, plundering and killingas they went, and finally deciding to settle there, and rest from all theirwanderings. Which meant, that if possible they would do nothing, butthat the natives would work for them — the aim of every conqueringpeople. Such was Jehovah’s promise: “I will lead you unto the landwhich I promised you, a land of great and goodly cities which thoubuildedst not, and houses full of all good things which thou filledst not,and cisterns hewn out which thou hewedst not, and vineyards and olivetrees which thou plantedst not, and thou shalt eat and be full” (Deut. vi.10, 11).Once there, what did the Hebrews do in this promised land? Whatsort of economic organization did they establish? We cannot, of course,speak as to the details,1

but one or two things we may imagine. Probably, as we have seen, the powerful and mighty among them after having conquered large tracts of land instituted a sort of feudal society. Part

of the produce of the land they took for themselves, either by way of rentin kind, by farming it out to tax-collectors, or by means of the creditnexus. In any case, a large number of Hebrews lived in the towns, receiving rent or interest from the subject population who worked on the228/Werner Sombartsoil, either as “colonists,” or “free peasants,” or whatever term wasused in the Orient for this class. Some of the conquering tribes mayhave become impoverished and themselves sunk to the level of unfreefarmers, but they were hardly the influential ones. This position washeld by those who inhabited the West Jordan lands, principally Judah,sections of Simeon and Levi and others. In those districts cattle farmingonly was possible: “Judah’s teeth are white with milk.” Other tribes,such as Reuben and Gad, remained east of the Jordan as semi-nomads,rearing cattle, and half the tribe of Manasseh crossed the Jordan to return thither. But all the tribes alike must have been impregnated with thenomadic spirit. Were this not the case, it would be exceedingly difficultto understand the rise and growth of the Jewish religious system.It should not be forgotten that the Holy Scriptures of the Jews inwhich their religion is embodied, especially the Pentateuch, is the literature of a nomadic people. Their God, who triumphs over the false gods,is a desert and pastoral divinity. The traditions of the nomad state weremaintained by Ezra and Nehemiah in the conscious re-establishment ofthe Jehovah cult, in doing which they paid no heed to the interveningperiod of agriculture. The Priestly Code “takescare not to mention thesettled life in Canaan. . . it strictly limits itself to the wanderings in thewilderness, and in all seriousness wants to be regarded as a desert Code.”2Open the historical books or the majority of the Prophets, that desertchoir, include the Psalms also, and you everywhere find metaphors andsimiles taken from shepherd life. Only occasionally do you meet withthe peasant “sitting contentedly at the door of his house in the shade ofthe fig-tree.” Jehovah is the good Shepherd (Psa. 23) who will gatherthe remnants of Israel “as a flock in the midst of their pasture” (Micahii. 12). And what does the Sabbatical year mean but that you ceasebeing a peasant for the time being, and become an Israelite of the oldsort? Israel never quite gave up its division into families and clans; itwas always composed of tribes, like most shepherd peoples. There seemsto be little doubt that even as late as the 5th century B.C. there must havebeen a strong dash of the nomads, certainly in the ruling classes, butprobably also in the great mass of the people. Else how would it havebeen possible to saddle them for any length of time with a nomadicreligion?It may be asked. Were not the nomad tendencies of those days perchance a harking back to an earlier state? Did not perhaps the old wandering instincts, which in the previous centuries had been lulled to sleep,/229awake again under the influences of the Exile? It is quite likely, andwhat is more, the vicissitudes of the Jewish people since the BabylonianExile could not but arouse any slumbering desert and nomad feelingswithin them. On this point I would lay especial stress. Hence, even if wewere inclined to assume that the Children of Israel lived a settled life forfive hundred years after the conquest of Canaan, it is perfectly clear thatall the powers on earth seemed to have conspired together not to allowthis state to become permanent. Scarcely had the plant taken root (so faras it could in so hot a country) than it was pulled up. The Jew’s inherent“Nomadism” or “Saharaism” (if I may coin the words) was always keptalive through selection or adaptation. Throughout the centuries, therefore, Israel has remained a desert and nomadic people.There is nothing new in this conclusion. But one does not establish*t without some scruple of conscience. Why? Because anti-Semitic pamphleteers rudely pounce upon it and make capital out of it for theirabuse. That, of course, can be no reason for doubting its truth, or neglecting to take cognizance of it as an explanation of Jewish characteristics. What should be done to oppose the prejudiced scribblers is toanalyse the problem most carefully, and present an illuminating view ofits importance. Up to the present little has been achieved in this direction; what has been done has been childish and spitefully distorted. Nowonder that the idea that the Jew has always been a nomad has beenreceived with scorn and jest by some people. It would have been muchmore to the point if these same people had been able to prove that it waswrong. This has never yet been seriously attempted. The chain of reasoning which runs: Agriculture was practised in Palestine in olden times;the Jews lived in Palestine then; therefore the Jews were agriculturists,is on the face of it a little weak. And another point. The term nomad isnot meant to imply obloquy or disgrace. At most, objection may betaken to the robbing. But why should there be any dishonour attached toa brave Bedouin tribe which, under such a doughty leader as, say, KingDavid, lived on plunder? Why should they appear less worthy, or callforth less sympathy, than an agricultural tribe of Negroes somewhere inthe wilds of Africa? It is obvious, of course, that when I use the term“nomad” as applied to later Jewish history, I want it to bear not itssecondary meaning, which it has acquired in the lapse of time, but itsoriginal connotation in all its pristine strength.Having cleared the air a little, let us now attempt to prove that ourconclusion is true. Throughout the centuries Israel has remained a desert230/Werner Sombartand nomadic people, either by the process of selection or of adaptation.We have already mentioned the possible effect of the Exile in calling forth slumbering nomadic instincts. In reality, if the truth be told, wecan form no clear conception of what the Exile meant, neither of thejourney into it, nor of the return home. It only seems possible on theassumption that the Jews then were still nomads or semi-nomads. Onecan scarcely conceive the conquest of an agricultural people; whereasthe forcible ‘transplanting of nomad tribes is not unknown to-day.3Moreover, the assumption seems to be supported by the story of theCaptivity. “And he carried away all Jerusalem and all the princes andall the mighty men of valour, even ten thousand captives, and all thecraftsmen and the smiths; none remained save the poorest sort of thepeople of the land.” And after the second expedition of the Babylonians,“the captain of the guard left of the poorest of the land to be vine-dressers and husbandmen” (2 Kings xxiv. 14 and xxv. 12). Jeremiah’s version of the story agrees with this (Jer. xxxix. 10).Whoever the exiles may have been, it is pretty certain that the actual agriculturists were not among them. These remained behind evenafter the second batch of exiles had been carried away captive. Thepassage in Jeremiah would seem to lend probability to my view that thesoil was tilled by unfree villeins who, when their lords were led toBabylon, became independent husbandmen. It is not assuming too muchto regard these men as the descendants of the original inhabitants whomthe Hebrews had conquered. From the age of the Captivity, therefore,the population of Judaea had a thinner stream of Jewish blood in theirveins than the Babylonian exiles, who were more or less the Jewisharistocracy, the cream of the people, as it were. This was indeed theview that obtained currency in later times. Even in Judaea itself it wasadmitted that the Babylonian Jews were of the very best stock, and anold Jewish saying helped to confirm the belief. “The Jews in the RomanDiaspora compared as to their descent with those in Judaea are like themixed dough to the pure flour, but Judaea itself is only dough comparedwith Babylon.”4

And R. Ezekiel (220–299) excuses that good man, Ezra,

for having returned to Palestine by saying that he took the families ofdoubtful origin away with him, and so left those that remained free fromthe danger of mixing with them(!).5We come then to this conclusion. The Exile was a kind of selectiveprocess whereby the best elements of Jewry, never favourable to aneconomy of settled life, were forced to revivethe inherent nomad in-/231stincts within them, and to gain their livelihood as townsmen, i.e., traders. This does not mean that none of them became husbandmen. Farfrom it. The Babylonian Talmud certainly makes it appear that somedevoted themselves to agriculture, but the conditions must have beenthose prevalent in Palestine, where an aristocracy of wealth lived in thetowns on the work of (non-Jewish?) peasants. Such at any rate is theimpression of the typical state of affairs. But there were exceptions too.Do we not read of many an ancient Rabbi who himself walked behindthe plough? What is of consequence, however, is that the prevailingconditions in the Exile were by no means exceptional. On the contrary,they were normal. Even before the Exile many Jews had settled in Egyptand other lands in a kind of voluntary Diaspora. Those who left Palestine were no doubt the men in whom the old nomadic instincts were notyet quite dead, and their self-imposed exile only called them forth themore. We never find these wandering Jews, be their origin Judaea orPalestine, establishing agricultural colonies or independent settlementsof any sort, as most other emigrants did. But what do we find? ThatJewish settlers scattered themselves in all corners of the inhabited globeamong foreign nations, preferably in the large towns, where they soughttheir livelihood.6

We never hear of their return to their native hearth

after having saved up sufficient money to keep them in affluence, as theSwiss, Hungarian or Italian emigrants do to-day. The only bonds thatbound them with home were religious. If they ever do go back, it is onlyat the annual Passover pilgrimage, like real nomads that they are.Little by little Palestine ceased to be the centre of Jewish life, andJews became more and more scattered. Even as late as the destructionof the Second Temple (70 A.D.), the Jews in the Diaspora outnumberedthose in Judaea. Perhaps there was some reason for this. That the country, even when it was most densely populated, could maintain more thana million, or a million and a half souls is scarcely likely. (Today theinhabitants number at most 650,000.) As for Judaea, it had no morethan 225,000 inhabitants, and Jerusalem no more than 25,000.7

There

certainly was a larger number outside Palestine already at the commencement of the Common Era. In the Egypt of the Ptolemies it is saidthat out of a total population of seven or eight millions, one million wereJews.8

Nor was Egypt unique in this respect. It would have been difficult indeed to name one spot which, in the words of Strabo quoted by

Josephus, was not inhabited and dominated (!) by Jews. Philo gives alist of countries that had a Jewish population in his day, and adds that232/Werner Sombartthey were settled in numerous cities of Europe, Asia, Lybia, on the mainland and on islands, on the coast and inland. We hear the same thingfrom a Sibylline Oracle, composed towards the end of the 2nd century,9while Jerome informs us that they were to be found “from sea to sea,from the British to the Atlantic Oceans, from the West to the South,from the North to the East, the world through.”10 How densely packedthey were in the Rome of the early Empire may be gathered from theaccount of the visit of King Herod to the capital of the Caesars, whereinwe are told that no less than 8000 Jews resident in Rome accompaniedhim to Augustus. Again, in the year 19 A.D., 4000 freedmen of militaryage who “professed the Egyptian and Jewish superstition” were sentenced to be deported to Sardinia.”But enough. No matter how many Jews were in the Diaspora in thepre-Christian age, so much is certain, that when the Second Temple fell,Israel was already scattered over the face of the earth.12 Nor did the antheap become quiescent in the Middle Ages; for Jewish wanderings continued apace. That, too, is certain.What direction did the wanderings take? About the end of the 5thcentury Babylon was emptied, at first slowly and then with speed, theJews migrating to all points of the globe — to Arabia, India and Europe. Again in the 13th century streams of emigrants from England,France and Germany journeyed partly to the Pyrenean Peninsula, wherethere was already a large number of Jews from Palestine and Babylon,and partly to the kingdoms of Eastern Europe, which were likewise notwithout their Jewish inhabitants, who had settled there as far back asthe 8th century, having arrived from the Byzantine Empire via the BlackSea. Then, towards the end of the Middle Ages, Spain and Portugal onthe one hand and Russia and Poland on the other were the two greatbasins outside the Orient wherein the Jews had settled. From each ofthese the wandering commenced afresh; we have already seen what courseit took. The Spanish Jews first, then, after the Cossack pogroms in the17th century, the Russian Jews began to disperse over the earth. Thisprocess of emigration from Russia and Poland was a steady one, untiltowards the end of the 19th century there was a volcanic eruption andhundreds of thousands sought a refuge in the New World.13So this people was driven from place to place — tribe of the wandering foot whose fate has been so touchingly expressed in the legend ofthe Wandering Jew.14 The constant insecurity of their position made itimpossible for them to think of settling down on the soil. As a matter of/233fact, however, they seldom had any inclination that way. All that weknow of Jewish life in the Diaspora points to the conclusion that only aninsignificant number of Jews devoted themselves to agriculture even inthose lands where no difficulties were placed in their path. Perhaps Poland in the 16th century is the best instance. There they appear to havetaken up farming. But even in Poland they showed a preference for citylife. For every 500 Christian merchants in the Polish towns of the periodthere were to be found 3200 Jewish merchants.15Yes, they became town-dwellers — whether voluntarily or by stressof circ*mstances is of no consequence — and town-dwellers they haveremained. More than half the Jews of the world to-day are to be found incities with over 50,000 inhabitants. In Germany this applies to about43.6 per cent. of the Jews (1900), in Italy, Switzerland, Holland andDenmark to about four-fifths, and to all the Jews of England and theUnited States.Now the modern city is nothing else but a great desert, as far removed from the warm earth as the desert is, and like it forcing its inhabitants to become nomads. The old nomadic instincts have thus throughthe centuries been called forth in the Jew by the process of adaptinghimself to his environment, while the principle of selection has onlytended to strengthen those instincts. It is clear that in the constant changesto which the Jews were subjected, not those among them that had aninclination to the comfortable, settled life of the farmer were the oneslikely to survive, but rather those in whom the nomadic instincts werestrong.This hot-blooded, restless people that had wandered not forty, butfour thousand years in the wilderness came at last to its Canaan, to itspromised land, where it should be able to repose from all its travels —it came to the Northern countries, meeting nations there who, while theJews were hurrying from one oasis to another, had dwelt on their soiland smelt of the earth, who differed from the Jews as a horse of theArdennes differs from a fiery Arab charger.It will soon be of little moment whether the nations of Northern,Central and Eastern Europe are called Aryans or by some other name.The latest researches, it is true, would make it appear that most of themwere indeed Aryans.16 But the name tells us nothing. What is of importance is that they were all peoples from the cold North, and never able toacclimatize themselves in the warm lands of the South.17 To considerthem as Aryans is misleading. For then we shall have to include the dark234/Werner SombartIndian too, and obviously the fair, blue-eyed Europeans have little incommon with him, except perhaps their language. In other respects theyhave peculiarities all their own. What these are may easily be seen bylooking at those peoples as they are to-day, and if we had to characterizethem in one word which should be in contrast to desert it would beforest. Forest and desert are indeed the two great opposites which sumup differences in countries and their inhabitants. Forests are of the North— those Northern forests with the murmur of their brooks, where themist clings fast to the tree-trunks and the toads have their habitation “inthe dank moss and the wet stones,” where in winter the faint sunlightglistens on the rime and in summer the song of birds is everywhere. Tobe sure, there were forests on Lebanon’s height, as there are forests today in the South of Italy. But who that has set foot in a Southern forestwill not at once perceive that it has small affinity with the forests of theNorth, will not at once realize that “even in Italy the forest tells the heartand the eye something very different from the Alpine forest, or that onthe Baltic shore? The South Italian forest is full of harmonies, permeated with clear light and ineffable blue, pliant and yet vigorous in itsaiming skyward and in its bending before the moaning wind; it seems asacred grove” (Hehn). But our Northern forests — they have a charmand a mystery about them at once intimate and fearful. Desert and forest, sand and marsh — those are the great opposites, depending in thelong run on differences in the moisture of the air, and so creating dissimilar environments for the activities of man. In the one case the FataMorgana is Nature’s symbol, in the other the cloud of mist.In olden times the characteristics of the Northern climes were evenmore strongly marked than to-day. The Romans’ picture of Germanyshows us a rude land, covered with bogs and dense forests, a land ofleaden skies, with a misty and moist atmosphere, whose winters arelong and wildly stormy. For thousands of years peoples and races (ourancestors) dwelt in the damp woods, the bogs, the mists, the ice and thesnow and the rain. They hewed down the woods, made the land habitable and pitched then” tents where axe and plough had gained for thema strip of the wilds. From the very fast they seemed to be rooted in thesoil; from the very first it would seem that tillage was never quite absent. But even if we try to imagine these Northern folk as “nomads,”theirs is a very different kind of life from that of a Bedouin tribe. We feelthat they are more tied to the hearth than even an agricultural people inan oasis-land. The Northerners are settlers even when they only breed/235cattle; the Bedouins are always nomads, even though they till the soil.This is so because man is brought into closer touch with Nature inthe North than in the hot countries. Man is part and parcel of Natureeven if he only beats the woods as a huntsman, or as a shepherd breaksa path through the thickets for his flocks. I am inclined to say, even atthe risk of being ridiculed as a modern mystic, that in the North thereare between Nature and even the most prosaic of men tender bonds oflove and friendship, unknown to the Southerner. In the South, as hasbeen rightly observed, man regards Nature only as an instrument in thework of civilization. Even when he is a tiller of the soil, he is a strangerto Nature. In the South there is no country life, no living in and withNature, no attachment to bush and tree, heath and meadow, wild creature and free bird.Is it not clear that these varying and varied environments must produce different results, must influence men in different ways? Would itbe too much to assume that the Jewish characteristics as we have seenthem have been affected by, nay, have even received their peculiar impress from the thousands of years of wandering in the wilderness? Theanswer of course is yes, and if in the following pages I try to prove it, Imust nevertheless admit that the present state of our knowledge of biology is inadequate to show how environment has bearing on the anatomical and physiological character of man, and therefore also on his psychical disposition. The direction which our inquiries under this headshould take has been laid down by Juan Huarte de San Juan, that wiseold 16th-century Spanish physician whom I have already mentioned, inhis splendid book, Examen de ingenios, in which he makes a seriousattempt (the first of its kind) to give a biological and psychological explanation of Jewish characteristics by referring to the vicissitudes of theJewish people. The ideas of this profound thinker, who treated of someof the problems of human selection in a manner which for that periodwas certainly remarkable, appear to me to be worth saving from anundeserved oblivion, and I shall here give them in outline.18Huarte mentions four causes which contributed to make the Jewswhat they are: (1) A hot climate. (2) An unfruitful soil. (3) The peculiarfood of the people during their forty years’ wandering in the wilderness:they subsisted on Manna; the water they drank was exceedingly pure,and the air they breathed very rare. In such circ*mstances there was atendency (as Aristotle had already pointed out) for children to be bornwho were keen of intellect (hombre de muy agudo ingenio). (4) “When236/Werner Sombartthe Children of Israel entered into possession of the Promised Land theywere faced with so many difficulties, scarcity, hostile raids, conquestsand tribulations of all sorts, that the misery of it had the effect of addingto their intellectual genius a fiery, dry and parched temperament. . . .Continual melancholy and a never-ending wretchedness together resultedin collecting the blood in the brain, the liver and the heart, and a processof blood consuming and burning ensued. . . . This produced much burntblack gall (melancolia por adustion). Of this almost all the Jews stillhave a great deal and it results ... in craft, cunning and spite (solercia,astucia, versacia, malicia).” The author then proceeds to answer theobjection, that in the three thousand years since their feeding on Mannathe Jews very probably lost the characteristics they then acquired, bysaying that once certain tendencies enter into the system they becomesecond nature and are passed on for many generations. He is ready toadmit, however, that possibly the Jews are not quite as sagacious asthey used to be.Into the depths to which the Madrid physician descends I cannottake the reader. We should not find anything but unproved theories there.We shall therefore remain above ground and content ourselves with noting the connexion between Jewish psychological qualities and the vicissitudes of the Jewish people.The intellectuality of the Jew, we saw, was his most striking attribute, the one which embraced many others. It can be very easily accounted for when we recall that from the very earliest period of theirhistory, when they tended their flocks beside the still waters, the Jewsnever had to perform hard manual labour. The curse that fell on Adamand Eve when they were expelled from the Garden of Eden, that manshould eat bread in the sweat of his face, did not at any time bear heavilyon the Jew — that is, if we take the words in their literal meaning andexclude mental worry and anxiety. Shepherd life calls for care, combination and organization, and all subsequent vocations which the Jewsadopted (whether voluntarily or forcibly is of no consequence) demandedbut little bodily work, though much mental effort. The family history ofmost of us leads through two or three generations to the plough or theanvil or the spinning-wheel. Not so with the Jews. For centuries andmore they were for the most part never peasants or craftsmen, nevermakers of anything, but only thinkers — brain-workers. It was therefore only to be expected that certain gifts and capacities should be developed in them in the course of time. Given the Jewish mode of life, an/237exceptional intellectuality cannot but be deduced from it.But more than this: the special Jewish intellectuality is of a kindassociated with sandy or stony deserts. The Jews are rational, are fondof abstraction. Once more we are reminded of the contrast between desertand forest, between North and South. The sharp outlines of the landscape in hot, dry countries, their brilliant sunshine and their deep shadows, their clear, starlit nights and their stunted vegetation — cannot allthese be summed up in the one word abstraction? The opposite to this issurely what is concrete, as all things of the North are, where the waterflows abundantly, where the landscape is as varied as it is rich, whereNature is prolific in wood and field, and the earth sends up its fragrance. Is it accidental that astronomy and the art of reckoning firstarose in the hot lands where the nights are ever brilliant, and was developed among peoples whose pastoral pursuits taught them to count? Canwe think of the Sumerians who invented the cuneiform script19 as aNorthern people? Or, on the other hand, can we imagine the peasant ofthe misty North as he follows his plough, or the huntsman chasing deerin the forest, as either of them able to conceive the abstract idea ofnumbers?So with rational thinking and searching after causes. That also leadsus into the world of the South with its artificially produced, never natural vegetation, with the eternal insecurity of Bedouin life as the dominating factor of existence. And contrariwise, tradition is associated withthe comfortable, secure and peaceful existence of the Northern farmerand with his misty and mysterious surroundings. That the appreciationof life and growth should be able to develop, or at least to develop morefreely, among the luxuriant Nature of the North than among the deadvegetation of the South is not at all unlikely. And as the desert, so thetown, in depriving man of his piece of fruitful mother earth destroys inhim the feeling of communion with all living things, breaks the bond offellowship between him and animals and plants, and so deadens all trueunderstanding of organic Nature. On the other hand, the city sharpenshis intellectual capacities, enabling him to search, to spy-out, to organize, to arrange. To be constantly on the alert is the nature of the nomad;to have to be constantly on the alert was what their fate forced on theJews — to be constantly alive to new possibilities, new goals, new combinations of events; in a word, to order life with some end in view.The Jew is adaptable and mobile. Adaptability and mobility are theprincipal qualities the nomad must possess if he is to survive the struggle238/Werner Sombartfor existence. Your settled peasant could not make any use of thesevirtues. “The law of desert life prescribes the greatest mobility both ofperson and of property. Camel and steed must be able to carry the nomad and all his substance speedily from one halting-place to the next,for his stock of provisions is not great and is soon exhausted, and besides he must be able to flee from the onslaughts of his foe with therapidity of a lightning flash. . . This mobility even in ordinary circ*mstances necessitates a certain measure of organizing talent on the part ofthe tribal leaders.”20 (The soil tiller has no need of this.) “The ploughand the ox seem lazy things enough when compared with the lance, thearrow and the horse of the nomad.”21 So too the country when comparedwith the town. Turn to the history of the Jews, and observe how from themoment they crossed the Jordan until this very day towns have engendered in them a high degree of mobility.Always then we have the contrast between the nomad and the dwellerby the hearth, the contrast to which may be ascribed, on the one handdetermination to reach some goal, on the other, joy in work for what it isworth. In the case of the Jews their thousand years’ wanderings onlydeveloped this nomad virtue in them. The promised land throughouttheir journeyings was always before them; it was always something tobe reached, something to be achieved, something to which they lookedforward, like a traveller who has no delight in his wandering. The morehopeless the present became, the richer were the blessings which thefuture held out; everything that was was accounted as a bubble, allreality as without content, all action as senseless; only the result of action — success, the end in view — had a value. In this chain of tendencies the stress laid on results was to a large extent responsible for theutilization of money for lending purposes, and, indeed, for the whole ofthe capitalistic nexus. The importance attached by the Jew to results ofaction may have been cause and effect at once of their capitalistic undertakings.Now, for the attainment of some given end, no less than for mobility, a large measure of physical and intellectual energy is essential. Thefirst ancestors of the Jews must have been possessed of a great deal, andthe sojourn of the Jews amid Northern peoples only served to increase itstill more. It is plainly manifest that the contact with the North perfectedthe inherent powers of the Jew. One need but compare his achievementshere with those in Southern lands to see the truth of this statement. Theprocess of selection, by weeding out the unfit, only made bodily and/239mental energy still more the possession of a people whose Southernorigin already inclined them to it.As the spirits of the two types of peoples differed, so also theirrespective expressions. Water, wood and fragrant earth have their fairytales, their myths, their songs; so have desert and oasis. Delightful as itwould be to follow this side-issue, we can here only call attention to itand perforce pass on to the consideration of the different economic system associated with each type of people.The economic differences may be traced, at bottom, to the contrastbetween the nomadic and the agricultural life, between Saharaism and“Sylvanism.” From the wood which is cleared, from the marsh which isdrained, from the soil which the ploughshare turns up arose that economic organization of society which was dominant in Europe beforeCapitalism came — the feudal, manorial system, resting on the ideasthat production should be only for consumption, that every man shouldhave his niche to work in, and that every society should have differencesin status. The peasant’s holding, strictly marked off as it was from hisneighbour’s, gave prominence to the idea of each man’s limited sphereof activities, of “the estate to which it had pleased God to call him”;there he was to remain and work in the traditional way.From the endless wastes of sand, from the pastoral pursuits, springsthe opposite way of life — Capitalism. Economic activities here are notcirc*mscribed for each man, but are those of the breeder (shepherd)with his boundless outlook, where to-morrow may undo the work of today, but where also in a few years’ time stock may increase tenfold.Sheep and kine multiply quickly, but as quickly they may be decimatedby hunger or disease. Hence, only in the shepherd’s calling, never in thefarmer’s, could the idea of gain have taken root, and the conception ofunlimited production have become a reality. Only in the shepherd’s calling could the view have become dominant that in economic activities theabstract quantity of commodities matters, not whether they are fit orsufficient for use. Only in the shepherd’s calling was counting a primenecessity. Moreover, the rationalism which, as we have seen, is inseparable from nomadic life, here entered into play, and it is not too much tosay that “Nomadism” is the progenitor of Capitalism. The relation between Capitalism and Judaism thus becomes more clear.Now desert and wandering, though they influenced the Jewish character in no small degree, were not the only forces which moulded theJewish spirit. There were others, not as effective as the first, but supple-240/Werner Sombartmentary to them.The first was money, of which the Jews were the guardians. Thisleft its mark on their nature, but at the same time it was in consonancewith it. For in money, the two factors that go to make up the Jewishspirit are united — desert and wandering, Saharaism and Nomadism.Money is as little concrete as the land from which the Jews sprang;money is only a mass, a lump, like the flock; it is mobile; it is seldomrooted in fruitful soil like the flower or the tree. Their constant concernwith money distracted the attention of the Jews from a qualitative, natural view of life to a quantitative, abstract conception. The Jews fathomed all the secrets that lay hid in money, and found out its magicpowers. They became lords of money, and, through it, lords of the world— as I tried to describe in the first chapter of this book.Did they go in search of money, or was it first forced upon them anddid they then gradually accustom themselves to the stranger? Both explanations, it would seem, have much in their favour.In the beginning it looks as though a great deal of money flowedinto their possession almost naturally — or more correctly stated, theprecious metals, which they afterwards turned into coin. I believe it hasnever yet been pointed out that large quantities of gold and silver musthave accumulated in Palestine in the period of the Kings. We are told ofDavid that he brought back from his raiding expeditions much of bothmetals, not to mention the tribute he received in gold and silver. “AndJoram brought with him vessels of silver and vessels of gold and vesselsof brass; these also did King David dedicate unto the Lord with thesilver and gold that he dedicated of all the nations which he subdued” (2Sam. viii. 10–11).The stories we read of the use of gold and silver, both in the makingof the Tabernacle and in the building of the Temple, border on the fabulous, and apparently it was no exaggeration to say that “the King madesilver and gold to be in Jerusalem as stones” (2 Chron. i. 15) — certainly not when we remember the exact statistical information on thesubject. The voyages of King Solomon’s ships to Ophir must have openedup a veritable California in those days. No wonder that the prophetIsaiah lamented that “their land is full of silver and gold, neither is thereany end of their treasures” (Isa. ii. 7).What happened to all these quantities of the precious metals? TheRabbis of the Talmud considered this question and came to the conclusion that it remained with Israel. “This is what R. Alexandrai taught./241Three things returned whence they came: Israel, Egypt’s money (cf.Exod. xii. 35 and 1 Kings xiv. 25) and the tablets of the Ark.”22 But ofcourse a more convincing proof will hardly be adducible. Be that as itmay, the important thing is that an enormous supply of the preciousmetals had accumulated in Israel at an early stage in its history. To thiswas added the moneys obtained through the centuries in all parts of theworld. Nor must we overlook the streams of treasure that were directedto Palestine, partly as Temple taxes and partly as the offerings of piouspilgrims. Cicero (pro Flacco, c. 28) deplored the large sums that wereannually taken to Jerusalem from Italy and all the provinces. Both channels must have given no small yield, as would appear from several interesting incidents. Mithridates, for instance, seized 800 talents of theTemple taxes and deposited them in the island of Cos. Cicero relatesthat Flaccus captured while on its way to Jerusalem the money whichthe Jews of four cities of Asia Minor (Apamea, Laodicea, Pergamumand Adramyttium) had sent, and that the spoil from the first-named cityalone amounted to a hundred pounds of gold. And then the pilgrims!Their number must have been exceedingly large, though it was not quite2,700,000, as Josephus reports, and though there were not quite 380synagogues in Jerusalem for the convenience of the visitors. Certain itis, however, that the pilgrim bands were like reservoirs from which moneyflowed in all directions, and many a man must have become wealthyand therefore able to lend money at interest. Perhaps the priests may beinstanced; we are told that they generally obtained large dowries andwere not disinclined for a little money-lending business.23The next question of importance is whether the Jews themselvesdiscovered the secret power of money, whether it was they who instituted the mechanism of lending, or whether they learnt it from theBabylonians. It seems pretty well established now that money circulated freely in Babylon prior to the arrival of the Jews, though we haveno details of any value as to the extent to which money-lending wasdeveloped. Possibly the seeds of Jewish monetary activities may havebeen germinating with their cousins, the Babylonians. It does not mattermuch which of these kindred peoples first grew golden fruit. The mainthing is that later events forced money-lending upon the Jews, and somade them specialists in it. For their constant wanderings necessitatedtheir having their wealth in a form easily portable, and what more adaptable for this than money and jewellery? Money was their sole companion when they were thrust naked into the street, and their sole protector242/Werner Sombartwhen the hand of the oppressor was heavy upon them. So they learnedto love it, seeing that by its aid alone they could subdue the mighty onesof the earth. Money became the means whereby they — and throughthem all mankind — might wield power without themselves being strong.With the fine threads of money-lending a people who were socially oflittle moment were able to bind the feudal giant, much as the Lilliputiansdid to Gulliver.So much then for money as one factor in Jewish development. Icome now to another, which some regard as of even greater import. Irefer to the Ghetto.The Ghetto undoubtedly influenced the social status of the Jews in avery peculiar way: it made of them despised pariahs. Even to-day thegreater portion of Ghetto Jews belong socially to the lower classes, andare so considered by their brethren in faith. At one time in their historythe contrast between the Ghetto Jew and his liberated brother foundtangible expression in the attitude of the Sephardim (Spanish Jews) towards the Ashkenazim (German Jews). The former looked down on thelatter with contempt, regarding them as importunate beggars who werea nuisance. This is the vein of bitter sarcasm in which a German Jewwrote to a Portuguese co-religionist about the middle of the 18th century (when the relation between the two sections was most strained)24:“I am aware. Sir, that the Portuguese Jews have nothing in commonwith those of Germany except a religious rite, and that their upbringingand their manners utterly differentiate between them as far as social lifeis concerned. I am also aware that the affinity between the two is atradition of very ancient date, and that Vercingentorix, the Gaul, andArminius, the German, were nearer relatives to Herod’s father-in-lawthan you are to the Son of Ephraim.” Pinto, the Sephardi Jew, expresseshimself in a similar tone in his well-known reply to the attacks whichVoltaire made on the Jews as a whole.25 Pinto is anxious that the Spanish Jews should not be put in the same boat as the German Jews; theyare two distinct nations. “A Jew of London,” he says, “as little resemblesa Jew of Constantinople as the latter does a Chinese Mandarin. A Portuguese Jew of Bordeaux and a German Jew of Metz have nothing incommon.” “Mons. de Voltaire cannot ignore the delicate scruples of thePortuguese and Spanish Jews in not mixing with the Jews of other nations, either by marriage or otherwise.” Pinto proceeds to say that if aSephardi Jew in Holland or England were to make a German Jewess hiswife, his relatives would disown him and he would not even be given/243burial in their cemetery.This opposition very often found practical expression, more especially on the part of the Sephardim, who in their own eyes were thearistocracy of Jewry and who were afraid lest their social position shouldbe endangered by the arrival of Jews from more easterly countries. Thus,in 1761 the Portuguese Jews (or Marannos) of Bordeaux were able toget an order passed to the effect that within fourteen days all alien Jewswere to leave the city. Pinto and Pereira were the prime movers in thematter, and they used every endeavour to rid themselves of the “vagabonds” — their own co-religionists from Germany and France.26 InHamburg the Sephardim occupied a position of official superiority overthe German Jews; the latter having to give undertakings to the formerthat no shady commercial practices would be carried on.The reason for the dislike between the Sephardim and theAshkenazim, more especially of the former towards the latter, may befound in the different social positions occupied by each. But no doubtthe feeling was strengthened by the distinctly marked aristocratic consciousness of the Sephardim, who held that they were of purer originthan the Ashkenazim, that their blood was bluer, that their family pridehad always been a spur to them as long as they lived in the PyreneanPeninsula to do noble deeds, and had thus been a protection against allthings base.27We have here possibly touched on a chord which will help us toapprize at its true worth the influence of the Ghetto for Jewish life.Perhaps the conception of noblesse obligeheld by the Spanish and Portuguese Jews — their aim to make the highest virtues theirs — mayexplain why they had no Ghettos, and will not need to be regarded as aneffect of Ghetto life. In other words, perhaps a section of the Jews livedthe Ghetto life because they were by nature inclined that way. It is difficult to say why some continued in the Ghetto while others soon freedthemselves. We have not sufficient information for the decision. Norcan we assert without hesitation (though much would seem to point toit) that the Sephardim represented the result of a process of social selection among Jews. But it is not assuming too much to say that differencesin their vicissitudes are traceable to differences in their natures. Thesedifferences must not, however, be made too much of. Their Jewishnesswas little influenced by them. Jews they were all, whether Sephardim orAshkenazim. But in the case of the latter. Ghetto life produced certainhabits, certain mannerisms which always clung to the Ghetto Jew, and244/Werner Sombartoften affected his economic activities. In part they were the habits oflow social grades generally, but in Jews, with their peculiar temperament, they assumed curious features — a tendency, for instance, to pettycheating, obtrusiveness, lack of personal dignity, tactlessness and so on.These things must have played some part in the Jewish conquest of thefeudal economic strongholds; in what way precisely we have alreadyhad occasion to see.But these mere externals must not be exaggerated. In social intercourse with Jews they may appear of some importance to this or thatperson; but we doubt whether any great weight should be attached tothem in considering Jewish economic achievements. Without questionthe Jews could not have won their dominant position in the world by theaid of these mannerisms alone.Another aspect of Ghetto life is of more consequence. I refer to itsinfluence in making the inherent Jewish characteristics more markedand more one-sided. If, as we have already observed, these characteristics sprang from a want of settledness on the part of the Jew, it is obvious that the Ghetto only intensified it. But it was already there, alreadyinnate in the Jew.The Ghetto had the same effect in another direction by giving prominence to, and emphasizing the twin forces which were responsible forthe constancy in Jewish peculiarities — religion and pure breeding.The religion of a people is, of course, the expression of its soul: thathas been the view that we have taken in this book. But all the same, anexclusive formalistic religion like Judaism must in its turn strongly influence its adherents, more especially in the direction of unifying theirlife and giving it a common stamp. How this expressed itself we havealso considered; I would here only remind the reader of its rationalizingtendencies.And as with religion so with the physiological side of life, which isso closely akin to it. That also intensified the inbreeding of the Jews,which they had practised for hundreds of years.I have just remarked that with the Jews inbreeding is closely akin toreligion. One may go even further and say that it is a direct consequenceof the central idea of the religion, the idea of election. This has beendemonstrated recently in a series of studies, one of the best of whichperhaps is by Alfred Nossig, who writes as follows:28 “A striking biological result of the idea of election is the existence of the Jews, andtheir power of reproduction, not yet abated. The Mosaic conception of/245‘an everlasting people’ would seem to be realizing itself.” Dietary andmarriage laws are safeguards for the continuance of the race. “Theseethical treasurers of highest worth were of course shielded against destruction through intermixture with less carefully reared races. The result of the prohibition of mixed marriages was that the factor which issupreme in race culture — heredity — was maintained in its pristinestrength, and the advantages that have been mentioned not merely remained constant but increased from generation to generation.” “Inbreeding has thus resulted in making Jewish inherited characteristics moreand more marked and intense, so that it becomes exceedingly difficult tooust them by intermixture. For it has been proved that the intensity ofheredity, like all other organic functions, has become strengthened byconstant practice.”29Religion and inbreeding were the two iron hoops that bound theJewish people and kept them as one body through the centuries. Suppose that the hoops were to become loose, what then? To answer thisvery difficult question was not the task I set myself. For as long as wefind the Jews exercising their particular influence on economic life —and they still do so — we may take it that the hoops are yet strong. I didnot in this book intend to go beyond considering that influence, andshowing the genesis of the Jewish genius which made it possible — thatinfluence which has been so fateful in economic life and for modernculture as a whole.Notes and ReferencesAbbreviationsMonatsschrift = Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft desJudentums.J.Q.R. = Jewish Quarterly Review.Z.D.S.J. Zeitschrift für Demographic und Statistik der Juden.R.E.J. = Revue des Etudes Juives.Chapter 11. Jakob Fromer, Das Wesen des Judentums (1905), p. 144. No authority cited.2. Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden [Z.D.S.J.] iii.,140, 145.3. J. Thon, “Taufbewegung der Juden in Oesterreich,” in Z.D.S.J., iv.,6.4. Theophile Malvezin, Histoire des Juifs {I Bordeaux (1875), p. 105.5. E.g., Lucien Wolf, “Jessurun Family” in Jewish Quarterly Review[J.Q.R.J.] i. (1889), 439.6. E.g., B. C. Weiss, Histoire des réfugées protest., i. (1853), pp. 164,377, 379, 383; ii., 5.7. Sigmund Mayer, Die ökonomische Entwicklung der Wiener Juden,p. 7.Chapter 21. To give the numbers of Jews who were scattered in different lands isimpossible. Attempts to do this have indeed been made, but the results were nothing more than conjectures. Perhaps the best of these isI. Loeb, Le nombre des Juifs de Castile et d’Espagne au moyen Age,/247in Revue des Études Juives, xiv. (1887), p. 161. Loeb bases a goodmany of his calculations on the number of Jews resident in the different localities to-day. Nevertheless I shall give the results of his researches. He believes there were about 235,000 Jews in Spain andPortugal in 1492. The number had remained pretty constant for sometwo hundred years. Of the total, 160,000 lived in Castile (Andalusia,Granada, etc.) and 30,000 in Navarre. What happened to all theseJews? Loeb maintains that 50,000 were baptized, 20,000 perished asa result of the expulsion, and 165,000 emigrated as follows: 90,000to Turkey, 2000 to Egypt and Tripoli, 10,000 to Algiers, 20,000 toMorocco, 3000 to France, 9000 to Italy, 25,000 to Holland, Hamburg, England and Scandinavia, 5000 to America, and 1000 to various other countries.Supplementary to these figures let me quote the report of the well-informed Venetian Ambassador, who says, “Si giudica in Castilia ed inaltre province di Spagna il terzo esser Marrani un terzo dico di coloroche sono cittadini e mercanti perchè il populo minuto è vero cristiano,e cosi la maggior parte delli grandi.” Vicenzo Querini (1506) in Alberi,Rel. degli Amb., Series I, vol. L, p. 29.2. For the fate of the Marannos in Portugal see M. Kayserling, Geschichteder Juden in Portugal (1876), pp. 84, 167. Further particulars maybe found in J. H. Gottheil’s The Jews and the Spanish Inquisition, inJ.Q.R., xv. (1903), p. 182; in Elkan Adier’s Auto da Fè and Jew, ib.,xiii., xiv., xv. (recently issued in book form).3. Cf. B. Sieveking, Genueser Firanzwesen, ii. (1899), p. 167, withSchudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten, i. (1714), p. 128.4. Frankfort (Main) was the goal of the Jews expelled from the otherSouth-German towns in the 15th and 16th centuries. But Hollandmust also have contributed its quota, as would appear from the closecommercial relations between Frankfort and Amsterdam in the 17thand 18th centuries. According to P. Bothe, Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsund Socialgeschichte der Reichsstadt Frankfurt (1906), p. 70, thenumber of Jews in Frankfort increased twenty-fold. In 1612 therewere about 2800; in 1709 the official census gives 3019, out of atotal population of 18,000. We are tolerably well informed as to theorigin of the Jews in Frankfort, thanks to the assiduous industry of A.Dietz in his Stammbuch der Frankfurter Juden: GeschichtlicheMilteilungen über die Frankfurter jüdischen Familien von 1549–1849(1907). For the period prior to 1500 see Karl Bücher, Bevölkerung248/Werner Sombartvon Frankfurt am Main (1886), pp. 526–601.In Hamburg the Jews first settled (ostensibly as Catholics) in 1577 or1583. They came from Flanders, Italy, Holland, Spain and Portugal,and it was not until the 17th century that immigrants from the East(Germany especially) began to arrive. According to Count GaleazzoGualdo Priorato there were some 40 or 50 German-Jewish houses inHamburg in 1663 side by side with the 120 of Portuguese Jews. SeeZeitschrift für Hamburgische Geschichte, iii., p. 140. For a generalaccount of the Jews of Hamburg, see A. Feilehenfeld, Die ältesteGeschichte der deutschen Juden in Hamburg, in the Monatsschriftfür Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, vol. 43 (1899); alsoM. Grunwald, Portugiesengräber auf deutscher Erde (1902) andHamburgs deutsche Juden (1904).From the end of the 17th century onward the Jews increased rapidly inHamburg. About the middle of the 18th century we hear of a “terriblecrowd of Jews,” estimated (much too highly, of course) at betweentwenty and thirty thousand. Cf. C. L. von Griesheim, Die Stadt Hamburg (1760), p. 47.5. Risbeck, Briefe eines reisenden Franzosen über Deutschland anseinen Bruder in Paris (1780). Quoted in H. Scheubbe, Aus denTagen unserer Grossväter (1873), pp. 382 ff.6. We have a wealth of information about the Jews in Bordeaux in thefine work of Malvezin (cf. Chapter 2), which is really invaluable. Ofthe Jews in Marseilles we are told much in Jonas Weyl’s “Les juifsprotégés français aux échelles du Levant et en Barbarie,” in Rev. deÉtudes Juives, vol. xii. (1886). For the Jews of Rouen see Gosselin,“Documents inédites pour servir a l’histoire de la marine normandeet du commerce rouennais pendant les xvi et xvii siècles” (1876).Pigeonneau, who quotes this book in his Histoire du commerce, ii, p.123, speaks of course of “the naturalized Spaniards and Portuguese.”We ought to mention also Maignial, La Question juive en France en1789 (1903), a book based on an extensive acquaintance with sources,written with skill and judgment. Not only does it present a good account of the Jewish Question in France in 1789, but it also showshow that problem developed.In Paris there were not many Jews before the 19th century, though someof them were very influential. A good deal of information will befound concerning the Jews of Paris in the 18th century in the booksof Leon Kahn, Les juifs à Paris depuis le vi siècle (1889); Les juifs/249sous Louis XV (1892), and Les juifs à Paris au xviii siècle (1894).Good as these books are, they do not deal with every aspect of thequestion.Much valuable material dealing with the history of the Jews in Francewill be found scattered in the Revue des Études Juives [R.E.J.] (from1880 onwards).7. The history of the Jews in Holland has been treated by H. J. Koenen,Geschiedenes der Joden in Nederland (1843), which has not beensurpassed. Also worth mentioning are the following: M. HenriquesPimentel, Geschiedkundige Aanteekeningen betreffende dePortugesche Israeliten in den Haag (1876); S. Back, DieEntstehungsgeschichte der portugiesischen Gemeinde in Amsterdam(1883); E. Italie, Geschiedenes der Israelitischen Gemeente teRotterdam (1907).8. Ranke, Französische Geschichte, vol. iii., p. 350.9. Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten. i. (1714), p. 271; cf. also p.277.10. In addition to the literature mentioned in note 6, see also Carmoly inthe Revue Orientate (1841) i., 42, 168, 174, and Graetz, Geschichteder Juden, vol. 9, pp. 292, 354, 490.

11. See L. Guiccardino, Totius Belgii Descriptio (1652), p. 129, and cf.Ehrenberg, Zeitalter der Fugger, ii. (1896), p. 3.12. Cf. Macaulay’s [History] iv., p. 320, and Ehrenberg, op. cit., ii., p.303.13. The history of the Jews in England has been abundantly and efficiently dealt with. A mine of information (though it must be used with care) will be found in Anglia Judaica, or the History and Antiquities of the Jews in England, by D'Blossiers Tovey (1738). Amonglater works the pioneer was that of James Picciotto. Sketches of AngloJewish History (1875), which is deficient in that it does not alwaysmention authorities. H. S. Q. Henriques in his Return of the Jews toEngland (1905) has written on this subject from the legal point ofview.A complete account of the history of the Jews in England will be foundin Albert M. Hyamson’s admirable A History of the Jews in England(1908). The author has skilfully utilized the material at his disposalin special articles and papers, and has presented a rounded off studyof the whole subject. The J.Q..R. (first appeared in 1889) containsmuch miscellaneous material. Also the publications of the Anglo-250/Werner SombartJewish Historical Exhibition (1888).For the Cromwellian period the following may be mentioned: LucienWolf, The Middle Age of Anglo-Jewish History, 1290–1656, in thePublications of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, No. 1. Significant for the position of the Jews in England at the end of the 15thcentury is the fact that a Jew commenced legal proceedings quiteopenly and was confident of winning his case. A century later therewere Jewish industrial undertakers in England, cf. Calendar of StatePapers, 1581–90, p. 49 (quoted in L. Wolf’s paper). There musthave been quite a number of Jews in England at the beginning of the17th century. A publication of 1625, The Wandering Jew telling fortunes to Englishmen (also quoted in Mr. Wolfs paper), says: “A storeof Jews we have in England; a few in Court; many i’ the city; more inthe country.”14. Anglia Judaica, p. 302, “as I have been well inform’d,” writes Tovey.15. A good instance is that of J. F. Richter, who works out the thesis forNuremberg. For the old Jewish community in Nuremberg, seeAllgemeine Judenzeitung, 1842, No. 24. Cf. also the Eighth Reportof the Historische Verein fur Mittelfranken, and M. Brann, “EineSammlung Fürther Grabschriften,” in Gedenkbuch zur Erinnerungan David Kaufmann (1900).16. A most interesting document in support is given by D. Kaufmann inhis “Die Vertreibung der Marranen aus Venedig im Jahre 1550,” inthe J.Q.R.. vol. 13 (1901), p. 520.17. Hyamson’s History of the Jews in England, p. 174.18. M. Bloch, Les juifs et la prosperètè publique à trovers l’histoire(1899), p. 11. The Ordinance contains the following remarkable words,“Vous devez bien prendre garde que la jalousie du commerce porteratoujours les marchands à être d’avis de les chasser.”19. Malvezin, Les juifs à Bordeaux, p. 132.20. Malvezin, p. 175.21. S. Ullmann, Studien zur Geschichte des Juden in Belgien bis zum18. Jahrhundert (1909), p. 3422. Émile Ouverleaux, “Notes et documents sur les juifs de Belgique,”in R.E.J.; vol. 7, p. 262.23. Thurloe, Collection of State Papers, iv, p. 333. Cf. also the letter ofWhalley, p. 308.24. J. Müller in his anti-Jewish book, Judaismus (1644). Cf. also Reils,“Beiträge zur älteren Geschichte der Juden in Hamburg,” in the/251Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte, vol. 2, p. 412.25. Ehrenberg, Grosse Vermögen, p. 146.26. M. Grunwald, Hamburgs deutsche Juden bis zur Auflösung derDreigemeinden, 1811 (1904), p. 21.27. Arnold Kiesselbach, Die wirtschafts- und rechtsgeschichtlicheEntwicklung der Seeversicherung in Hamburg (1901), p. 24.Chapter 31. Hyamson, p. 178.2. Anglia Judaica, p. 292.3. Thanks to the work of R. Markgraf, Zur Geschichte der Juden aufden Messen in Leipzig vom 1664–1839 (a doctoral dissertation, 1894),from which the figures in the text have been taken. For the shortperiod 1675–99 Max Freudenthal, “Leipziger Messgäste” inMonatsschrift, vol. 45 (1901), p. 460, is even better than Markgraf,for he draws from the actual Fair Books, where Markgraf dependson the documents in the Leipzig archives, which are of later date.Freudenthal shows that between 1671 and 1699, 18,182 Jews visitedthe fairs, apart from those who had special permits. Markgraf, however, for the same period has traced only 14,705. Freudenthal’s studyappeared in book form in 1902 under the title of Die jüdischenBesucher der Leipziger Messe.4. Markgraf, p. 93; Freudenthal, p. 465. Cf. R. Punke, Die LeipzigerMessen (1897), p. 41.5. See, for example. No. 21 of the Judenreglements of the year 1710 inC. L. von Griesheim, Die Stadt Hamburg, Anmerkungen und Zugaben(1759), p. 95.6. E. Baasch, “Hamburgs Seeschiffahrt und Warenhandel” in theZeitschrift des Ver. für Hamburg. Geschichte, vol. 9 (1894), pp. 316,324. Cf. A. Feilchenfeld, “Anfang und Blutezeit derPortugiesengemeinden,” in Hambg. Ztschrift., vol. 10 (1899), p. 199.7. Encyclopédie methodique. “Manufactures,” i., 403–4.8. Cf. H. J. Koenen, Geschiedenes der Joden in Nederland (1843), p.176 ff. Also H. Sommershausen, “Die Geschichte der Niederlassungder Juden in Holland und den holländischen Kolonien,” inMonatsschrift, vol. ii.9. For jewellery and pearls, see for Hamburg Griesheim, op. cit., p. 119;for North Germany I am indebted to Dr. Bernfeld, of Berlin, for information; for Holland, see Jewish Encyclopedia, article “Nether-252/Werner Sombartlands”; E. E. Danekamp, Die Amsterdamer Diamantindustrie, quotedby N. W. Goldstein in his article in the Z.D.S.J. (vol. iii., p. 178) onDie Juden in der Amsterdamer Diamantindustrie; for Italy, see D.Kaufmann, “Die Vertreibung der Marranen aus Venedig,” in the J.Q.R.As for silks, the Jews were for centuries engaged in this industry, whichthey transplanted from Greece into Sicily and later to France andSpain. Cf. Graetz v.2, p. 244. In the 16th century they dominated thesilk trade in Italy (cf. David Kaufmann, loc. cit.), and in the 18thcentury in France. In 1760 the wardens of the Lyons Silkweavers’Guild termed the Jewish nation “la maîresse du commerce de toutesles provinces.” See J. Godard, L’Ouvrier en Soie (1899), p. 224. In1755 there were 14 and in 1759, 22 Jewish silk merchants in Paris.See Kahn, Juifs des Paris sous Louis XV, p. 63. It was the same talein Berlin.10. How the Jews developed the wholesale textile trade in Vienna maybe seen from the personal experiences of S. Mayer in his Dieökonomische Entstehung der Wiener Juden, p. 8 ff.An ordinance of the City Council of Nuremberg, bearing date December 28, 1780, calls silk, velvet and wool “Judenware.” Cf. H. Barbeck,Geschichte der Juden in Nürnberg und Fürth (1878), p. 71.11. For the sugar trade with the Levant, see Lippmann, Geschichte desZuckers (1890), p. 206; D. Kaufmann, loc. cit.; for sugar trade withAmerica, see M. Grunwald, Portugiesengräber auf deutscher Erde(1902), p. 6 ff.; A. Feilchenfeld, “Anfang und Blütezeit derPortugiesengemeinde in Hamburg,” in the Zeitschrift des Vereins fürHamburg. Geschichte, vol. 10 (1899), p. 211. Cf. also Risbeck, op.cit.12. “Controlling the Cotton Trade.” See art. “America, U.S. of,” inJewish Encyclopedia (i. 495).13. More especially for Hamburg, see Feilchenfeld, loc. cit.14. Moses Lindo, the principal pioneer in the indigo trade, arrived inSouth Carolina in 1756 and invested £120,000 in indigo. Between1756 and 1776 the production of indigo increased fivefold. Cf. B. A.Elgas, The Jews of South Carolina (1903), see also art. “South Carolina,” in Jewish Encyclopaedia.15. Risbeck, op. cit., vol. ii., under Frankfort.16. Quoted by Bloch, op. cit., p. 36.17. See Richard Markgraf, op. cit., p. 93.18. Cf. Hyamson, pp. 174, 178. Also the report sent by the rulers of/253Antwerp to the Bishop of Arras, quoted by Ullmann, op. cit., p. 35,“they have brought much wealth with them, especially silver, jewelsand many ducats.”Chapter 41. When Don Isaac Abarbanel was writing his commentary on the Bookof Jeremiah (1504) he saw a document brought from India by Portuguese spice merchants wherein it was reported that they had met manyJews in that country. Quoted by M. Kayserling, Christopher Columbus (1894), p. 105. Cf. also Bloch, op. cit., p. 15.2. As Manasseh ben Israel mentions in his “Humble Address” toCromwell. For this document, see Jewish Chronicle, November andDecember, 1859. Cf. also de Barrios, Hist. universal Judayca, p. 4.3. G. C. Klerk de Reus, Geschichtlicher Überblick der ... niederländischostindischen Compagnie (1894), xix. For Coen, see p. xiv.4. J. P. J. Du Bois, Vie des Gouverneurs généraux ... ornée de leursportraits en vignettes au naturel (1763).5. E.g., Francis Salvador. Cf. art. “Salvador,” in Jewish Encycl., alsoHyamson, p. 264.6. In 1569 wealthy Amsterdam Jews furnished the Barentz Expedition.Cf. M. Grunwald, Hamburgs deutsche Juden (1904), p. 215.7. See art. “South Africa,” in the Jewish Encycl.8. Dr. J. H. Hertz, The Jew in South Africa (1905).9. Art. “Commerce” in Jewish Encycl.10. The literature concerning Jews and America is pretty extensive. Ican only mention the most important works here. To begin with, thereis the Jewish Encyclopedia (an American publication), which hassome excellent articles relating to American conditions. Then I mustmention the Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of America(begun in 1895), a veritable mine of information on American Jewish(also economic) history, more especially in the colonies in North andSouth America in the 17th and 18th centuries. There are some valuable speeches in The 250th Anniversary of the Settlement of the Jewsin the U.S.A. (1905).Further, see Markeus, The Hebrews in America; C. P. Daly, History ofthe Settlement of the Jews in North America (1893); M. C. Peters,The Jews in America (1906). The first two books appear to be out ofprint.11. In connexion with the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America,254/Werner Sombarta number of works have made their appearance showing to whatextent Jews participated in the actual discovery. The best of these isM. Kayserling, Christopher Columbus und der Anteil der Juden,etc. (1894). Some others are: F. Rivas Puiqcerver, Los Judios y elnuevo mundo (1891); L. Modona, Gil Ebrei e la scoperta dell’America (1893). Cf. also art. “Discovery of America,” in JewishEncycl., and address by Oscar Strauss in the 250th Anniversary,etc., p. 69.12. M. Kayserling, he. cit., p. 112; Juan Sanchez, of Saragossa, the firsttrader. Cf. also Kayserling’s “The Colonization of America by theJews,” in the Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society ofAmerica, vol. 2, p. 73.13. G. F. Knapp, “Ursprung der Sklaverei in den Colonien,” in the Archivfür Soziale Politik, ii., p. 129.14. Oscar Strauss, loc. cit., p. 71.15. Ritter, “Über die geographische Verbreitung des Zuckerrohrs,” inthe Berichten der Berliner Akademie (1839), quoted by Lippmann,Geschichte des Zuckers (1890), p. 249.16. According to Max J. Kohler, “Phases of Jewish Life in New Yorkbefore 1800,” in the Transactions of the Jewish Hist Soc. of America,vol. ii., p. 94.17. Art. “America,” in Jewish Encycl. Cf. G. A. Kohut, “Les juifs dansles colonies hollandaises,” in the R.E.J. (1895), vol. 31, p. 293.18. H. Handelmann, Geschichte von Brasilien (1860), p. 412.19. P. M. Netscher, Les Hollandais au Brésil (1853), p. 1. For thewealthy Jewish family of Souza, cf. M. Kayserling, Geschichte derJuden in Portugal (1867), p. 307; M. Grunwald, Portugiesengraber(1902), p. 123.20. M. J. Kohler, op. cit.21. Art. “America,” in Jewish Encycl.22. Transactions of Jewish Hist. Society of America, ii. 95. Cf. alsoNetscher, p. 103.23. Ibid.24. There was no actual expulsion; in fact the treaty of peace of 1654granted Jews an amnesty. But the fateful words were added, “Jewsand other non-Catholics shall receive the same treatment as in Portugal.” That was sufficient. For the treaty, see Aitzema, Historia, etc.(1626), quoted by Netscher [see note 191, p. 163.25. H. Handelmann, loc. cit; pp. 412–13./25526. For Jews in Barbados, see John Camden Hatten, The Original Lists,etc. (1874), p. 449; Ligon, History of Barbados (1657), quoted byLippmann op. cit., p. 301; Reed, The History of Sugar and Sugaryielding Plants (1866), p. 7; M’Culloch, Dictionary of Commerce,ii., p. 1087. Cf. also C. P. Lucas, A Historical Geography of theBritish Colonies, e.g. ii. (1905), 121, 274, 277.27. For Jews in Jamaica, see M. Kayserling, “The Jews in Jamaica,”etc., in the J.Q.R., vol. 12 (1900), 708 ff.; Hyamson, loc. cit., chapter xxvi. Numerous extracts from contemporary records will be foundin Kohler’s “Jewish Activity in American Colonial Commerce,” inTransactions of Jewish Hist. Society of America, vol. 10, p. 59. Cf.also the same writer’s paper in the Transactions, vol. 2, p. 98.28. The letter of the Governor to Secretary of State Lord Arlington,quoted by Kayserling in J.Q.R., vol. 12, p. 710.29. Monumental inscriptions of the British West Indies, collected byCaptain J. H. Lawrence Archer, quoted by Kohler, “Phases of JewishLife,” op. cit., p. 98.30. For Jews in Surinam the most important authority is the Essai sur lacolonie de Surinam avec l’histoire de la Nation Juive Portugaise yétablie, etc., 2 vols., Paramaribo (1788). Koenen, in his Geschiedenesder Joden in Nederland (1843), p. 313, speaks of this work as “dehoofdbron . . . voor de geschiedenes der Joden in die gewesten.” Ihave not been able to see a copy. Newer treatises on the subject havebrought to light a good deal of fresh material. We may mention R.Gottheil, “Contributions to the History of the Jews in Surinam,” inTransactions of Jewish Hist. Society of America, vol. 9, p. 129; J. S.Roos, “Additional Notes on the History of the Jews of Surinam,”Transactions, vol. 13, p. 127; P. A. Hilfman, “Some Further Noteson the History of the Jews in Surinam,” Transactions, vol. 16, p. 7.For the connexion between Surinam and Guiana see SamuelOppenheimer, “An Early Jewish Colony in Western Guiana, 1658–1666, and its relation to the Jews in Surinam,” in Transactions, vol.16, pp. 95–186. Cf. also Hyamson, ch. xxvi, and Lucas.31. For Jews in Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Santo Domingo, seeLippmann, op. cit., p. 301; A. Cahen, “Les Juifs de la Martinique auxvii sc.,” in R.E.J., vol 2; Cahen, “Les Juifs dans les Coloniesfrançaises au xviii sc.,” in R.E.J., vols. 4 and 5; Handelmann,Geschichte der Insel Hayti (1856).32. Lucien Wolf in the Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 30, 1894, quoted by256/Werner SombartKohler in Transactions, vol. 10, p. 60.33. The 250th Anniversary of the Settlement of the Jews in the U.S.(1905), p. 18.34. The 250th Anniversary, etc.35. John Moody, The Truth about the Trusts (1905), pp. 45, 96, etc.36. Art. “California,” in Jewish Encycl. (which is a particularly goodone).37. There are others who maintain that even before the Brazilian refugees arrived a number of wealthy Jewish traders from Amsterdamsettled in the colony of the Hudson. Cf. Albion Morris Dyer, “Pointsin the First Chapter of New York Jewish History,” in Transactions ofJewish Hist. Soc. of America, vol. 3, p. 41.38. The letter is quoted in full by Kohler, “Beginnings of New YorkJewish History,” in Transactions, vol. 1, p. 47.39. See Transactions, vol. 1, p. 41; vol. 2, p. 78; vol. 10, p. 63; Kohler,“Jews in Newport,” Transactions, vol. 6, p. 69. Kohler often quotesJudge Daly, Settlement of the Jews in North America (1893).40. Address by Governor Pardell, of California, in The 250th Anniversary, etc., p. 173.41. See art. “Alabama,” in Jewish Encycl.42. See art. “Albany,” in Jewish Encycl.43. B. Felsenthal, “On the History of the Jews in Chicago,” in Transactions, vol. 2, p. 21; H. Eliassof, ‘The Jews of Chicago,” in Transactions, vol. 2, p. 117.44. Lewis N. Dembitz, “Jewish Beginnings in Kentucky,” in Transactions, vol. 1, p. 99.45. J. H. Hollander, “Some Unpublished Material relating to Dr. JacobLumbrozo of Maryland,” in Transactions, vol. 1.46. D. E. Heinemann, “Jewish Beginnings in Michigan before 1850,” inTransactions, vol. 13, p. 47.47. D. Philipson, ‘The Jewish Pioneers of the Ohio Valley,” in Transactions, vol. 8, p. 43.48. Henry Necarsulmer, “The Early Jewish Settlement at Lancaster,Pa.,” in Transactions, vol. 3, p. 27.49. Henry Cohen, “The Jews in Texas,” in Transactions, vol. 4, p. 9;Henry Cohen, “Henry Castro, Pioneer and Colonist,” in Transactions, vol. 5, p. 39. Cf. also H. Friedenwald, “Some Newspaper Advertisem*nts in the 18th Century,” in Transactions, vol. 6.50. “Einiges aus dem Leben der amerikanisch-jüdischen Familie/257Seligman aus Bayersdorf in Bayern,” in Brüll’s Monatsblättem(1906), p. 141.51. Leon Huhner, “The Jews of Georgia in Colonial Times,” in Transactions, vol. 10, p. 65; Huhner, “The Jews of South Carolina fromthe Earliest Settlement to the End of the American Revolution,” inTransactions, vol. 12, p. 39; Chas. C. Jones, “The Settlement of theJews in Georgia,” in Transactions, vol. 1, p. 12.52. B. A. Elgas, The Jews of South Carolina (1903).53. L. Huhner, “Asser Levy, a noted Jewish Burgher of New Amsterdam,”in Transactions, vol. 8, p. 13. Cf. also Huhner, “Whence came theFirst Jewish Settlers of New York?” in Transactions, vol. 9, p. 75;M. J. Kohler, “Civil Status of the Jews in Colonial New York,” inTransactions, vol. 6, p. 81.54. For Jews who in the 18th century carried on business in their owntongue in New York cf. J. A. Doyle, The Colonies under the Houseof Hanover (1907), p. 31.55. Chas. C. Jones, “The Settlement of the Jews in Georgia,” in Transactions, vol. 1, pp. 6, 9.56. M. Jaffe, “Die Stadt Posen,” in Schriften des Vereins für S. P., vol.119, ii. 151.57. Simon Wolf, “The American Jew as Soldier and Patriot,” in Transactions, vol. 3, p. 39.58. According to Dr. Fischell’s Chronological Notes of the History ofthe Jews in America.Chapter 51. Perhaps our conclusion would have to be a different one if we were torecall the fact that the elements of the modern State were alreadydeveloped in the later decades of the Middle Ages, chiefly in Italyand Spain, and that Jewish statesmen occupied influential positionsin both these countries. It is to be regretted that the history of modernStates has never (so far as I am aware) been written from this pointof view; I believe much that is profitable would result. Of coursethere is little in common between the writers on the history of theJews in Spain and Portugal, say Lindo, de los Rios, Kayserling,Mendes dos Remedies, and those who treat of the rise of the State inthe Pyrenean Peninsula, say Ranke or Baumgarten.2. Lucien Wolf, ‘The First English Jewry,” in Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England, vol. 2. Cf. Hyamson, pp. 171–3.258/Werner Sombart3. Hyamson, p. 269; Picciotto, Sketches of Anglo-Jewish History (1875),p. 58.4. “Und bedient sich Frankreich jederzeit ihrer Hülffe, bey KriegesZeiten seine Reuterey beritten zu machen.” T. L. Lau, Einrichtungder Intraden und Einkünfte der Souveräne, etc. (1719), p. 258.5. Quoted by Liebe, Das Judentum (1903), p. 75.6. Art. “Banking,” in Jewish Encycl.7. Mémoire of the Jews of Metz of the 24 March, 1733, given in part byBloch, op. cit., p. 35.8. Quoted by Bloch, op. cit., p. 23.9. Extracts from the Lettres patentes, in Bloch, op. cit; p. 24.10. For the Gradis, see T. Malvezin, op. cit., p. 241; Graetz, Die FamilieGradis,” in Monatsschrift, vol. 24 (1875), 25 (1875).11. M. Capefigue, Banquiers, fournisseurs, etc. (1856), pp. 68, 214,etc.12. Quoted in Revue de la Révolution françcaise (1892), 16, 1.13. Historische Nachlese zu den Nachrichten der Stadt Leipzig, editedby M. Heinrich Engelbert Schwartze (1744), p. 122, quoted byAlphonse Levy, Geschichte der Juden in Sachsen (1900), p. 58.14. Bondy, Zur Geschichte der Juden in Böhmen, vol. i., p. 388.15. I quote this from Liebe, Das Judentum (1903), pp. 43, 70, whomentions the facts without giving his authorities.16. König, Annalen der Juden in den preussischen Staaten, besondersin der Mark Brandenburg (1790), pp. 93–4.17. The document of 28 June, 1777, given by A. Levy, op. cit., p.74;also S. Haenie, Geschichte der Juden im ehmaligen FürstentumAnsbach (1867), p. 70.18. Geschichte Philanders von Sittewaldt das ist Straffs-Schriften HanssWilhelm Moscherosch von Wilstätt (1677), p. 779.19. F. von Mensi, Die Finanzen Österreichs von 1701–1740 (1890), p.132. Samuel Oppenheimer, “Kaiserlicher Kriegsoberfaktor und Jud”(as he was officially styled and as he called himself), saw to the needsof the armies in all the campaigns of Prince Eugene (p. 133).20. Cf. for instance the petition of the Vienna Court Chancery of May12, 1762, given by Wolf, Geschichte der Juden in Wien (1894), p.70; Komitätsarchiv Neutra Iratok, xii–3326 (according to information supplied by Mr. Jos. Reizman); Verproviantierung der FestungenRaab, Ofen und Komorn durch Breslauer Juden (1716), see Wolf,loc. cit., p. 61./25921. H. Friedenwald, “Jews mentioned in the Journal of the ContinentalCongress,” in Transactions of the Jewish Hist Soc. of America, vol.i, pp. 65–89.22. I have already mentioned the more important works on the history(not excepting the economic history) of the Jews in England, France,Holland and America (see notes 6, 7, 13 of Chapter1; note 10, Chapter 2); here I would refer to those dealing with the same subject forGermany and for Spain. There is no complete study of the history ofthe Jews in Germany, and we are forced therefore to go to local monographs and essays in learned periodicals. In any case the economichistory of the German Jews has been treated in a somewhat stepmotherly way, and we find little that is useful in such works as L.Geyer’s Die Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, 1 vols. (1870-71). Recently Mr. Ludwig Davidsohn, a pupil of mine, went carefully throughthe Berliner Staatsarchiv for the purpose of establishing the economicposition of the Jews. The results of his labours have not yet beenprinted, but I have been able to use some of them. A good deal maybe found in Grunwald’s Portugiesengraber auf deutscher Erde andhis Hamburgs deutsche Juden bis zur Auflösing der Dreigemeinde(1904). For a particular here and there one may turn (but care isneeded) to König, op. cit; as also to Die Juden in Osterreich, 2 vols.(1842).As for learned journals, they are not of much use for economic history.The chief of them is the Monatsschrift für Geschichte undWissenschaft des Judentums (begun 1851). Others are the AllgemeineZeitung des Judentums (begun 1837) and Brüll’sPopulanvissenschaftliche Monatsblätter (begun 1888), both withmore or less propagandist ends in view. The Zeitschrift fürDemographie und Statistik des Judentums (begun 1905) deals withquestions of economic history only occasionally.Sometimes one comes across papers in the general historic reviews or inlocal journals which shed a flood of light on Jewish economic history.But a complete list of these it would be impossible to give here.The history of the Jews in Spain has been sufficiently dealt with. Butunfortunately its economic aspect has been almost entirely neglected.I know of no more needful thing than an economic history of the Jewsin the Pyrenean Peninsula, and I wish that some economic historianwould undertake to write it. It would most certainly illuminate thegeneral economic historyof Europe in a most surprising fashion. For260/Werner Sombartthe present, however, we must perforce consult general histories ofthe Jews in Spain, and of these perhaps the best is M. Kayserling’sGeschichte der Juden in Spanien und Portugal, 2 vols. (1861-7).The principal work in Spanish is D. José Amador de Los Rios, Historiasocial, politico y religiosa de los Judios de España y Portugal, 3vols. (1875–8), but for our purpose it is of little use. A book of adifferent kind is E. H. Lindo’s The History of the Jews of Spain andPortugal (1848). It contains extracts from the legal enactments affecting Jews and the decisions of the Cortes, and thus has a specialvalue of its own.For Portugal the most important work is now by J. Mendes dos Remedios,Os Judeus em Portugal, vol. i. (1895) up to the expulsion.It ought to be mentioned also that the volumes of Graetz, Geschichteder Juden, which treat of the Spanish period (7 and 8) are of greatuse, because of the abundance of material which they contain. So faras my experience goes they have not been surpassed by any laterwork.With regard to monographic studies on the position of the Jews in theeconomic life of the Pyrenean Peninsula, I do not know of any. Butthis may be due to my ignorance. Anyhow, the Jewish libraries ofBreslau and Berlin contain nothing under this head. The work ofBento Carqueja, O capitalismo moderno e as suas origens em Portugal (1908), only just touches the problem so far as the Jews areconcerned.23. H. J. Koenen, op. cit., p. 206.24. Cf. art. “Banking” in Jewish Encycl.25. For the position of the Jews in English finance during the 17th and18th centuries we have many records. Cf. Picciotto, p. 58; Hyamson,pp. 171, 217, 240, 264, etc.; Lucien Wolf, The Re-settlement of theJews in England (1888); the same author’s “Crypto-Jews under theCommonwealth,” in Transactions of the Jewish Historical Societyof England, vol. i. (1895); likewise his “The Jewry of the Restoration (1660–1664),” reprinted from The Jewish Chronicle (1902).26. L. Wolf, The Jewry of the Restoration, p. 11.27. G. Martin, La grande Industrie sous Louis XIV (1899), p. 351.28. Victor de Swarte, Un banquier du Trésor royal au xviii siecle, SamuelBarnard — sa vie — sa correspondance, 1651–1739 (1893).29. Kahn, Les juifs de Paris au xviii sc. (1894), p. 60.30. Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, vol. 10, p. 40./26131. Wolf, Ferdinand II, Appendix 4, quoted by Graetz, vol. 10, p. 41.32. The actual wording from Die Juden in Österreich, vol. 2 (1842), p.41.33. Die Juden in Österreich, vol. 2, p. 64; F. von Mensi, op. cit., p. 132.In the 18th century the most important creditors of the State were (insuccession) Oppenheimer, Wertheimer, Sinzheimer; the last-namedhad owing to him in 1739 no less than five million gulden. F. vonMensi, p. 685. Cf. also David Kaufmann, Urkundliches aus demLeben Samson Wertheimers (1892). For the earlier period, see G.Wolf, Ferdinand II und die Juden (1859).34. F. von Mensi, p. 148.35. G. Liebe, op. cit., p. 84.36. Art. “Abensur Daniel,” in Jewish Encycl.37. A. Levy, “Notes sur l’histoire des Juifs en Saxe,” in R.E.J., vol. 26(1898), p. 259. For Berend (Behrend) Lehmann, alias JisacharBerman, see B. H. Auerbach, Geschichte der israelitischen GemeindeHalberstadt (1866), p. 43; for his son Lehmann Berend, see p. 85.38. Auerbach, loc. cit., p. 82 (for Hanover); see also S. Haenle, op. cit.,pp. 64, 70, 89; for more cases of Hofjuden, see L. Müller, “Aus fünfJahrhunderten,” in the Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins furSchwaben und Neuburg, vol. 26 (1899), p. 142.39. P. von Mensi, p. 409.40. Memoiren der Glückel von Hameln [published in the original Yiddish by D. Kaufmann (1896)], German translation (privately printed)in 1910, p. 240.41. M. Zimmermann, Josef Süss Oppenheimer, ein Finanzmann des 18tenJahrhunderts (1874).42. Address by Louis Marshall in The 250th Anniversary of the Settlement of the Jews in the U.S., p. 102.43. H. Friedenwald, op. cit., p. 63.44. W. Graham Sumner, The Financiers and the Finances of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (1891).Chapter 61. For a legal consideration of the question, see Brunner, EndemannsHandbuch, vol. 2, p. 147, and Goldschmidt, Universalgeschichtedes Handelsrechts (1891), p. 386. Cf. also Knies, Der Credit (1876),p. 190.2. I give the “credit relationship” its most extended meaning in the sense262/Werner Sombartthat you create duties between persons by, the one giving an economic value to the other and the second promising a quid pro quo inthe future.3. Cf. F. A. Biener, Wechselrechtliche Abhandlungen (1859), p. 145.4. The view of Kuntze and others. See Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 408.5. Goldschmidt, loc. cit., p. 410, who puts the question in the form of aquery, leaving the answer vague. See on the other hand A. Wahl,Traité theor. et pratique des titres au porteur (1891), vol. 1, p. 15.6. Cf. Kuntze, “Zur Geschichte der Staatspapiere auf den Inhaber,” inthe Zeitschrift für das ges. Handelsrecht, vol. 5, p. 198; the samewriter’s Inhaber Papiere (1857), pp. 58, 63; Goldschmidt, op. cit.,pp. 448–9; Sieveking in Schmollers Jahrbuch (1902); and above all,G. Schaps, Zur Geschichte des Wechselindossaments (1892), p. 86.Cf. also Biener, op. cit., pp. 121, 137.7. Goldschmidt, p. 452; Schaps, p. 92.8. The text is given in D. Kaufmann’s article in the J.Q.R., vol. 13(1901), p. 320, “Die Vertreibung der Marranen aus Venedig im Jahre1550.”19. Graetz, vol. 8, p. 354; vol. 9, p. 328.10. So far as I am aware, this question has never yet been asked: Whatpart did the Jews play in the Genoese fairs? It will be most difficult togive a satisfactory answer, because the Jews in Genoa were forced,especially after the Edict of Expulsion in 1550, to keep secret theiridentity. Probably also they changed their names and made a pretence of accepting Christianity. Nevertheless, it would be worth whileto make the attempt Anyhow, we have here one instance where in thepost-mediaeval period a great financial and credit system was developed without the clear proof of Jewish influence. It may be, of course,that the proof has slipped my observation; in that case I should beglad to have my attention drawn to it.The best account of the Genoese fairs will be found in Ehrenberg’sZeitalter der Fugger, vol. 2, p. 222, and Endemann, Studien in derrömisch-kanonischen Wirtschafts- und Rechtslehre, vol. 1 (1874),p. 156. Endemann bases his conclusions chiefly on Scaccia and R, deTurns, while Ehrenberg also relied on documents in the Fugger archives.11. Possibly earlier, in the case of the Company of the Pairiers, to whomwas transferred in the 12th century the mill in Toulouse, du Basacle,by means of securities (uchaux or saches). Cf. Edmund Guillard,/263Les opérations de Bourse (1875), p. 15.12. Cf. K. Lehmann, Die geschichtliche Entwickelung des Aktienrechts(1895).13. J. P. Rieard, Le Negoce d’Amsterdam (1723), pp. 397–400.14. This is the conclusion arrived at by Andre E. Sayous, “Lefractionnement du capital social de la Compagnie néerland des Indesorientales,” in Nouv. Rev. Historique du droit franç. et étrangers,vol. 25 (1901), pp. 621, 625.15. Cf. Endemann, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 457.16. See instances — 1422 in Palermo and 1606 in Bologna — inGoldschmidt, p. 322.17. The most important collection of documents concerning the historyof banking in Venice is still Elia Lattes’ La libertà delle banche eVenezia dal secolo xiii al xvii secondo i documenti inediti del R.Archivio del Frari ec. (1869). The subject has been dealt with byFerrara, “Gli antichi banchi di Venezia” in Nuova Antologia, vol.xvi.; E. Nasse, “Das venetianische Bankwesen in 14, 15, und 16Jahrhundert,” in the Jahrbuch für Nationalökonomie, vol. 34, pp.329, 338. To show the share of the Jews in Venetian banking wouldbe a welcome piece of work. But it would be most difficult of accomplishment because, so far as I can judge, the Jews in Venice alreadyin the 15th century were the most part New Christians, often holdinghigh offices and having Christian names.18. Macleod, Dictionary of Political Economy, art. “Bank of Venice”(? authorities), quoted by A. Andreades, History of the Bank of England (1909), p. 28.19. “Gallicioli Memorie Venete,” ii.. No. 874, in Graetz, vol. 6, p. 284.20. S. Luzzato, Dis. circa il state degli Hebrei in Venezia (1638), ch. 1,and pp. 9a, 29a. The figures need not be taken too seriously; they areonly an estimate.21. See, for instance, D. Manuel Calmeiro, Historia de la economiapolitico en España, vol. 1, p. 411; vol. 2, p. 497.22. See A. Andréades, History of the Bank of England (1909), p. 28.That will certainly have to be the conclusion if importance is attached to the scheme (1658) of Samuel Lambe (printed in Sower’sTracts, vol. vi). Andréades actually dates the first idea of the Bankfrom Lambe’s scheme. There was a scheme previous to that —Balthasar Gerbier’s in 1651, and between that year and 1658 Cromwellhad allowed the Jews to settle in this country. For my own part I264/Werner Sombartcannot admit “the superiority” of Lambe’s scheme. But other writersalso lay stress on the very great share of the Jews in the establishmentof the Bank of England.23. For instances of public debt bonds, see Walter Däbritz, DieStaatsschulden Sachsens in der Zeit von 1763 bis 1837, DoctoralDissertation (1906), pp. 14, 55; E. von Philippovich, Die Bank vonEngland (1885), p. 26; also, Ehrenberg, Fugger [note 10, Chapter6], vol. 2, pp. 141, 299.24. Ad. Beer, Das Staatsschuldenwesen und die Ordnung deStaatshaushalts unter Maria Theresia (1894), p. 13.25. Cf. F. von Mensi, op. cit., p. 34.26. Witness a pamphlet little known generally (even Däbritz, op. cit;has overlooked it), to which I should like to call attention. It has avery long title: “Ephraim justifié. Mémoire historique et raisonné surl’Etat passé, présent et futur des finances de Saxe. Avec le parallelede l’Oeconomie prussienne et de l’Oeconomie saxonne. Ouvrage utileaux Créaneiers et Correspondans, aux Amis et aux Ennemis de laPrusse et de la Saxe. Adressé par le Juif Ephraim de Berlin à sonCousin Manassés d’Amsterdam. Eriangen. A l’enseigne de Tout estdit.’” 1785.27. Cf. (Luzac) Richesse de la Hollande, vol. 2 (1778), p. 200. Alsovol. 1, p. 366. Luzac, besides his own personal experiences, musthave also used Fermin, Tableau de Surinam (1778).28. Chief among them Kuntze, Die Lehre van den Inhaberpapieren(1857), p. 48, which is still unsurpassed. We may mention besides,Albert Wahl, Traité théorique et pratique des titres au porteurfrançais et étrangers, 2 vols. (1891).The best history of mediaeval credit instruments is that of H. Brunner,Das französische Inhaberpapier (1879). Cf. also his “Zur Geschichtedes Inhaberpapiers in Deutschland,” in the Zeitschrift für dasgesammte Handelsrecht, vols. 21 and 23. For Holland, see F. Hecht,Geschichte der Inhaberpapier in den Niederlanden (1869), p. 4.By the way, it is interesting to note that credit instruments have beensaid to be of Hellenic origin. Cf. Goldschmidt, “Inhaber- Order- undexekutorische Urkunden im Klassischen Altertum,” in Zeitschrift fürRechtsgeschichte Roms, vol. 10 (1889), p. 352.But Goldschmidt’s view is not generally accepted. Cf. Benedict Prese,Aus dem gräko-ägyptischen Rechtsleben (1909), p. 26. Another criticism of Goldsehmidt’s theory may be found in H. Brunner,/265“Forschungen zur Geschichte des deutschen und französischenRechts,” in his Gesammelte Aufsätze (1894), p. 604.Brunner also deals with the same problem in his FranzösischeInhaberpapier, pp. 28, 57.Made casually by Kuntze, but rejected by Goldschmidt in the Zeitschriftfür Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 10, p. 355.Also rejected by Salvioli, I titoli al portatore nella storia del dirittoitaliano (1883).29. Cf. L. Auerbach, Das judische Obligationenrecht, vol. 1 (1871), p.270. Other passages from rabbinic literature are given in Hirsch B.Fassel, Das mosaisch-rabbinische Zivilrecht, vol. 2, Part 3 (1854),§ 1390; Frankel, Der gerichtliche Beweis nach mosaischem Recht(1846), p. 386; Saalschutz, Mosaisches Recht, 2 vols. (1848), p.862.30. For the Mamre, cf. L. L’Estocq, Exercitatio de indole et jure instrument! Judceis usitati cui nomen “Mamre” est (1775), §vii; J. M. G.Besekes, Thes. jur. Camb., Part II (1783), pp. 1169, 1176; P. Bloch,Der Mamran, der judisch-polnische Wechselbrief.31. Ehrenberg, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 141.32. Brunner, op. cit., p. 69.33. Schaps, op. cit., p. 121.34. Ibid.35. Cf. F. Hecht, op. cit; p. 44.36. Hecht, p. 96.37. Dabritz, op. cit., p. 53.38. Kuntze, op. cit., p. 85.39. Straccha, Tract. de assicur. (1568).40. A. Wahl, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 15, 84.41. Hecht, op. cit., p. 37.42. Cf. J. H. Bender, Der Verkehr mit Staatspapieren (2 ed., 1830), p.167.43. “Ex diversis animi motibus in unum consentiunt, id est in unamsententiam decurrunt” (Ulp., L. I. §3, D. de pact., 2, 14).44. Cf. Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 393.45. I am indebted for what follows above all to L. Auerbach, op. cit.,vol. 1, pp. 163, 251, 513. This work (unfortunately uncompleted) iswritten in a most suggestive fashion and deserves to be widely known.For it is one of the best accounts of Talmudic law in existence. Ofmuch less importance, yet useful nevertheless, are the works of266/Werner SombartSaalschutz, op. cit.; H. B. Fassel, op. cit.; J. J. M. Rabbinowicz,Législation du Talmud, vol. 3 (1878); Frankel, op. cit. On the basisof Goldschmidt’s translation of the Talmud, J. Kohler attempted a“Darstellung des talmudischen Rechts” in Zeitschrift für vergleichendeRechtswissenschaft, vol. 20 (1908), pp. 161–264. Cf. the criticismof V. Aptowitzer in the Monatsschrift (1908), pp. 37–56.46. Otto Stobbe, Die Juden in Deutschland während des mittelalters(1866), pp. 119, 242; Sachsenspiegel, III, 7, § 4.47. Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 111.48. (Isaac de Pinto) Traité de la circulation du crédit (1771), pp. 64,67–68. Cf. also E. Guillard, op. cit., p. 534. See also Dabritz, op.cit., p. 18, for illustrations.49. Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 244. We owe most of what we knowabout the history of the Stock Exchanges to Ehrenberg.50. Cf. Kaufmann, op. cit.51. Van Hemert, Lectuur voor het ontbijt en de Theetafel, VIIde. Stuk, p.118, quoted by Koenen, op. cit., p. 212.52. H. Stephanus, Francofordiense Emporium sive FrancofordiensesNundinae (1574), p. 24.53. Quoted by Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 248.54. Memoirs, p. 297.55. Given by M. Grunwald, op. cit., p. 21.56. S. Haenle, op. cit; p. 173. Die Juden in Österreich, vol. 2 (1842), p.41.57. In a report of the Sous-Intendant, M. de Courson, dated 11 June,1718, quoted by Malvezin, op. cit.58. E. Meyer, “Die Literatur für und wider die Juden in Schweden inJahre 1815,” in Monatsschrift, vol. 57 (1907), p. 522.59. H. Sieveking, “Die Kapitalistische Entwickelung in den italienischenStädten des Mittelalters,” in the Vierteljahrsschrift für Soziale- undWirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. 7, p. 85.60. Saravia della Calle, “Institutione de’ Mercanti,” in Compendiautilissimo di quelle cose le quali a Nobili e Christiani mercantiappartengono (1561), p. 42. Also, art. “Borsenwesen” inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenshaften.61. H. Sieveking, Genueser Finanzwesen, vol. i. (1898), pp. 82, 175.62. The most reliable sources for the history of Stock Exchange dealingin Amsterdam in the first decades of the 17th century are the Plakateof the States General, which prohibit this sort of business. Reference/267should also be made to the controversial pamphlets of the period onthis topic, more especially those written by the opponent of stock andshare dealing, Nicolas Muys van Holy. See Laspeyres, Geschichteder volkswirtschaftlichen Anschauungen (1863). Not to be omittedis also de la Vega’s book, about which more in due course. For thesubsequent period there is much valuable material in books on Commerce, notably J. P. Ricard, Le négoce a’Amsterdam (1723), fromwhom later writers quote. The works of Joseph de Pinto dating fromthe second half of the 18th century [see note 48], are also very useful.Of recent books the following may be mentioned: G. C. Klerk deReus, op. cit., S. van Brakel, De Holland, Hand. Comp. der xvii.eeuv (1908).63. In the periodical De Koopman, vol. 2, pp. 429, 439, quoted byEhrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 333.64. Pinto, De la Circulation, op. cit., p. 84.65. Kohler, op. cit.66. Israel, op. cit.67. Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 336, gives a fairly lengthy extractfrom this remarkable book.68. Extrait d’un mémoire présenté en 1692, from the Archives of theFrench Foreign Office, published in the Revue historique, vol. 44(1895). I am indebted to my friend Andre E. Sayous, of Paris, forhaving called my attention to this article.69. “The Anatomy of Exchange Alley, or a System of Stock-jobbing”(1719). Printed in J. Francis’s Stock Exchange (1849), Appendix.70. Art. “Brokers” in Jewish Encycl.71. J. Piccotto, op. cit., p. 58.72. Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce, vol 2 (1755), p.554.73. Tovey, Anglia Judaica, p. 297.74. As would appear from a complaint of the Christian merchants, ofthe year 1685, mentioned by Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 248.75. M. Grunwald, op. cit; p. 6.76. Postlethwayt, Dictionary, vol. 1, p. 95.77. Joseph Jacobs, “Typical Character of Anglo-Jewish History,” inJ.Q.R., vol. 10 (1898), p. 230.78. Ranke, Französische Geschichte, vol. 43, p. 399.79. Melon, Essai pol. sur le commerce (1734), éd. Davie, p. 685.80. See Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 142.268/Werner Sombart81. (Du Hautchamp) Histoire du système des Finances sous la minoritéde Louis XV, vol. 1 (1739), p. 184.82. Oscar de Vallée, Les Manieurs d’argent (1858), p. 41.83. P. A. Cochut, Law, son système et son époque (1853), p. 33.84. E. Drumont, La France Juive (1904), vol. 1, p. 259.85. All the figures are from Von den Gilde-Dienern Friedrich WilhelmArendt und Abraham Charles Rousset herausgegebenenVerzeichnissen... der gegenwärtigen Aelter-Manner, etc. (1801).86. In the Hamburger Münz- und Medaillenvergnügen (1753), p. 143,No. 4, there is a coin struck in commemoration of the trade in stocksand shares.87. Raumburger, in the preface to his Justitia selects Gent. Eur. inCambiis, etc.88. Kiesselbech, op. cit., p. 24.89. The case is mentioned and discussed by von Gönner, VonStaatsschulden, deren Tilgungsanstalten und vom Handel mitStaatspapieren (1826), §30.90. Dictionary, vol. 2, p. 533. Cf. also the very informing article, “MoniedInterest,” p. 284.91. See articles “Monied Interest” and “Paper Credit” in Postlethwayt,vol. 2, pp. 284 and 404.92. D. Hume, Essays, vol. (1793), p. 110.93. Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, ch. 3.94. Von Gönner, op. cit., § 31.95. Pinto, op. cit: pp. 310–11.96. Ehrenberg, Fugger, vol. 2, p. 299.97. I must content myself with mentioning the following three workswhich appear to me to be the best: Das Haus Rothschild. SeineGeschichte und seine Geschäfte, 1 Parts (1857); John Reeves, TheRothschilds: the Financial Rulers of Nations (1887); R. Ehrenberg,Grosse Vermögen, etc., vol. 1, “Die Fugger-Rothschild-Krupp” (2nded., 1905).98. J. H. Bender, Der Verkehr mit Staatspapieren (2nd ed., 1830), p.145.99. E.g., von Gönner, op. cit., p. 60; Bender, p. 142.100. Das Haus Rothschild, vol. 2, p. 216.101. A. Crump, The Theory of Stock Exchange (1873). Reprinted 1903,p. 100.102. Von Mensi, op. cit.. p. 54./269103. Ad. Beer, op. cit., p. 43.104. J. H. Bender, op. cit., p. 5.105. J. Francis, Stock Exchange, p. 161.106. Das Haus Rothschild, vol. 2 (1857), p. 85.107. The best books on this period in Germany are, despite their prejudice and one-sidedness. Otto Glagau’s Der Börsen- undGröndungsschwindel in Berlin (1876) and Der Börsen- undGründungsschwindel in Deutschland (1877). These books are particularly useful for the short historical sketches of the different companies, giving the names of the founders and the first directors. Cf.also the annual issues of Saling’s Börsenpapieren, and Rudolf Meyer,Die Aktiengesellschaften, 1872–3 (which, however, deal only withbanks). The figures given in the text were supplied by Mr. ArthurLoewenstein, at my request.108. M. Wirth, Geschichte der Handelskrisen (3rd ed., 1883), p. 184.109. Riesser, Entwicklungsgeschichte der deutschen Grossbanken(1905), p. 48.110. For a glorification of this policy see J. E. Kuntze, op. cit., p. 23.111. A. Beer, op. cit., p. 35.112. C. Hegemann, De Entwickelung des franzosischenGrossbankbetriebes (1908), p. 9.113. Books of reference are given fully in J. Plenge, Gründung undGeschichte des Crèdit mobilier (1903).114. Model-Loeb, Die Grossen Berliner Effectenbanken (1895), p. 43— an excellent book, from which the information in the text is takenin so far as it is not my own personal knowledge.115. Cf. R. Ehrenberg, Fondsspekulation (1883), and Adolf Weber,Depositenbanken und Spekulationsbanken (1902).116. See for instance A. Gomoll, Die Kapitalistische Mausefalle (1908).Despite its curious title the book deals seriously with Stock Exchangespeculations and is one of the best pieces of work recently published.117. Mostly from local histories, too numerous to mention here.Chapter 71. König, op. cit., p. 97.2. “Zur Geschichte der Juden in Danzig,” in Monatsschrift, vol. 6 (1857),p. 243.3. M. Güdemann, “Zur Geschichte der Juden in Magdeburg,” inMonatsschrift, vol. 14 (1865), p. 370.270/Werner Sombart4. Quoted by Liebe, op. cit., pp. 91–2.5. Regesten, in Hugo Barbeck’s Geschichte der Juden in Nürnberg undFürth (1878), p. 68.6. See, for instance, the conduct of the Berlin Retailers’ Gild as relatedin Geiger’s Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, vol. 2 (1871), pp. 24,31.7. Josiah Child, Discourse on Trade, 4th ed., p. 152. Child reports theprevailing opinion without saying one word by way of criticism. Buthe does make it clear that the accusation levelled against the Jews isno crime at all.8. See extracts from the polemical pamphlets of the period in Hyamson,p. 274.9. Given in Leon Brunschvicg, “Les Juifs en Bretagne au 18 sc.,” inR.E.J.. vol. 33 (1876), pp. 88, 111.10. “Les Juifs et les Communautés d’Arts et Métiers,” in R.E.J., vol.36, p. 75.11. M. Maignial, La question juive en France en 1789 (1903), containsa great deal of material from which the prevailing feeling amongFrench merchants against the Jews in the 17th and 18th centuriesbecomes apparent.12. “L’admission de cette espèce d’hommes ne peut être que trèsdangereuse. On peut les comparer à des guêpes qui ne s’introduisentdans les ruches que pour tuer les abeilles, leur ouvrir le ventre et entirer le miel qui est dans leurs entrailles: tels sont les juifs.” — Requêtedes marchands et négociants de Paris contre l’admission des Juifs(1777), p. 14, quoted by Maignial, op. cit., p. 92.13. The opinion of Wegelin is given by Ernst Meyer, op. cit., pp. 513,522.14. Czacki, Rosprava o Zydach, p. 82; cf. Graetz, vol. 9, p. 443. Almost word for word the same cry is heard from Rumania, cf. Verax,La Roumanie et les Juifs (1903).15. Maignial, p. 92.16. Philander von Sittewaldt, op. cit.17. Georg Paul Honn, Betrugs-Lexicon, worinnen die moistenBetrügereyen in allen Standen nebst denen darwider guten Theilsaienenden Mittein endeckt, Dritte Edition (1724).18. Allgemeine Schatzkammer der Kaufmannschaft oder vollständigesLexikon aller Handlungen und Gewerbe, vol. 2 (1741) p. 1158.19. Charakteristik von Berlin. Stimme ernes Kosmopoliten in der Wüste/271(1784), p. 203.20. J. Savary (Œuvre posthume, continue . . . par Phil-Louis Savary),Dictionnaire universel de Commerce, vol. 2 (1726), p. 447.21. Allgemeine Schatzkammer, vol. 1 (1741), p. 17.22. Allgemeine Schatzkammer, vol. 3 (1742), p. 1325.23. This is only the expression of the mediaeval view. It is excellentlywell discussed in R. Eberstadt, Französische Gewerberecht (1899),p. 378.24. D. Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman, 1st ed., 1726. I haveused the 2nd edition in 1 vol. (1727), and the 5th edition in 2 vols.(1745), published after the author’s death. The passage cited in thetext is from the 1st ed., p. 82.25. Allgemeine Schatzkammer, vol. 3, p. 148.26. Ibid.. vol. 4, p. 677.27. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 1325.28. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 1326.29. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 1392 — “Sachsischen Krämer-Ordnungen” Of 1672,1682, and 1692, §18.30. See the highly instructive Letter (No. 19 in the 2nd ed., corresponding to No. 22 in the 5th) “Of fine shops and fine shews.”31. Jules de Bock, Le Journal à trovers les âges (1907), p. 30, quotedin F. Kellen, Studien über das Zeitungswesen (1907), p. 253.32. Much useful information, especially as regards England, will befound in Henry Sampson’s History of Advertising from the EarliestTimes (1875), pp. 76, 83.33. M. Postlethwayt, A Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce,2 vols. (1741), 2nd ed. (1757), vol. 1, p. 22. Postlethwayt calls hiswork a translation of Savary’s Lexicon, but in reality there are somany additions in it that it may be regarded as original. It should bementioned by the way that the work is an invaluable source of information concerning economic conditions in England in the 18th century.34. Savary, Dict. du Commerce (1726), Suppl. 1732.35. P. Datz, Histoire de la Publicité (1894), p. 161, contains a facsimileof the whole of the first issue of Les Petites Affiches.36. Allgemeine Schatzkammer, vol. 4, p. 677.37. D. Defoe, op. cit., vol. 52, p. 163.38. Cf. G. Martin, La grande Industrie sous Louis XV (1900), p. 247.39. Josiah Child, A New Discourse of Trade, 4th ed., p. 159.272/Werner Sombart040. Such teaching is met with as early as the later 16th century. Saraviadella Calle, whom I regard as of supreme importance in the history ofthe theory of just price, goes so far as to deduce it from the relationship of supply and demand. His work, together with that of Venutiand Fabiano, is printed in the Compendia utilissimo.41. (Mercier) Tableau de Paris, vol. 11 (1788), p. 40.42. “A Paris on court, on se presse parce qu’on y est oisif; ici l’onmarche posément, parce que l’on y est occupé.” Quoted by J. Godard,L’Ouvrier en Sole, vol. 1 (1899), pp. 38–9.43. Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser, written by himself. SelectedBiographies, vol. 2, p. 280; Durham’s Law Unsealed, p. 324, quotedby Buckle, History of Civilization, vol. 2, p. 377.44. Durham’s Exposition of the Song of Solomon, quoted by Buckle,loc. cit.45. Allgemeine Schatzkammer, vol. 4 (1742), p. 666.46. See, for instance, Mercier, Tableau de Paris, vol. 2, p. 71.47. Samuel Lambe, in his scheme for a national bank [see note 22,Chapter 6] speaks of the low commercial morality of English merchants as compared with the reliability of (say) the Dutch48. Owen Felltham in his Observations (1652), quoted by DouglasCampbell, The Puritan in Holland, England, and America, vol. 2(1892), p. 327.49. This accusation was levelled against the Jews from the early mediaeval period down almost to this very day. Cf. G. Caro, Sozial- undWirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden, vol. 1 (1908), p. 222; Bloch, op.cit., p. 12; article “Juden,” in Allgemeine Schatzkammer; von Justi,Staatswirtschaft, vol. 1 (1758), p. 150. For Germany more especially, see Liebe, Das Judenthum in der deutschen Vergangenheit(1903).50. According to a Minute Book of the Portuguese community in Hamburg — A. Feilchenfeld, “Die alteste Geschichte der deutschen Judenin Hamburg,” in Monatsschrift, vol. 43 (1899), p. 279.51. Geyler von Kaiserberg’s sermon on the 93rd “Narrengeschwarm,”in S. Brandt’s Narrenschiff (to be found in the collection called DasKloster, vol. I, p. 722, published by J. Scheible). Cf. Oskar Franke,Der Jude in den deutschen Dichtungen des 15, 16, und 17Jahrhunderts (1905), especially section 4.52. Quoted by A. M. Dyer, op. cit; p. 44.53. Will. Ussellinx, quoted by Jameson, in Transactions of the Jewish/273Historical Society of America, vol. 1, p. 42. For Usselinx, see E.Laspeyres, Volkswirtschaftliche Ansichten der Niederlande (1863),p. 59.54. Savary, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 449.55. See Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of America, vol.3, p. 44.56. Josiah Child, Discourse on Trade, 4th ed., p. 152.57. Cf. R. Ehrenberg, Grosse Vermogen, 2nd ed., p. 147.58. Annalen der Juden, pp. 106–17.59. Liebe, Das Judentum, p. 34.60. Risbeck, op. cit. Cf. also Scheube, op. cit., p. 393.61. Uber das Verhältniss der Juden zu den Christen in den deutschenHandelsstadten (1818), pp. 171, 252, 270, 272.62. See R.E.J., vol. 33, p. 111.63. H. Bodemeyer, Die Juden. Bin Beitrag zur HannoverschenRechtsgeschichte (1855), p. 68.64. See Albert Wolf, “Etwas über jüdische Kunst und ältere judischeKünstler,” in Mitteilungen zur jüdischen Volkskunde, edited by M.Grunwald, vol. 1 (1905), p. 34.65. See Ehrenberg, Grosse Vermögen, p. 147.66. The documents are printed in Kracauer’s “Beiträge zur Geschichteder Frankfurter Juden im 30 jährigen Kriege,” in Zeitschrift für dieGeschichte der Juden in Deutschland, vol. 3 (1899), p. 147. Cf.Schudt, op. cit: vol. 2, 164.67. Ibid.68. Ibid.69. Annalen der Juden, op. cit., pp. 97, 106–17.70. Ibid.71. Versuch über die judischen Bewohner der österreichischenMonarchie (1804), p. 83. Contains much valuable material.72. L. Hoist, Judentum in alien dessen Teilen aus einemstaatswissenschaftlichen Standpunkte betrachtet (1821), pp. 293–4.73. “Les fripiers de Paris qui sont à la plus part Juifs,” Noel du Fail,Contes d’Eutrapel, xxiv, quoted by G. fa*gniez, L’économie socialede la France sous Henry IV (1897), p. 217.74. Mercier, Tableau de Paris, vol. 2, p. 253. In Breslau this method ofattracting custom is not unknown, and is called“Ärmelausreissgeschäfte.”75. Romani, Eines edien Wallachen landwirtschaftliche Reise durch274/Werner Sombartverschiedene Landschaften Europas. Zweyter Theil (1776), p. 150.Cf. Schudt, vol. 2, p. 164.76. Über das Verhältniss, etc., p. 184.77. Jules de Bock, op. cit; p. 30.78. Max J. Kohler, op. cit.79. Bloch, op. cit., p. 30.80. Hyamson, Jews in England, p. 274.81. S. Kahn, “Les Juife de Montpellier an 18 siècle,” in R.E.J. vol. 33(1896), p. 290.82. Leon Brunschvicg, op. cit; p. 111.83. “Requête des marchands,” etc., p. 234.84. L. Kahn, Les Juifs de Paris au XVIII sc., p. 71.85. Justin Godard, L’Ouvrier en Soie (1899), p. 224.86. For Wegelin’s view, see Meyer, op. cit., p. 522.87. Cf. Czacki, op. cit.; Graetz, op. cit.; and Verax, op. cit.88. Annalen, p. 97.89. F. Bothe, Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozial-Geschichte derReichstadt Frankfurt (1906), p. 74.90. Bericht der Kriegs- und Domanenkammer über den wirtschafflichenNiedergang des Herzogtums Magdeburg (1710), quoted by Liebe,Das Judentum, p. 91.91. Romani, op. cit; p. 147.92. In Geschichte der Juden in der Reichstadt Augsburg (1803), p. 42.93. Von Mensi, op. cit., p. 367.94. Allgemeine Schatzkamnier, vol. 2, p. 1158.95. Will. Usselinx, quoted by Jameson, in Transactions of the JewishHistorical Society of America, vol. 1, p. 42. For Ussellinx, see E.Laspeyres, Volkswirtschaftliche Ansichten der Niederlande (1863),1. 59.96. Mercier, op. cit.97. R.E.J., vol. 33, p. 111, in Kahn, op. cit.98. Lambe, op. cit.99. Le cri du citoyen centre les juifs de Metz (18 sc.), quoted by Maignial,op. cit.100. See Bothe, op. cit., p. 74.101. Felltham, op. cit. “Cette nation ne fait fabriquer que des étoffesinférieures et de mauvaise qualité.”102. Quoted by Liebe, Das Judentum. p. 91,103. N. Roubin, “La vie commerciale des juifs contadines en Languedoc,”/275in R.E.J. vols. 34, 35, and 36.104. Uber das Verhältniss, etc., p. 254.105. Liebe, op. cit.106. Juden, sind sie der Eandlung schädlich? (1803), p. 25.107. Graetz, vol. 9, p. 445.108. Romani, op. cit., p. 148.109. I am indebted to Mr. Josef Reizman for kindly calling my attentionto this passage.110. Child, Discourse on Trade, p. 152.111. Hyamson, p. 274.112. R.E.J. vol. 33, p. 290.113. L. Hoist, op. cit., p. 290.114. See note 61, Chapter 7.115. Hoist, op. cit.. p. 288.116. R.E.J. vol. 36.117. R.E.J. vol. 33, p. 289.118. Annalen, p. 90.119. From a Memorandum, dated January 9, 1786, of the HungarianCourt Chancery; again I am indebted to Mr. Josef Reizman.120. Königlichen Staatsarchiv (Mr. Ludwig Davidsohn informed me ofit).121. “In the U.S.A. the most striking characteristic of Jewish commerceis found in the large number of department stores held by Jewishfirms.” Art. “Commerce,” in Jewish Encycl. (vol. 4, p. 192).122. See the lists of firms in J. Hirsch, Das Warenhaus inWestdeutschland (1910).123. Juden, sind sie der Handlung schädlich?, p. 33.124. Henry Sampson, A History of Advertising (1875), p. 68.Chapter 91. For a fuller account of the subject of this chapter, see an article ofmine, “Der Kapitalistische Untemehmer,” in Archiv für sozialeWissenschaft und Soziale Politik, vol. 29.Chapter 101. M. Kayserling, op. cit., p. 708.2. An account of the Jewish world-famed firms of his time is given byManasseh ben Israel in his Humble Address to Cromwell. The storyof the single families may be found in the Jewish Encyclopedia, which276/Werner Sombartis especially good for biographies.3. “Lettres écrites de la Suisse, d’Italie,” etc., in Encycl. mèth. Manuf.,vol. 1, p. 407. Cf. the opinion of Jovet, quoted by Schudt, JüdischeMerkwürdigkeiten, vol. 1, p. 228.4. The Spectator, No. 495.5. Revue Historique, vol. 44 (1890).6. Graetz, vol. 5, p. 323.7. These instances of Jewish diplomatists are generally known. The number could easily be added to. Any one specially interested in thisquestion should refer to Graetz, where abundant material will be found(e.g., vol. 6, pp. 85, 224; vol. 8. ch. 9, etc.).8. M. Kayserling, Christopher Columbus (1894), p. 106.9. H. J. Koenen, op. cit; p. 206.10. Edmund Bonaffé, Dictionnaire des amateurs français cm XVII siècle(1881), p. 191.11. Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms, vol. 3, p. 577.12. (v. Kortum) Über Judentum und Juden (1795), p. 165.13. Ibid.. p. 90.14. R.E.J., vol. 23 (1891), p. 90.15. M. de Maulde, Les juifs dans les Etats français du Saint-Siège (1886).The legal position of the Jews generally is treated fully in the currentJewish histories, most of which are in reality nothing more than thehistory of the legal position of the Jews. Indeed, a goodly number oftheir authors imagine they are writing economic history when all thetime it is just legal history they aredealing with. For records, consultthe article “Juden” in Krünitz (vol. 31) and Sehudt, JüdischeMerkwurdigkeiten (specially for Frankfort). For France, see Halphen,Recueil des lois, etc., concernant les Israëlites (1851); for Prussia,L. von Rönne and Heinrich Simon, Die früheren und gegenwärtigenVerhaltnisse der Juden in den sämtlichen Landesteilen despreussischen Staates (1843). All the laws quoted in the text I havetaken from this collection. A. Michaelis, Die Rechtsverhältnisse derJuden in Preussen seit dem Beginn des 19 Jahrhunderts: Gesetze,Eriasse, Verordnungen, Entscheidungen (1910).16. Cf. B. Bento Carqueja, op. cit., pp. 73, 82, 91.17. Wagenaar, Beschrijving van Amsterdam, quoted by Koenen, op.cit., p. 142. Further, for the wealth of the Dutch Jews (greatly exaggerated) see Schudt, vol. 1 (1714), p. 277; vol. 4 (1717), p. 208. Cf.M. Mission, Reise nach Italien (1713), p. 43. Of newer books, M./277Henriquez Pimentel, op. cit., p. 34.18. Memoiren, p. 134.19. Savary, Dict.. vol. 2 (1726), p. 448.20. Lucien Wolf, The Jewry of the Restoration, 1660–1664, p. 11.21. See H. Reils, “Beiträge zur ältesten Geschichte der Juden in Hamburg,” in Zeitschrift des Vereins für hamburgische Geschichte, vol.2 (1847), pp. 357, 380, 405; and M. Grunwald, op. cit., pp. 16, 26,35.22. In M. Grunwald’s Hamburgs deutsche Juden, pp. 20, 191.23. F. Bothe, Die Enfwickelung der direkten Besteuerung der ReichsstadtFrankfurt (1906), p. 166, Tables 10 and 15.24. Kraeauer, op. cit., p. 341.25. Alexander Dietz, Stammbuch der Frankfurter Juden (1907), p. 408.26. L. Geiger, Geschichte der Juden in Berlin (1871), vol. 1, p. 43.Chapter 111. M. Lazarus, Ethik des Judentums (1904), pp. 67, 85, etc.[There is anEnglish edition of this book issued by the Jewish Publication Societyof America.]2. Hermann Cohen, “Das Problem der jüdischen Sittenlehre. Eine Kritik(adverse) von Lazarus’ Ethik des Judentums,” in Monatsschrift, vol.43, p. 385.3. Orach Chajim, § 8.4. Quoted by F. Weber, Altsynagogale Theologie (1880), p. 273.5. J. Wellhausen, Israelitische und jüdische Geschichte, p. 340.6. Graetz, vol. 4, p. 411. Graetz also has an excellent appreciation ofthe Talmud (one-sided of course, and optimistic), and its influence inJudaism.7. J. Fromer, Vom Ghetto zur modernen Kultur (1906), p. 247.8. M. Kayserling, Columbus (1894), ch. vi.9. Das Haus Rothschild, vol. 1 (1857), p. 186.10. This is not the place to enter into an account of the results of Biblical criticism. All I can do here is to mention a few books that mayserve as an introduction to the subject: Zittel, Die Entstehung derBibel (5th ed., 1891); for the history of the Pentateuch, AdalbertMerx, Die Bücher Moses und Josua (1907), and Ed. Meyer, DieEntstehung des Judentums (1896).11. W. Frankenberg, “Die Sprüche, übersetzt und erläutert,” inHandkommentar wm Alten Testament, herausgegeben von D. W.278/Werner SombartNowack. On p. 16 there is a list of books for the Wisdom Literature.See also Henri Traband, La loi mosaïque, ses origines et sondéveloppement (1903), p. 77.12. Cf. M. Friedlander, Geschichte der jüdischen Apologetik (1903).13. Books about the Talmud form a small library in themselves. I canonly mention one or two to serve as an introduction to the subject.The best is H. L. Strack’s Einleitung in den Talmud (4th ed., 1908),which also contains a pretty full bibliography. For Talmudic Ethics,see Salo Stein’s Materialien zur Ethik des Talmud (1904). Talmudicscholars, however, do not apprize this book very highly. A more recent book is by J. Fromer, who hasoccupied himself with Talmudicand later Jewish literature. See his Die Organization des Judentums(1908), which is intended to serve as an Introduction to a big Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Talmud, which Fromer has planned. Another book which deals with the sources is E. Schürer, Geschichtedes jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, in 3 vols. The first(2nd ed., 1890) in § 3 contains an extensive bibliography. In addition, the standard Jewish histories, especially Graetz, deal with thisaspect of Jewish literature.To comprehend the spirit of the Talmud it is necessary to read the textit*elf. There is a German translation (almost complete) by LazarusGoldschmidt. The Talmud has this characteristic: that although thesections follow each other in some fixed order, yet not one of them isstrictly limited as regards its subject matter. They all deal with practically the whole field of Talmudic subjects. Hence by studying oneor more of the (63) Tractates, it is comparatively easy to obtain a fairnotion of the contents of the whole, and certainly, to find one’s wayabout in the great sea. Specially to be recommended is the TractateBaba Mezia and its two sister tractates [Baba Kama and BabaBafhra]. There is a good edition of Baba Mezia, with an introductionand a translation by Dr. Sammter (1876).A special branch of Tahnudic literature is composed of the so-called“Minor Tractates,” usually found in an appendix to the Talmud, thoughoften published separately. These are Derech Erez Rabba (3rd century), Aboth, Aboth de R. Nathan, Derech Erez Zutta (9th century,according to Zunz). Zunz calls them Ethical Hagadoth because oftheir obvious intention of teaching practical wisdom. They have hadno small influence on the development of the Jewish people and aretherefore of great interest to us here. Next to the Bible, these tractates/279enjoyed a widespread popularity. They formed the principal readingof the layman, unacquainted with the Talmud. They were (are) foundin Prayer Books and devotional literature. Some of them have beenissued in German translations. R. Nathan’s System der Ethik undMoral, translated by Kaim Pollock (1905). Derech Erez Zutta, translated by A. Tawrogi (1885). Derech Erez Rabba, translated by M.Goldberg (1888). We must also mention the Tosephta, which contains the teaching not included in the Mishna. This also dates fromthe period of the Tanaim and is arranged like the Mishna.Finally, a word as to the Rabbinical commentaries or Midrashim, whichare partly halachic [i.e., legal] and partly hagadic [i.e., moral andedifying]. The oldest of them, mostly halachic, are Mechilta (onExodus), Siphra (on Leviticus), and Siphre (on Numbers andDeuteronomy).The Targumim are the Aramaic translations of the O.T.14. There is no good translation of the Shulchan Aruch. The only available one is by Lowe (1837), which is incomplete and one-sided. Onthe other hand, the Orach Chajim and the Jore Deah have been published in a German dress by Rabbi P. Lederer (1906 and 1900), butnot in a complete form.As for works on the Shulchan Aruch, they are mostly of the nature ofapologetic pamphlets. Anti-Semites have turned to the S. A. for material to attack Jews and Judaism; and Jewish scholars have naturallyreplied. We may mention, for instance, A. Lewin, Der Judenspiegeldes Dr. Justus (1884), and D. Hoffmann, Der Schulchan Aruch unddie Rabbiner über das Verhältniss der Juden zu Andersgldäuigen(1885). Thus there is no subjective treatment of the Shulchan Aruch,though it deserves as thorough a consideration as the Talmud. Theonly strictly scientific book with which I am acquainted and whichshould be mentioned in this connexion is S. Back’s Diereligionsgeschichtliche Literatur der Juden in dem Zeitraume vom15-18 Jahrhundert (1893), reprinted from Winter and Wiinsche, Diejüldische Literatur seit Abschluss des Kanons, vol. 2. But Back’sbook is not big and his treatment therefore can only be of the natureof a sketch.15. Paul Volz, Jüdische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba (1903).16. Furst, Untersuchungen über den Kanon des Alien Testaments nachden Uberlieferungen in Talmud und Midrasch (1868).17. L. Stem, Die Vorschriften der Thora, welche Israel in der280/Werner SombartZerstreuung w beobachten hat. Ein Lehrbuch der Religion für Schuleund Famine (4th ed., 1904), p. 28. This book, which may be lookedupon as a type, gives the view current in strictly orthodox circles.18. Cf. Rabbi S. Mandl, Das Wesen des Judentums (1904), p. 14. Mandlrelies on J. Gutmann, Uber Dogmenbildung und Judentum (1894).Cf. also S. Schechter, “The Dogmas of Judaism,” in J.Q.R., vol. 1(1889), pp. 48, 115. As is well known, Moses Mendelssohn was thefirst to express (in his Jerusalem) the idea that Judaism has no dogmas, with some degree of insistence.19. The best that I am acquainted with is Ferdinand Weber’s System deraltsynagogalen palastinensischen Theologie aus Targum, Midrashund Talmud (1880).20. Stem, op. cit., p. 5.21. Döllinger, Heidentum und Judentum (1857), p. 634.22. Rutilius Namatianus, “De reditu suo,” in Reinach’s Textes d’auteursgrecs et remains relatifs au judaisme, vol. 1 (1895), p. 358.23. Stem, op. cit., p. 49; S. R. Hirsch, Versuche über Jissroëls Pflichlenin der Zerstreuung (4th ed., 1909), §711.24. Cf. Weber, op. cit., p. 49. Weber has worked out this idea of contract in Judaism better than any other writer. The treatment in the textowes much to him, as will be apparent. I have also utilized his references. In this particular instance, cf. Sifre, 12b, Wajjikra Rabba. c.31.25. Aboth, II, near the beginning.26. Cf. Weber, op. cit., pp. 270, 272.27. Ibid., p. 292.28. R. Joseph Albo, Ikkarim, a book on the principles of Judaism, dating from the 15th century. W. and L. Schlesinger have issued a German translation [of the Hebrew] (1844). This particular problem isdealt with in ch. 46.29. S. R. Hirsch, op. cit., ch. 13, especially §§ 100 and 105.30. J. F. Schroder, Talmudisch-rabbinisches Judentum (1851), p. 47.31. Graetz, vol. 2, p. 203 and note 14; J. Bergmann, Jüdische Apologetikim neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (1908), p. 120. For the spirit of ancient Judaism, see Wellhausen, op. cit., ch. 15.32. H. Deutsch, Die Sprüche Salomons nach der Auffassung in Talmudund Midrasch (1885).33. J. F. Bruch, Weisheitslehre der Hebräer (1851), p. 135.34. Rabbi S. Schiffer, Das Buch Kohelet. Nach der Auffassung der/281Weisen des Talmud und Midrasch (1884).35. Cf. Graetz, vol. 4, p. 233; Wellhausen, op. cit., pp. 250, 339; andalso the well-known works of Müller, Schürer, and Marti.36. Mandl, op. cit., p. 14.37. S. R. Hirsch, op. cit., § 448.38. A number of similar extracts from Talmudic literature will be foundin S. Schaffer, Das Recht und seine Stellung zur Moral nachtalmudischer Sitten- und Rechtslehre (1889), p. 28.39. M. Lazarus, op. cit., p. 22. Lazarus has worked out the idea that tobe holy means to overcome your passions, exceedingly well, thoughhe approaches very closely to Kant’s system of Ethics.40. Kiddushin, 30b, Baba Bathra, 16a.41. Cf. Schaffer, op. cit., p. 54.42. Cf. Fassel, Tugend- und Rechtslehre des Talmud (1848), p. 38.43. Albo’s Ikkarim [note 28], ch. 24, deals fully with this.44. Cf. S. Back, op. cit.. Preface; also M. Lazarus, op. cit., p. 20.45. Stern, op. cit., p. 126.46. Aboth de R. Nathan, xxi. 5 [also Aboth, III, 14].47. G. F. Oehler, Theologie des A.T. (3rd ed., 1891), p. 878.48. Lazarus, op. cit., p. 40.49. Aboth de R. Nathan, xvi. 6.50. Cf. Eceles. 1, 8; Prov. x. 8; x. 10; x. 31; xiv. 23; xvii. 27, 28; xviii.7, 21; xxi. 23; Ecclus. iv. 34 (29); v. 15 (13); ix. 25 (18); xix. 20, 22.51. Stern, op. cit.. No. 127a.52. Cf. also Prov. xii. 27; xiii. 11; xviii. 19; xxi. 20. For further passages in praise of labour, cf. L. K. Amitai, La sociologie selon lalègislation juive (1905), p. 90.53. Hirsch, op. cit., § 448.54. Ibid., § 463; and Stern, op. cit., p. 239.55. Hirsch, op. cit., § 443, almost identically expressed by Stem, op.cit., Nos. 125, 126.56. J. Fromer, op. cit., p. 25.57. Iggeret ha-Kodesh, first published in 1556; translated into Latin byGaffareli; cf. Graetz, vol. 7, p. 46.58. Hirsch, op. cit., § 263. Cf. also § 264, § 267.59. The figures are taken from Hugo Nathansohn, “Die unehelichenGeburten bei den Juden,” in Z.D.S.J., vol. 6, (1910), p. 102.60. We may mention as one of the foremost authorities S. Freud. See hisSammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosehlehre (2nd series, 1909).282/Werner Sombart61. See Dr. Hoppe, “Die Kriminalitat der Juden und der Alkohol,” inZ.D.S.J., vol. 3 (1907), p. 38; H. L. Eisenstadt, “Die Renaissanceder jüdischen Sozialhygiene,” in Archiv fur Rassen- undGesellschaftsbiologie, vol. 5 (1908), p. 714; L. Cheinisse, “DieRassenpathologie und der Alkoholismus bei den Juden,” in Z.D.S.J.,vol. 6 (1910), p. 1. It can be proved with great certainty that theJew’s freedom from the evil effects of alcohol (as also from syphilis)is due to his religion.62. Wellhausen, op. cit., p. 119.63. Cicero, Pro Flacco, ch. 28.64. Mommsen, Römische Geschichfe, vol. 5, p. 545.65. The passages may be found in Felix Stahelin, Der Antisemitismusdes Altertums (1905). Cf. Reinach, op. cit.66. J. Bergmann, op. cit., p. 157.67. Graetz, vol. 5, p. 73.68. Graetz, vol. 5, p. 321.69. Graetz, vol. 6, pp. 140, 161.70. A comprehensive account of laws on interest in the old Jewish legalsystem will be found in J. Heici, Das alttestamentliche Zinsverbot(Biblische Studien, herausgegeben von O. Bardenhewer, vol. 12, No.4, 1907).71. Cf. a collection of “Responsa” by Hoffmann, in SchmollersForschungen, vol. 152.72. Cf. Fassel, op. cit., p. 193; E. Grunebaum, Die Sittenlehre der Judenandern Bekenntnissen gegenuber (2nd ed., 1878), p. 414; the samewriter’s “Der Fremde nach rabbinischen Begriffen,” in Geigersjüdische Zeitschrift, vols. 9 and 10; D. Hoffmann, op. cit., p. 129;Lazarus, op. cit., § 144. Lazarus is curiously incomplete. What hesays in his third chapter about the duty of Israel towards non-Jewsdoes his heart all credit, but it is hardly in accord with historic truth.73. Cf. Choshen Mishpat. §§ 188, 194, 227, 231, 259, 266, 272, 283,348, 389, etc.74. “When he appears before the divine Judge, the first question thatman is asked is. Have you been straightforward and honest in business?” Sabbath, 31a. This Talmudic quotation is the motto of a littlebook (privately printed) dealing with passages concerning honesty,Das Biblisch-rabbinische Handelsgesetz, by Rabbi Stark.75. Choshen Mishpat, § 231. The passage given in the text is from §227./28376. Graetz, vol. 10, pp. 62, 81.77. Choshen Mishpat, § 227; Baba Mezia, 49b.78. In addition, see John G. Dow, “Hebrew and Puritan,” in J.Q.R., vol.3 (1891), p. 52.79. Graetz, vol. 9, pp. 86, 213; vol. 10, p. 87; Hyamson, p. 164; J.Q.R.,vol. 3, p. 61.Chapter 121. Cf. also R. S. Woodworth, “Racial Differences in Mental Traits,” inBulletin mensuel des Institut Solvay (1910), No. 21.2. Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu, Israel chez les nations (1893), p. 289; alsocf. H. St. Chamberlain, Die Grundlagen des 19 Jahrhunderts (3rded., 1901), p. 457. [An English edition of this book is now to be had.]3. I cannot here enter into a disquisition of the various meanings attached to the terms People, Nation, Nationality. The reader will findall that he needs in that excellent study of F. J. Neumann, Volk undNation (1888). See, too. Otto Bauer, Die Nationalitätenfrage unddie Sozialdemokratie (1907); F. Rosenblüth, Zur Begriffsbestimmungvon Volk und Nation (1910).4. A. Jellinek, Der jüdische Stamm in Sprichwortem (2nd series, 1882),pp. 18, 91.5. J. Zollschan, Das Rassenproblem writer besonderer Berücksichtigungder theoretischen Grundlagen der jüdischen Rassenfrage (1910), p.298.6. Jellinek, op. cit; (3rd series, 1885), p. 39.7. Juan Huarte de San Juan, Examen de ingenios para las Sciencias.Pomplona (1575), (Biblioteca de autores Españoles, lxv, p. 469).8. Jellinek, op. cit. This book by the well-known Rabbi of Vienna is oneof the very best that has been written on the Jewish spirit Good, too,is the booklet of D. Chwolson, Die semitischen Völker (1872), whichcriticizes Renan’s Histoire générale et systeme compare de languesSèmitique (1855). A third writer who in my opinion has looked deepinto the Jewish soul is Kari Marx, in his Judenfrage (1844). Whathas been said about the Jewish spirit since these men (all Jews!) wroteis either a repetition of what they said or a distortion of the truth.9. For Jews as mathematicians, see M. Steinschneider in Monatsschrift,vols. 49–51 (1905–7).10. For Jews as physicians, see M. Kayserling, “Zur Geschichte derjudischen Aerzte,” in Monatsschrift, vols. 8 (1859) and 17 (1868).284/Werner Sombart11. Zollschan, op. cit.. p. 159.12. C. Lassen, Indische Altertumskunde, vol. 1 (1847), p. 414.13. “Une certaine gravité orgueilleuse et un fierté noble fait le caractèredistinctif de cette nation,” Pinto, “Reflexions,” etc., in the Lettres dequelques juifs, vol. 1, p. 19.14. J. M. Jost, Geschichte des Judentums und seiner Sekten, vol. 3(1859), p. 207.15. Derech Erez Zutta, ch. viii.16. Megilla, 16.17. Midrash Rabba to Genesis, 1, 44.18. “Développer une chose qui existe en germe, perfectionner ce qui est,exprimer tout ce qui tient dans une idée qu’il n’aurait pas trouvéeseul.” — M. Murel, L’esprit juif (1901), p. 40.19. K. Knies, Credit, vol. 1, p. 240; vol. 2, p. 169.Chapter 13

1. F. Martins, “Die Bedeutung der Vererbung fiir Krankheitsenstehungund Rassenerhaltung,” in Archiv für Rass. und Ges. Biologie, vol. 7(1910), p. 477.2. Some of the most important of recent works on the ethnology andanthropology of the Jews are the following: von Luschan, “Dieanthropologische Stellung der Juden,” in Korrespondemblatt furAnthropologie, vol. 23 (1892); Judt, Die Juden als Rasse (1903).On the historic side, much light has been thrown on the problem byEd. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstamme (1906). Side byside with this excellent book may be placed one somewhat older, A.Bertholet, Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden w den Fremden(1896). That the whole literature on Babylonia must be mentionedhere goes without saying, i.e., the works of Winkler, Jeremias, andothers. Recently there appeared a book by W. Erbt, Die Hebräer.Kanaan im Zeitalter der hebraischen Wanderung und hebraischenStaatengründung (1906).3. H. V. Hilprecht, The Babylonian Expedition of the University ofPennsylvania. Series A, Cuneiform Texts, vol. 9 (1898), p. 28; thesame author’s Explorations in Bible Lands during the 19th Century(1903), p. 409.4. Cf. von Luschan, “Zur phys. Anthropologie der Juden,” in Z.D.S.J.,vol. 1 (1905), p. 1.5. The chief exponent of this theory is Ludwig Wilser, who has set forth/285his view in numerous articles, and at great length in his book. DieGermanen (1903). His chief opponent is Zollschan,op. cit., p. 24.6. Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, vol. 5, p. 549.7. Graetz, vol. 5, pp. 188, 330, 370.8. Graetz, vol. 7, p. 63.9. All these instances in Undo [see note 22, Chapter 5], p. 10.10. In his criticism of Hoeniger, who holds the view expressed in thetext as applicable to Cologne. Others who have supported Brann areLau, Kuessen, and A. Kober, Studie zur mittelalterlichen Geschichteder Juden in Köln am Rhine (1903), p. 13.11. Maurice Fishberg, “Zur Frage der Herkunft des blonden Elementsim Judentum” in Z.D.S.J., vol. 3 (1907), pp. 7, 25. A contrary viewin the same journal, vol. 3, p. 92, is Elias Auerbach’s “Bemerkungenzu Fishbergs Theorie,” etc.12. Cf. F. Sofer, “Uber die Plastizitat der menschlichen Rassen,” inArchiv für Rass. und Ges. Biologie, vol. 5 (1908), p. 666; E.Auerbach, “Die jüdisehe Rassenfrage,” in the same journal, vol. 4, p.359; also vol. 4, p. 370, where von Luschan expounds an almostidentical view. Cf. also Zollschan, op. cit; pp. 125, 134, etc.13. See the results in Judt, op. cit. Cf. also A. D. Elkind, Die Juden.Erne vergleichend-anthropologische Untersuchung (1903). I knowthe book only from the review by Weinberg in Archiv für Rass. undGes. Biologie, vol. 1 (1904), p. 915. Cf. also Elkind’s“Anthropologische Untersuchungen über die russ.- polnischen Juden,”in Z.D.S.J., vol. 2 (1906), pp. 49, 65, and his other essay in vol. 4(1908), p. 28; Leo Sofer, “Zur Anthropologische Stellung der Juden,”in Pol. anthrop. Revue, vol. 7 (cf. review of this in Z.D.S.J; vol. 4, p.160). Cf. E. Auerbach, op. cit., p. 332; Aron Sandier, Anthropologieund Zionismus (1904), though his results are not first-hand; Zollschan,op. cit., pp. 125, 134, etc.14. The theory of “racial differences” between Ashkenazim andSephardim is supported by S. Weissenberg, “Das jüdiseheRassenproblem,” in Z.D.S.J.. vol. 1 (1905); M. Fishberg, “Beitragezur phys. Anthropologie der nordafrikanischen Juden,” ditto. Opponents of the view are most of the authors mentioned in note 13.15. For an all-round consideration of this question see Leo Sofer, “ZurBiologie und Pathologie der judischen Rasse,” in Z.D.S.J.. vol. 2(1906), p. 85. For further views, see the issues Biologie, vol. 4 (1907),pp. 47, 149: Siegfried Rosenfeld, “Die Sterblichkeit der Juden in Wien286/Werner Sombartund die Ursachen der jüdischen Mindersterblichkeit.”16. F. Hertz, Moderne Rassen-Theorie (1904), p. 56.17. C. H. Stratz, Was sind Juden? Eine ethnographischanthropologischeStudie (1903), p. 26.18. Illustrations in Judt, op. cit., and elsewhere. Cf. also L.Messerschmidt, Die Hettiter (1903).19. Cf. Hans Friedenthal, Über einen experimentalen Nachweis vonBlutsverwandtschaft (1900). Also appeared in the author’s Arbeitenaus dem Gebiete der experimentellen Physiologie (1908); also CarlBruck, “Die biologische Differenzierung von Affenarten undmenschlichen Rassen durch spezifische Blutreaktion,” reprinted fromthe Berliner Klinischen Wochenschrift, vol. 4 (1907), p. 371.20. Von Luschan, “Offener Brief an Herrn Dr. Elias Auerbach,” in Archivfür Rassen und Ges. Biologie. vol. 4 (1907), p. 371.21. A. Ruppin, “Die Mischehe,” in Z.D.S.J., vol. 4, p. 18.22. Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, vol. 5, p. 529.23. M. Braunschweiger, Die Lehrer der Mischna (1890), p. 27.24. Graetz, vol. 6, p. 22.25. Graetz, vol. 6, 320.26. Gregor. Ep. ix. 36, in Schipper, p. 16.27. Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte der Juden des Altertums, p. 204.28. Herzfeld has perhaps dealt most fully with these questions. But besides many errors of textual interpretation he is also wrong as regards the dates of documents. He still maintains the chronology current before the age of criticism, and therefore places most of his sourcesin the pre-exilic period.29. For the Talmudic period, see Herzfeld, op. cit., p. 118, where over ahundred imports into Palestine are given.30. A. Bertholet, op. cit., p. 2.31. Cf. Büchsenschutz, Besitz und Erwerb im griechischen Altertum(1869), p. 443.32. L. Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms, vol. 3, p. 571.33. Kiddushin, 826.34. Aboth de R. Nathan, xxx. 6.35. Pesachim, 113a.36. Pesachim, 506. Cf. also the articles “Welthandel” and “Handel” inJ. Hamburger’s Real-Encyklopädie des Judentums (1883, 1886) formore material under this heading.37. A. Bertholet, “Deuteronomium” (1899), in Marti’s Kurz./287Bandkommentar zum A.T. On the passage in the text, Bertholet remarks that it refers to a period in which Israel is scattered all over theglobe as a people of traders, and is a force in the world because of itswealth. Bertholet informs me that he regards the passage xv. 4–6 as alater addition to the text, and because the words appear to point to anextensive distribution of Israel he would incline to assign them to theGreek period after Alexander.But for myself I cannot believe that the Jews were then a scattered commercial people. In order to make quite sure that I had not overlookedimportant passages I wrote to Professor Bertholet to ask him on whatgrounds he based his opinion. In his reply he referred me to Prov. vii.19; xii. 11; xiii. 11; xx. 21; xxiii. 4; xxiv. 27; xxviii. 19, 20, 22;Ecclus. xxvi. 29–xxvii. 2. These passages deal with the dangers ofwealth, and I have already discussed them in another connexion. Noneof them, however, appear to me to point to trade on a large scale.Certainly Prov. vii. 19 may have reference to a travelling trader, butnot necessarily. And when we are told of Tobit (to whom also Professor Bertholet referred) that he was King Enemessar’s “agorastes”and as such had a comfortable income, does not that rather point to afeudal state of society? Again, Ananias, a merchant at the court ofAdiabene (of whom Josephus tells), may have been a Hofjude. Ofcourse, I do not deny that Jews participated in international trade.But I contend that this was not characteristic of them. What wascharacteristic was the business of lending, and of this it may be said,as Bertholet does, that Israel was then (in the period after Alexander)a power in the earth.38. I am indebted to Professor Bertholet for calling my attention to thisdocument.39. E. Renan, Les Apôtres (1866), p. 289.40. J. Wellhausen, Medina vor dem Islam (1889), p. 4.41. Cf. Aronius, Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden im frankischenund deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273 (1902), Nos. 45, 62.42. Cf. Lindo, op. cit; p. 73.43. Statutes of Jewry, in Cunningham, Growth of English Industry andCommerce, vol. 1 (1905), p. 204.44. Wassermann, “Die Entwickelung der jiidischen Bevolkerung in d.Provin. Posen,” in Z.D.S.J; vol. 6 (1910), p. 37.45. F. Delitzsch, Handel und Wandel in Altbabylon (1910), p. 33. Cf.Heici, Alttestamentliches Zinsverbot (1907), p. 32, and especially p.288/Werner Sombart54.46. Weber, article “Agrargeschichte im Altertum,” in Handworterbuchder Staatswissenschaften. Cf. also Marquardt, RömischeStaatsverwaltung, vol. 2, p. 55.47. In the years 1436 and 1437 a number of Jewish pawnbrokers wereinvited to Florence by the city council, in order to assist the poor whowere in need of cash. Cf. M. Ciardemi, Banchieri ebrei in Firenzenet secolo XV e XVI (1907).When the city of Ravenna was about to join itself to the Republic ofVenice, one of the conditions of its adhesion was that wealthy Jewsshould be sent there to open a loan bank, so that the poverty of thepopulation might be lessened. Cf. Graetz, vol. 8, p. 235.“We have seen that the business of finance in the period up to 1420 wasgradually increasing in the bands of the Jews of Rome;from 1420 to 1550 circ*mstances were even more favourable, and hencewe find a still greater growth. Indeed, it became customary for theItalian communes to make regular agreements with Jews concerningmoney-lending.” Cf. Theiner, Cod. dipl. 3, 335, in Paul Rieger’sGeschichte der Juden in Rom (1895), p. 14.48. A. Moreau de Jonnes, Statistique des peuples de I’antiquité, vol. 1(1851), p. 98. For censuses in the Bible, cf. Max Waldstein inStatistische Monatsschrift, Vienna (1881).49. A. Jeremias, Das alte Testament im Lichte des alien Orients (2nded., 1906), p. 534.50. F. Buhl, Die sozialen Verhaltnisse der Israeliten (1899), pp. 88,128.51. Biographies of the Tahnudic Rabbis are frequent enough. Cf. Strack,op. cit.: Graetz, in vol. 4; A. Sammter in the Appendix to his translation of Baba Mezia (1876) and M. Braunschweiger. Die Lehrer derMishna (1890).52. Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, vol. 5, p. 529.53. The 58th Canon of the 4th Council of Toledo (633), quoted by Lindo,op. cit., p. 14.54. J. Wellhausen, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 14.55. Cf. Graetz, vol. 5, p. 345.56. Cf. Graetz, vol. 5, pp. 11, 39, 50; also the passages in Schipper, op.cit., pp. 20, 35; Aronius, op. cit., Nos. 45, 62, 173, 206, 227, etc.How Caro, op. cit., p. 83, arrives at the contrary conclusion it is noteasy to perceive./28957. For the period up to the 12th century, see the references in Schipper,op. cit., also my Moderne Kapitalismus, vol. 1.58. K. F. W. Freiherr von Diebitsch, Kosmopolitische, unparteiischeGedanken über Juden und Christen (1804), p. 29.59. I cannot give a complete bibliography of all the works on biology,anthropology, ethnology, etc. Only a few will be mentioned for theguidance of the reader.The works of Moritz Wagner appear to me to be of great value: DieDarwinsche Theorie und das Migrationsgesetz (1868); Uber denEinfluss der geographischen Isolierung und Kolonienbildang aufdie morphologische Veränderung der Organismen (1871); DieEnstehung der Arten durch räumliche Sonderung (1889).Ludwig Gumploviez, Der Rassenkampf (1883); Die soziologischeStaatsidee (2nd ed., 1901); Ward, Reine Soziologie, vol. 1; L.Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie (1903).For the question of heredity, see H. E. Ziegler, Die Vererbungstehre inder Biologie (1905); W. Schallmeyer, Vererbung und Auslese (2nded., 1910); R. Sommer, Familienforschung und Vererbungslehre(1907); F. Martius, Das pathologische Vererbungsproblem (1909);J. Schultz, Die Maschinentheorie des Lebens (1909); W. Bolsche,Das Liebesleben in der Natur (1909).Chapter 141. For the social and economic conditions in ancient Palestine there arenot many books to hand. Perhaps the best is F. Buhl’s work [note 50,Chapter 13]. A more recent book is Max Lohr’s IsraelsKulturentwickelung (1911).2. Wellhausen, Prolog., p. 10; cf. Budde, The Nomadic Ideal in theO.T. (1895).3. F. Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. 3, p. 47.4. Kiddushin, 71a. Cf. Graetz, vol. 4, p. 273.5. Graetz, vol. 4, p. 321.6. For a list of Biblical passages in support, see Herzfeld,Handelsgeschichte der Juden des Altertums, note 9.7. For this estimation, see Buhl, op. cit., p. 52.8. Philo, in Flaccum, 6 (II, 523, Mangey), in Stähelin, op. cit., p. 33.9. L. Friedländer, Sittengeschichte Röms, vol. 3, p. 570.10. Cassel, in the article “Juden” in Ersch and Gruber, p. 24.11. Tacitus, Annal; II, 85; Suetonius and Josephus mention only Jews.290/Werner Sombart12. The best accounts of the Diaspora will be found in Graetz, vol. 3, p.90; Frankel, “Die Diaspora zur Zeit des zweiten Ternpels,” inMonatsschrift, vol. 2, p. 309; Herzfeld, op. cit., p. 200, and note 34.13. An excellent example of Jewish migration within one particular country is furnished by the history of the Jews in the province of Posen. In1849 there were 21 localities (out of a total of 131) with a populationof 30 to 40 per cent. of Jews while in 4 there were 41 to 50 per cent.Jews, in 3 over 50 per cent. But in the last half century the Jewishpopulation of the Posen province has shrunk considerably. Cf. E. vonBergmann, Zur Geschichte der deutschen, polnischen und jüdischenBevölkerung in der Provinz Posen (1883); Zwanzig Jahre deutscherKulturarbeit (1906); B. Breslauer, Die Abwanderung der Juden ausder Provinz, Posen (1909). For the expulsion of the Jews from Viennaat the close of the 17th century cf. David Kaufmann, Die letzteVertreibung der Juden aus Wien und Niederösterreich; ihreVorgeschichte (1625–1670) und ihre Opfer (1889).14. L. Neubaur, Die Sage vom ewigen Juden (2nd ed., 1893).15. According to Gratian, Vita Joh. Commendoni, II, c. 15; Victor vonKarben, De Vita et Moribus Judieorum (1504); Graetz, vol. 9, p. 62.16. J. Ranke, Der Mensch, vol. 2, p. 533.17. Ratzel, Völkerkunde, vol. 3, p. 743.18. Juan Huarte de San Juan, op. cit; p. 409.19. F. Delitzsch, op. cit; p. 12.20. A. Wahrraund, Das Gesetz des Nomadentums (1887), p. 16.21. Ratzel, op. cit.. vol. 3, p. 56.22. Pesachim, 87 b. Cf. also 1196.23. W. Erbt, Die Hebraer (1906), p. 166.24. Ephraim justifié (1758). L’editeur a Mr. Andre de Pinto, JuifPortugais, Citoyen et négociant d’Amsterdam.25. Pinto, “Réflex, critiques sur le premier chap. du vii tome des oeuvresde M. Voltaire (1762),” in the Lettres de quelques juifs, (5th ed.,1781), p. 10.26. Graetz, vol. 11, p. 54.27. “L’idée, ou ils sont généralement, d’être issus de la Tribe de Juda,dont ils tiennent que les principales families furent envoyées enEspagne du temps de la captivité de Babylone, nepeut que les porterà ces distinctions et contribuer à cette élévation de sentimens qu’onremarque en eux.” — Pinto, op. cit; p. 17.28. A. Nossig, “Die Auserwähltheit der Juden im Lichte der Biologie,”/291in Z.D.S.J., vol. 1. Cf. in same volume essay of Curt Michaelis; alsohis “Prinzipien der natürlichen und sozialen Entwicklungsgeschichteder Menschheit” (Natur und Staat, vol. 5) (1904), p. 63.29. A. Sandier, op. cit; p. 24.

German original

Vorwort

Vielleicht interessiert es doch manchen Leser, zu erfahren, wie ich dazu gekommen bin, dieses sonderbare Buch zu schreiben, und interessiert ihn auch zu wissen, wie ich möchte, daß es gelesen würde.

Ich bin ganz durch Zufall auf das Judenproblem gestoßen, als ich darauf aus war, meinen ,, Modernen Kapitalismus" von Grund aus neu zu bearbeiten. Da galt es unter anderm die Gedanken- gänge, die zu dem Ursprünge des „kapitalistischen Geistes" führten, um einige Stollen tiefer zu treiben. Max Webers Untersuchungen über die Zusammenhänge zwischen Puritanismus und Kapitalismus mußten mich notwendig dazu führen, dem Ein- flüsse der Religion auf das Wirtschaftsleben mehr nachzuspüren, als ich es bisher getan hatte, und dabei kam ich zuerst an das Judenproblem heran. Denn wie eine genaue Prüfung der Weber- schen Beweisführung ergab, waren alle diejenigen Bestandteile des puritanischen Dogmas, die mir von wirklicher Bedeutung für die Herausbildung des kapitalistischen Geistes zu sein scheinen, Entlehnungen aus dem Ideenkreise der jüdischen Religion.

Aber diese Erkenntnis allein hätte mir noch keinen Anlaß geboten, in der Entstehungsgeschichte des modernen Kapitalismus den Juden eine ausführliche Betrachtung zu widmen, wenn sich mir nicht im weiteren Verlauf meiner Studien — wiederum rein zufäUig — die Überzeugung aufgedrängt hätte, daß auch am Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft der Anteil der Juden weit größer sei, als man bisher geahnt hatte. Zu dieser Einsicht führte mich das Bestreben, jene Wandlungen im europäischen Wirtschaftsleben mir plausibel zu machen, die seit dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts etwa sich vollziehen, und die eine Verschiebung des wirtschaftlichen

— VI —

Schwergewichts aus den südeuropäischen in die nordwest- curopäischen Länder im Gefolge haben. Der plötzliche Nieder- gang Spaniens, der plötzliche Aufschwung Hollands, das Dahin- welken so vieler Städte Italiens und Deutschlands und das Empor- blühen anderer, wie etwa Livornos, Lyons (vorübergehend), Antwerpens (vorübergehend), Hamburgs, Frankfurts a. M., schienen mir durch die bisherigen Gründe (Entdeckung des Seewegs nach Ostindien, Verschiebung der staathchen Machtverhältnisse) keines- wegs genügend erklärt. Und da offenbarte sich mir plötzlich die zunächst rein äußerliche Parallelität zwischen dem wirt- schafthchen Schicksal der Staaten und Städte und den Wanderungen der Juden, die damals, wie bekannt, eine fast völlige Um- schichtung ihrer räumlichen Lagerung wieder einmal erlebten. Und bei näherem Zusehen ergab sich mir mit unzweifelhafter Sicherheit die Erkenntnis, daß in der Tat die Juden es waren, die an entscheidenden Punkten den wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung dort förderten, wo sie erschienen, den Niedergang dort herbei- führten, von wo sie sich wegwandten.

Diese tatsächliche Feststellung enthielt nun aber erst das eigentliche wissenschaftliche Problem. Was bedeutete „wirt- schafüicher Aufschwung" in jenen Jahrhunderten? Durch welche spezifischen Leistungen trugen die Juden dazu bei, jenen ,, Auf- schwung" zu bewirken? Was befähigte sie, diese besonderen Leistungen zu vollbringen?

Die gründliche Beantwortung dieser Fragen war natürhch im Rahmen einer allgemeinen Geschichte des modernen Kapi- talismus nicht möglich. Sie schien mir aber reizvoll genug, um auf ein paar Jahre die Arbeit an meinem Hauptwerk zu unter- brechen und mich ganz in das judaistische Problem einzuspinnen. So ist dieses Buch entstanden.

Die Hoffnung, es in etwa Jahresfrist vollenden zu können, erwies sich bald als trügerisch, da Vorarbeiten so gut wie keine vorhanden sind.

Es ist wirklich höchst seltsam: so viel über das Judenvolk geschrieben ist: über das wichtigste Problem: seine Stellung im Wirtschaftsleben ist kaum etwas von grundlegender Bedeutung gesagt worden. Was wir an sogenannten jüdischen Wirtschafts- geschichten oder Wirtschaftsgeschichten der Juden besitzen, verdient diese Namen meist gar nicht, denn es sind immer nur

— VII —

Rechtsgeschichten oder gar nur Rechtschroniken, die überdies die neuere Zeit ganz und gar unberücksichtigt lassen. Ich mußte also zunächst das Tatsachenmaterial aus Hunderten (zum Teil vorzüglichen) Monographien oder aus den Quellen zusammen- tragen, um überhaupt zum ersten Male ein Bild — zu zeichnen wage ich nicht zu sagen, sondern — zu skizzieren von der wirt- schaftlichen Tätigkeit der Juden während der letzten drei Jahr- hunderte.

Hatten sich zahlreiche Lokalhistoriker doch wenigstens be- müht, das äußere Wirtschaftsleben der Juden und ihr Schicksal während der letzten Jahrhunderte aufzuzeichnen, so hat fast niemand bisher die Frage auch nur allgemein zu stellen gewagt: weshalb haben die Juden jenes eigentümliche Schicksal gehabt oder genauer: was hat sie befähigt, jene überragende Rolle beim Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft zu spielen, die wir sie tatsächlich spielen sehen. Und was etwa doch zur Beantwortung dieser Frage beigebracht worden ist, bleibt in ganz dürftigen, veralteten Schematen stecken: „äußere Zwangslage", „Befähigung zum Handeln und Schachern", „Skrupellosigkeit": solche und ähnliche allgemeine Phrasen haben herhalten müssen, um Ant- wort auf eine der delikatesten Fragen der Völkergeschichte zu geben.

Also mußte zunächst sehr genau festgestellt werden: was man eigentlich erklären, mit andern Worten: eine Eignung der Juden wofür man nachweisen will. Dann erst konnten die Möglichkeiten geprüft werden, die die spezifische Eignung der Juden: Begründer des modernen Kapitahsmus zu werden, plau- sibel machten. Dieser Prüfung ist ein großer Teil des Buches gewidmet, und es ist hier nicht der Ort, die Ergebnisse meiner Untersuchungen im einzelnen mitzuteilen. Nur dieses will ich, damit es dem Leser gleichsam als Leitmotiv in den Ohren kUnge, sagen: daß ich die große, die alle andern Einflüsse weit übergipfelnde Bedeutung der Juden für das moderne Wirtschafts- (und überhaupt Kultur-)leben in der ganz eigenartigen Ver- einigung äußerer und innerer Umstände erblicke: daß ich sie der (historisch zufälligen) Tatsache zuschreibe, daß ein ganz be- sonders geartetes Volk — ein Wüstenvolk und ein Wandervolk, ein heißes Volk — unter wesensverschiedene Völker — naß- kalte, schwerblütige, bodenständige Völker — verschlagen worden

— VIII —

ist und hier unter abermals ganz einzigartigen äußeren Be- dingungen gelebt und gearbeitet hat. Wären sie alle im Orient geblieben oder in andere heiße Länder verschlagen worden, so hätte natürlich ihre Eigenart auch Eigenartiges gewirkt, aber die Wirkung wäre keine so dynamische geworden. Sie hätten vielleicht eine ähnliche Rolle nur gespielt wie heute etwa die Armenier im Kaukasus, wie die Kabylen in Algier, wie die Chinesen, Afghanen oder Perser in Indien. Aber es wäre nie- mals zu dem Knalleffekt der menschlichen Kultur: dem modernen Kapitalismus gekommen.

Wie ganz singulär die Erscheinung des modernen Kapitalismus ist, zeigt gerade auch diese, sein Wesen zum guten Teil er- klärende Tatsache: daß nur die rein „zufällige" Kombination so sehr verschiedenartiger Völker und nur deren rein ,, zufälliges", von tausend Umständen bedingtes Schicksal seine Eigenart be- gründet hat. Kein moderner Kapitalismus, keine moderne Kultur ohne die Versprengung der Juden über die nördlichen Länder des Erdballs!

Ich habe meine Untersuchungen bis in die Gegenwart ge- führt und habe, wie ich hoffe, für jedermann den Nachweis er- bracht, daß in wachsendem Maße das Wirtschaftsleben unserer Tage jüdischem Einflüsse unterworfen ist. Ich habe nicht ge- sagt — und will es deshalb hier tun — •, daß allem Anschein nach dieser Einfluß des Judenvolkes in der allerletzten Zeit sich zu verringern beginnt. Daß äußerlich in wichtigen Stellungen: zum Beispiel in den Direktorialposten oder in den Aufsichtsrats- stellen der großen Banken die jüdischen Namen seltener werden, ist ganz zweifellos und kann durch bloße Auszählung ermittelt werden. Aber es scheint auch eine wirkliche Zurückdrängung des jüdischen Elements stattzufinden. Und nun ist es interessant, den Gründen dieser bedeutsamen Erscheinung nachzugehen. Sie können mehrfacher Art sein. Sie können einerseits liegen in einer Veränderung der personalen Fähigkeiten der Wirtschafts- subjekte: die Nicht Juden haben sich den Anforderungen des kapitalistischen Wirtschaftssystems mehr angepaßt, sie haben „gelernt"; die Juden hingegen haben durch die Veränderungen, die ihr äußeres Schicksal erfahren hat (Besserung ihrer bürger- hchen Stellung, Abnahme des religiösen Sinnes) aus äußeren und inneren Gründen einen Teil der ihnen früher eigenen Be-

— IX —

fähigung zum Kapitalismus eingebüßt; anderseits aber müssen wir die Gründe für die Verringerung des jüdischen Einflusses in unserm Wirtschaftsleben wahrscheinlich auch in einer Ver- änderung der sachlichen Bedingungen, unter denen gewirtschaftet wird, erblicken: die kapitalistischen Unternehmungen (man denke an unsere Großbanken!) bilden sich mehr und mehr in bureau- kratische Verwaltungen um, die nicht mehr in gleichem Maße wie früher spezifische Händlereigenschaften heischen: der Bureau- kratismus tritt an die Stelle des Kommerzialismus.

Genauen Untersuchungen wird es vorbehalten bleiben müssen, festzustellen: inwieweit die allerneueste Ära des Kapitalismus tatsächlich eine Verringerung des jüdischen Einflusses aufweist. Einstweilen verwerte ich die von mir und andern gemachten persönlichen Beobachtungen, um in der allein denkbaren Be- gründung, die ich den beobachteten Vorgängen unterlege, eine Bestätigung dafür zu finden, daß ich mit der in diesem Buche versuchten Erklärung des bisherigen jüdischen Einflusses in der Tat die richtigen Wege gewandelt bin. Die Abnahme dieses Einflusses zeigt gleichsam wie ein Experiment, worin der Ein- fluß selber seinen Grund gehabt haben muß.

In der Tat glaube ich, daß dieser Teil meiner Ausführungen, der die Eignung der Juden zum Kapitalismus erklärt, also der zweite Abschnitt des Buches, ebensowenig wie der erste, der ihren Anteil am Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft als Tat- sächlichkeit darstellt, in den Grundgedanken nicht erschüttert werden kann. Sie mögen Berichtigungen, sie mögen (vor allem!) Ergänzungen erfahren: die Richtigkeit ihrer Gedankengänge wird nicht zu widerlegen sein.

Nicht ganz dasselbe Gefühl der ruhigen Sicherheit habe ich angesichts des dritten Hauptabschnittes meines Buches, der die Frage nach der Herkunft des jüdischen Wesens und nach dessen eigener Wesenheit zu beantworten sucht. Hier sind wir heute noch — und vielleicht für immer — an entscheidenden Punkten der Beweisführung auf Vermutungen angewiesen, die selbstverständlich ein stark persönliches Gepräge tragen müssen. Immerhin ist es mein Bemühen gewesen, in einem besonderen Kapitel, das ich der Erörterung des ,, Rassenproblems" gewidmet habe, diejenigen Einsichten kritisch zusammenzustellen, die wir heute als einigermaßen gesicherte betrachten dürfen und vor

— X —

allem die vielen unsicheren Hypothesen als solche aufzuweisen. Das Kapitel ist infolgedessen ein wahres Monstrum geworden: schwerfällig, zerhackt, formlos, und hinterläßt ein quälendes Gefühl der Unbefriedigtheit, der Unausgeglichenheit, das ich mit dem letzten Kapitel, in dem ich ,,das Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes" in seinen Grundzügen zu schildern versuche, wieder zu verwischen mich bestrebt habe. Das war aber nur möglich, wenn alle die disparaten Einzeltatsachen, die uns die wissen- schaftliche Forschung in ihrer rücksichtslosen Art wahllos vor die Füße wirft, in einer persönlichen Schau zu einem einheitlichen Bilde vereinigt wurden. Wie weit hier aber meine subjektive Art zu sehen der Wirklichkeit gerecht geworden ist, wird erst eine spätere Zukunft — vielleicht! — entscheiden können. Jedenfalls gebe ich ohne weiteres zu, daß hier andere Augen anders schauen werden.

Nun will ich schließlich noch auf einige Besonderheiten dieses Buches hinweisen und hoffe damit zu verhüten, daß in Mißverständnissen die Umrisse meines Gedankengefüges wie ein Gebäude im Nebel verschwimmen und ein ganz anderes dem „kritischen" Beschauer vor Augen zu stehen scheint, als ich hingebaut habe.

1. Dieses Buch ist ein einseitiges Buch; es will ein- seitig sein, weil es, um in den Köpfen seine umwälzende Wirkung ausüben zu können, einseitig sein muß.

Das heißt: dieses Buch will die Bedeutung der Juden für das moderne Wirtschaftsleben aufdecken. Es trägt zu diesem Behufe alles Material zu sammen, aus dem sich diese Bedeutung erkennen läßt, ohne die anderen Faktoren, die, außer den Juden, am Aufbau des modernen Kapitalismus beteiligt gewesen sind, auch nur zu erwähnen. Damit soll aber natürlich deren Einfluß nicht etwa geleugnet werden. Man könnte mit ebensolchem Rechte ein Buch über die Bedeutung der nordischen Rassen für den modernen Kapitalismus schreiben; oder könnte mit dem- selben Rechte, wie ich vorhin sagte: ohne Juden kein moderner Kapitalismus, den Satz prägen: ohne die Errungenschaften der Technik keiner, ohne die Entdeckung der Silberschätze Amerikas keiner.

Obwohl nun also solcherart mein Buch, wie ich selbst es nenne, ein einseitiges ist, ist es doch

— XI —

2. ganz und gar kein T h e s e n b u c h. Ich meine: es soll in ihm und durch es nicht etwa eine bestimmte „Geschichts- auffassung" als richtig erwiesen, es soll durch dieses Buch nicht etwa eine „rassenmäßige" Begründung des Wirtschaftslebens gegeben werden. Welche „theoretischen" oder „geschichts- philosophischen" Folgerungen aus meiner Darstellung gezogen werden können oder müssen, steht ganz dahin und hat mit dem Inhalt des Buches selbst zunächst gar nichts zu tun. Dieses will vielmehr nur wiedergeben, was ich gesehen habe, und will versuchen, die beobachteten Tatsachen zu erklären. Deshalb sollte aber auch eine ,, Widerlegung" meiner Behauptungen, wenn sie jemand versuchen wollte, immer von der empirisch-historischen Tatsächlichkeit ausgehen, sollte mir Irrtümer nachweisen dort, wo ich bestimmte Wirklickheiten behauptet habe, oder Trug- schlüsse in jedem einzelnen Falle, wo ich es unternommen habe, eine solche Wirklichkeit ursächlich zu begreifen.

Endlich betone ich mit einem so starken Nachdrucke, daß es auffallen kann:

3. das Buch ist ein streng wissenschaftliches Buch. Damit will ich ihm selbstverständlich kein Lob ausstellen, sondern im Gegenteil einen Mangel des Buches erklären. Weil es ein wissenschaftliches Buch ist, beschränkt es sich nämlich auf die Feststellung und Erklärung von Tatsachen und enthält sich aller Werturteile. Werturteile sind immer subjektiv, können immer nur subjektiv sein, weil sie letzten Endes in der höchst- persönlichen Welt- und Lebensanschauung jedes einzelnen be- gründet sind. Die Wissenschaft aber will objektive Erkenntnis vermitteln, sie sucht die Wahrheit, die grundsätzlich immer nur eine ist, während es Werte grundsätzlich soviele wie wertende Menschen gibt. Die objektive Erkenntnis wird aber getrübt in dem Augenblicke, in dem sie mit irgendwelchem subjektiv ge- färbten Werturteile vermischt wird, und deshalb sollten die Wissen- schaft und ihre Vertreter vor der Bewertung dessen, was sie erkannt haben, fliehen wie vor der Pest. Nirgends aber hat die subjektive Bewertung so viel Unfug angerichtet, nirgends hat sie die Erkenntnis objektiver Wirklichkeiten so sehr aufgehalten wie im Gebiete der „Rassenfrage" und ganz besonders im Be- reiche der sogenannten ,, Judenfrage".

Dieses Buch soll seine ganz eigenartige Note dadurch er-

— XII —

halten, daß es auf 500 Seiten von Juden spricht, ohne auch nur an einer einzigen Stelle so etwas wie eine Bewertung der Juden, ihres Wesens und ihrer Leistungen, durchblicken zu lassen.

Gewiß — man kann auch in streng wissenschaftlichem Sinne das Wertproblem, in diesem Falle: die Frage nach dem Wert oder Unwert einer bestimmten Bevölkerungsgruppe abhandeln. Machen wir uns einen Augenblick klar, daß das immer nur in einem aufklärenden oder kritisch-warnenden Sinne geschehen dürfte. Und zwar etwa in folgender Weise:

Man könnte erst einmal darauf aufmerksam machen, daß man Völker wie Menschen nach dem, was sie sind, und nach dem, was sie ieisten, bewerten kann, und müßte dann zeigen: daß in jedem Falle der letzte Maßstab ein subjektiver ist. Daß es deshalb unzulässig ist, etwa von ,»niederen" und ,, höheren" Rassen zu sprechen, und die Juden als ,, niedere" oder als ,»höhere" Rasse zu bezeichnen, weil es von dem höchstpersönlichen Wert- gefühl des einzelnen abhängt, welche Wesenheit und welche Leistung er als wertvoll oder unwert ansehen will.

Dazu führen folgende Erwägungen.

Man betrachte etwa das Schicksal der Juden: sie über allen Völkern sind ein ewiges Volk. ,,Ein Volk steht auf, das andere verschwindet, aber Israel bleibt ewig", heißt es stolz im Midrasch zu Psalm 36. Ist diese lange Dauer eines Volkes, die noch heute viele Juden rühmen, nun auch wertvoll? Heinrich Heine dachte anders darüber, als er einmal schrieb:

,»Dieses Urübelvolk ist längst verdammt und schleppt seine Verdammnisqualen durch Jahrtausende. 0 dieses Ägypten! seine Fabrikate trotzen der Zeit; seine Pyramiden stehen noch immer unerschütterlich; seine Mumien sind noch so unzerstörbar wie sonst und ebenso unverwüstlich wie jene Volksmumie, die über die Erde wandelt, eingewickelt in ihren uralten Buchstaben- Windeln, ein verhärtet Stück Weltgeschichte, ein Gespenst, das zu seinem Unterhalte mit Wechseln und alten Hosen handelt."

Die Leistungen der Juden: sie haben uns den Einigen Gott und Jesum Christum und also das Christentum geschenkt mit seiner dualistischen Moral.

Ein wertvolles Geschenk? Friedrich Nietzsche dachte anders darüber.

Die Juden haben den Kapitaiismus in seiner heutigen Gestalt

— XIII —

möglich gemacht. Eine dankenswerte Leistung? Auch diese Frage wird ganz und gar verschieden beantwortet werden je nach dem persönUchen Verhältnis, das der einzelne zur kapita- hstischen Kultur hat.

Wer sollte entscheiden, wenn nicht Gott, was die ,, objektiv" wertvollere Leistung, die objektiv wertvollere Wesenheit zweier Menschen, zweier Völker sei? Kein einziger Mensch, keine einzige Rasse läßt sich in diesem Sinne höher als die andere bewerten. Und wenn ernste Männer den Versuch doch immer wieder machen, solche Bewertungen vorzunehmen, so steht ihnen natürlich das Recht zu, ihre höchstpersönliche Ansicht zu äußern. Sobald die Werturteile aber den Charakter eines objektiven und allgemeinen Urteils annehmen wollen, müssen wir sie unerbittlich ihrer fälschlich angemaßten Würde entkleiden und dürfen — an- gesichts der Gefährlichkeit solcher Erschleichungen — vor der schärfsten Waffe im Kampfe der Geister: der Lächerlichmachung, nicht zurückschrecken.

Es hat wirklich etwas Komisches, mit anzusehen, wie Ver- treter bestimmter Rassen, Angehörige bestimmter Völker ihre Rasse, ihr Volk als das ,, auserwählte", das schlechthin wertvolle, das höhere und, was weiß ich, anpreisen. (Just wie der Bräutigam die Braut!) Neuerdings sind ja zwei Rassen (oder Völkergruppen) besonders im Kurse in die Höhe getrieben, ich möchte fast sagen, weil für sie am meisten Reklame gemacht wird: die Germanen und gerade auch die Juden, die (mit vollem Rechte) nationalgesinnte Juden gegen die Angriffe in Schutz nehmen, die eingebildete Wortführer anderer, namentlich der germanischen» Völker, gegen sie erhoben haben. Natürlich ist es wiederum das gute Recht der Angehörigen der beiden Gruppen, ihre Gruppe für die wertvollere zu halten und als solche zu lieben. (Just wie der Bräutigam die Braut!) Aber wie schnurrig, diesen Geschmack andern aufdrängen zu wollen! Wenn einer die germanischen Völker preist, warum soll man ihm nicht die Worte Victor H e h n s , der wahrhaftig auch Einer war, entgegenhalten, die in der Behauptung gipfeln: ,,daß der Italiener in der Stufenreihe, die von den niedersten Typen zu immer edleren Organismen auf- wärts führt, eine höhere Stelle einnehme, eine geistigere, reicher vermittelte Menschenbildung darstelle als z. B. der Engländer". (H e h n spricht natürlich mit diesem Urteil ebensowenig eine

— XIV ~

objektive Erkenntnis aus wie die Germanenfreunde mit dem entgegengesetzten.)

Oder wer will mich widerlegen, wenn ich die Neger höher stelle als die weißen Bewohner der Vereinigten Staaten? Wäre es eine Widerlegung, wenn man mir die höchst entwickelte materielle Kultur als Leistung der Yankees entgegenhielte? Dann müßte mir doch erst noch weiter ,, bewiesen" werden, daß diese amerikanische Kultur wertvoller sei als die Neger- unkultur usw.

Eine wissenschafthche Analyse des Problems der Rassen- bewertung hätte aber noch andere Aufgaben. Sie müßte (2) nach- weisen, wie sich die Wertmaßstäbe im Laufe der Zeit verschieben und würde bei dieser historischen Betrachtung für das letzte Jahrhundert die Feststellung machen müssen, daß eine Ent- wicklungsreihe, wie es ein geistvoller Mann einmal ausgedrückt hat, von der Humanität über die Nationalität zur Bestialität führt, daß aber von diesem Wege — kurz vor dem Abhang, der zur Bestialität abwärts führt — sich eine andere Auffassung ab- zweigt, deren Leitspruch sich vielleicht dahin prägen ließe: von der Humanität (die übrigens hier nicht als die regulative Idee der Menschlichkeit, sondern nur als die papierne Gleichbewertung aller Menschen gemeint ist) durch die Nationalität (und Rassen- verherrlichung) zur Spezialität (oder Qualität): das heißt zur Bewertung des Menschen ohne Rücksicht auf seine Stammes- zugehörigkeit nach seiner blutsmäßigen Artbeschaffenheit. Wir erleben gerade jetzt, wie sich der Begriff der Rasse neu bildet und man darunter eine ideale Forderung und nicht mehr eine entwicklungsgeschichtliche Tatsache versteht.

Man will, wenn man jetzt allmähUch die Kollektivbewertung ganzer Rassen und Völker als allzu plebejisches Ideal fallen läßt, nicht etwa zu der noch plebejischeren Auffassung von der Gleichwertigkeit alles dessen, was Menschenantlitz trägt, zurück, sondern zu der „höheren" (!) Auffassung vordringen: daß zwar das Blut den Menschen wertvoll mache, aber daß es gleich- gültig sei, ob es Germanenblut oder Judenblut oder Negerblut ist. ,, Rassig" soll der Mensch sein, und nach dieser Betrachtungs- weise ist eine rassige Jüdin wertvoller als eine verpanschte und schlappe Germanin und umgekehrt.

Endlich könnte in einer wissenschafthchen Abhandlung über

— XV —

die Bewertung ganzer Bevölkerungsgruppen auch noch darauf hingewiesen werden, daß es Leute gibt, denen die Rassen und Völker überhaupt Hekuba sind; die nur den einzelnen Menschen werten, und die der Meinung sind: alle Massen, ob Rassen oder sonst etwas, seien angefüllt mit wertlosem Füllsel, in dem hie und da ein wertvoller Mensch, ein Edelmensch steckt. Das sind die Leute, die längst aufgehört haben, die Menschen vertikal zu teilen, die sie durch eine horizontale Linie in „Menschen" und anderes sondern, und die dann natürlich ,,über dem Strich" ebenso häufig (oder ebenso selten) Juden wie Christen, Eskimos wie Negern begegnen (denn daß in jeder Menschengruppe sich auch ,»Menschen" finden: das wird man nicht leugnen können: hinter welchem Germanen oder Juden ganz hoher Klasse stünde etwa der Neger Booker Washington zurück oder so mancher andere geistig, künstlerisch und sittlich höchst qualifizierte Vertreter dieser gemeinhin als Spülicht be- werteten Rasse).

Daß diese letzte Art der Bewertung die Einschätzung einer bestimmten Bevölkerungsgruppe ganz und gar von der persön- lichen Lebenserfahrung abhängig macht, liegt auf der Hand. Wie gewiß sehr viele von uns modernen Menschen, ganz ohne es zu wollen, zu einer Hochbewertung gerade der Juden gelangt sind, das hat ein für allemal in klassischen Worten unser geliebter Fontane ausgesprochen in seinen Versen:

„An meinem F ü n f u n d s i e b z i g s t e n.

Aber die zum Jubeltag da kamen,

Das waren doch sehr andre Namen,

Auch ,sans peur et reproche', ohne Furcht und Tadel,

Aber fast schon von prähistorischem Adel:

Die auf ,berg' und auf ,heim' sind gar nicht zu fassen,

Sie stürmen ein in ganzen Massen,

Meyers kommen in Bataillonen,

Auch Pollacks, und die noch östlicher wohnen;

Abram, Isak, Israel,

Alle Patriarchen sind zur Stell,

Stellen mich freundlich an ihre Spitze,

Was sollen mir da noch die Itzenplitze!

Jedem bin ich was gewesen,

Alle haben sie mich gelesen,

Alle kannten mich lange schon.

Und das ist die Hauptsache. .., Kommen Sie. Cohn.'"

— XVI —

Eine wissenschaftliche Untersuchung über das Problem der Rassenbewertung müßte auch — sage ich — diese Spielart der Werturteile berücksichtigen und würde damit den höchstpersön- lichen Charakter solcher Urteile ganz besonders drastisch dartun. Ihren höchstpersönlichen und darum „unwissenschaftlichen" Charakter. Mein Buch aber soll ein wissenschaftliches Buch sein, und darum enthält es keine Werturteile. Die persönliche Meinung des Verfassers interessiert aber nicht die weite Welt, sondern nur seine Freunde. Und die kennen sie ja.

Werner Sombart.

— XVII —

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Seite

Vorwort V

Erster Abschnitt.

Der Anteil der Juden am Aufbau der modernen Volks- wirtschaft

Erstes Kapitel: Ermittlungsmethoden — Art und Um- fang des Anteils 3

Statistische und genetische Methode zur Ermittlung des wirtschaft- lichen Anteils S. 3. Vorzüge und Mängel der statistischen Methode S. 3. Notwendige Ergänzung durch die genetische Methode S. 5; deren richtige Anwendung S. 6.

Richtige Dimensionierung des Anteils der J. am Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft S. 7: er erscheint teils zu groß S. 7; teils zu klein S. 8, weil sich ein großer Teil der Vorgänge unserer Kenntnis ent- zieht S. 8, weil sich nicht immer feststellen läßt, wo Juden beteiligt waren S. 9. Begriff des Juden S. 9. Schwer zu ermitteln der Anteil der getauften Juden S. 10, der weiblichen Judenschaft S. 10, der Schein- juden S. 10, der Juden, die heimlich wirken S. 12.

Zweites Kapitel: Die Verschiebung des Wirtschafts- zentrums seit dem 16. Jahrhundert 13

Verschiebung des ökonomischen Energiezentrums aus dem Bann- kreise der südeuropäischen Nationen unter die nordeuropäischen Völker S. 13. Unzulänglichkeit der bisherigen Erklärungsversuche S. 13. Parallelität zwischen jener Verschiebung und den Wanderungen der Juden S. 15. Versuch, zwischen diesen beiden Erscheinungen einen Zusammenhang herzustellen S. 19. Urteile der Zeitgenossen des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in England S. 20, in Frankreich S. 21, in den Niederlanden S. 21, in Deutschland S. 23. Wodurch jener Zusammen- hang tatsächlich sich erklärt: äußerlicher und innerlich-geistiger Einfluß der Juden S. 24.

Sombart, Die Juden II

XVIII

Seite

Drittes Kapitel: Die Belebung des internationalen Warenhandels 25

Quantitativ hervorragende Beteiligung der Juden an den Waren- umsätzen im 16., 17. und 18. Jahrhundert S. 25; ihr Anteil an der Leipziger Messe S. 26; am spanisch - portugiesischen Handel S. 26, am Levante- handel S. 27.

Ihre große Bedeutung noch mehr durch die Artbeschaffenheit ihres Handels erklärt S. 27; ihr Handel mit Luxuswaren S. 28, mit den ersten Massenprodukten S. 28, mit neuen Artikeln S. 28; Mannigfaltigkeit und Reichhaltigkeit der gehandelten Waren S. 29; ihr Handel mit den Gold- und Silberländern S. 29.

Viertes Kapitel: Die Begründung der modernen

Kolonialwirtschaft 30

starker Anteil der Juden an allen kolonialen Gründungen: im Osten S. 30, in Australien S. 31, in Südafrika S. 31, besonders aber in Amerika: Amerika — ein Judenland S. 31. Anteil am Entdeckungs- werk selbst S. 32. Hineinströmen der Juden nach der Entdeckung S. 33. Jüdischer Einfluß in Südamerika S. 34, in Westindien S. 36, in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika S. 38. Die besondere Bedeutung der Juden für dieses Land S. 39. Die Durchtränkung des gesamten ameri- kanischen Wirtschaftslebens mit jüdischem Wesen S. 44.

FünftesKapitel: Die Begründung des modernen Staates 49

Die Juden, das ,, unstaatliche" Volk, scheinbar unbeteiligt am Aufbau des modernen Staats S. 49, in Wirklichkeit sehr beteiligt: Jude und Fürst: zwei untrennbare Erscheinungen in den Anfängen des modernen Staats S. 50.

I. Die Juden als Lieferanten 51

In England S. 51, in Frankreich S. 52, in Deutschland und Öster- reich S. 53, in den Vereinigten Staaten S. 53.

II. Die Juden als Finanzmänner 54

In Holland S. 54, in England S. 54, in Frankreich S. 56, in Deutsch- land und Österreich: „die Hof Juden" S. 57. Ausschaltung des Hof- juden durch die Entwicklung des modernen Anleihewesens S. 59; diese selbst nur ein Teil einer allgemeinen Umbildung des Wirtschaftslebens S. 59.

Sechstes Kapitel: Die Kommerzialisierung des Wirt- schaftslebens 60

Was unter Kommerzialisierung des Wirtschaftslebens zu ver- stehen ist S. 60.

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Seite I. Die Entstehung der Wertpapiere 61

Die Entstehung der Wertpapiere: der äußere Ausdruck für die VersachHchung der Kreditbeziehungen S. 61; diese selbst nur ein einzelnes Glied in der Kette von Versachlichungen, der charakte- ristischen Tendenz der hochkapitalistischen Wirtschaftsepoche S. 61. Haupttypen der Wertpapiere S. 63. Methode zur Ermittlung des An- teils der Juden an Uirer Entstehung S. 64.

1. Der indossable Wechsel 61

Anfänge des Wechselgiros S. 66. Die Genueser Messen S. 67.

2. Die Aktie 68

Die moderne Aktie entsteht im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert S. 68. Bedeutung der Spekulation für die Versachlichung des Aktienverhält- nisses S. 69.

3. Die Banknote 69

Die Entstehung der „Banknote" ist noch immer in Dunkel ge- hüllt S. 70. Ihr wahrscheinlicher Geburtsort: Venedig S. 71, oder Spanien S. 71.

4. Die Partialobligation 72

Versachlichung der öffentlichen Schuldverschreibung nicht vor dem 18. Jahrhundert S. 72. Geschichte des Pfandbriefs S. 74, seine Wiege in Holland S. 75.

Bedeutung der Rechtsform des Inhaber- papiers für die Entwicklung des Wertpapiers S. 77. Die verschiedenen Theorien über die Entstehung des Inhaberpapiers S. 79; Ableitung des modernen Inhaberpapiers aus dem talmudisch-rabbinischen Recht S. 81.

II. Der Handel mit Wertpapieren 91

1. Die Ausbildung des Verkehrsrechts 91

Bestimmung des Effekts für den Verkehr S. 91. Bedeutung des Verkehrsrechts für die leichte Verkäuflichkeit der Wertpapiere S. 92. Anteil der Juden an der Herausbildung verkehrsfreundlicher Rechts- grundsätze S. 93.

2. Die Börse 94

Bedeutung der Börse für den Handel mit Wertpapieren S. 94. Begriff der Spekulation S. 95 und ihre Bedeutung für den Effekten- handel S. 96.

Die Geschichte der Börse zerfällt in zwei Perioden: die erste reicht vom 16. bis Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts S. 98. Ursprung der modernen Effektenbörse im Wechselhandel S. 99: dieser in den Händen der Juden S. 99. Anfänge der Effektenspekulation nicht vor dem 17. Jahrhundert S. 101. Die Juden: „die Väter des Termin-

II*

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Seite

handeis" S. 102, die Beherrscher der Amsterdamer Börse im 17. Jahr- hundert S. 103, die Begründer der Londoner Weltbörse am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts S. 105, der Börsen in Frankreich S. 108, in Deutsch- land S. 109.

Auch die neue Periode des Börsenwesens leiten die Juden ein S. 111: durch bewußte Förderung der Kreditwirtschaft S. 112, durch extensive und intensive Steigerung des Fondsverkehrs S. 114. Die Be- deutung des Hauses Rothschild S. 115: die Internationalisierung des Kreditverkehrs S. 116; die Benutzung der Börse zu Emissionszwecken (Stimmungsmache) S. 117.

III. Die Schaffung von Wertpapieren 118

Die Herausbildung eines Emissionsgewerbes S. 118. Anteil der Juden daran S. 120. Das Gründungsgeschäft S. 121. Die Rothschilds die ersten ,, Eisenbahnkönige" S. 122. Jüdische ,, Gründer" in Deutsch- land in den 1870er Jahren S. 123.

Die Verwertung des Aktienprinzips für die Effektenproduktion leitet die Epoche der Spekulationsbanken ein S. 124; ihr Urtypus der Credit mobilier S. 126, eine Schöpfung der Gebrüder Pereire S. 128. Der Anteil der Juden an den deutschen Spekulationsbanken S. 128.

rv. Die Kommerzialisierung der Industrie . . . . 129 Der wachsende Einfluß von Banken und Börsen auf das gesamte

Wirtschaftsieben S. 129. Typus der modernen, ,, kommerzialisierten"

Industrie: die Elektrizitätsindustrie S. 131. Jüdische Geschäftsleute

und ihre Organisation S. 131.

Geschichte der Juden als ,, Industrielle" S. 132. Heutiger Anteil

der Juden an den Stellungen der Direktoren und Aufsichtsräte der deutschen

Industrieunternehmungen S. 134.

SiebentesKapitel: Die Herausbildung einer kapitalisti- schen Wirtschaftsgesinnung 136

Die Juden erscheinen überall als Störer der ,, Nahrung" S. 137: in Deutschland S. 137, in England S. 138, in Frankreich, in Schweden und in Polen S. 139. Als Grund führen die Zeitgenossen ihre betrüge- rische Geschäftsführung an S. 140. In Wirklichkeit vertreten sie eine neue Wirtschaftsgesinnung S. 141. Bis in die frühkapitalistische Wirtschaftsepoche hatte die feudal-handwerksmäßige Grundauffassung in der Wirtschaftsführung geherrscht S. 141, mit ihrer ständischen Ab- grenzung personaler Tätigkeitsgebiete S. 143, ihrer Verpönung des „Kundenfangs" S. 144, insbesondere vermittels der Geschäftsanzeige S. 145 oder gar der Reklame S. 147; mit ihrem Leitgedanken: gute Ge- brauchsgüter herzustellen S. 148 und ihrer Idee vom gerechten Preise S. 149. Geruhsames Sichausleben: die Gesamtstimmung S. 150.

Entgegengesetzte Auffassung der Juden vom Sinn des Wirt- schaftens S. 151. Ihre Praktiken nur vereinzelt wirklich verbreche-

— XXI —

Seit«risch S. 154, im wesentlichen aus einem andern Geiste geboren S. 155. Primat des Erwerbszwecks bei den Juden S. 155, ilire Mißachtung der zunftmäßigen Abgrenzung der Gewerbe- und Handelsbetriebe S. 158. Internationalität des ,,Judenkommerzes" S. 160. Die Juden greifen den Kunden an S. 161; sind deshalb (wahrscheinlich) auch die Väter der Reklame S. 164. Die Juden unterbieten im Preise S. 165.

Gründe für ihre billigen Preise S. 168: die ,, notorische" Unrecht- lichkeit der Juden S. 169; ihre unsuubern Praktiken S. 170; ihre Herab- minderung der Qualität S. 171 (die Juden: die Väter des Surrogats S. 172); die Herabrainderung der Herstellungskosten S. 174, infolge geringerer Lebensansprüche S. 174, durch Beschleunigung des Umsatzes S. 175, durch Verwendung billiger Arbeitskräfte S. 176. Die Juden als kommerzielle Erfinder S. 177.

Das grundsätzlich Neue in der jüdischen Auffassung: dit Idee der freien Konkurrenz S. 179. Die Juden: die Väter des „Freihandels" S. 180.

Zweiter Abschnitt

Die Befähigung der Juden zum Kapitaiismus

Achtes Kapitel: Das Problem 183

Notwendigkeit genauer Fragestellung: die Befähigung der Juden wozu? und die Befähigung wodurch? nachgewiesen werden soll S. 183.

Nachweis der Befähigung zum Kapitalismus ist das Problem S. 183. Nebelhafte Vorstellungen der Früheren S. 184.

Die Befähigung kann in objektiven Umständen oder in einer subjektiven Eignung begründet sein S. 184. Gedankengang der folgenden Untersuchung S. 185.

Neuntes Kapitel: Die Funktionen der kapitalistischen Wirtsehaftssubjekte 186

Begriff des Kapitalismus S. 186. Tragende Ideen: Erwerbsidee und ökonomischer Rationalismus S. 186. Sinn einer glücklichen Ge- schäftsführung im kapitalistischen Sinne S. 188. Anforderungen an die kapitalistischen Wirtsehaftssubjekte: gute Unternehmer und gute Händler zu sein S. 189. Das Wesen des guten Unternehmers S. 190, des guten Händlers S. 193.

Zehntes Kapitel: Die objektive Eignung der Juden zum Kapitalismus 198

Überblick S. 198. I. Die räumliche Verbreitung 199

Vorteile ihrer Zerstreuung über alle Länder S. 199; ihre Organi- sierung des Nachrichtenverkehrs S. 201; ihre Sprachkenntnisse S. 203. Vorteile ihrer Verteilung über das Innere der Länder S. 204.

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Seite

II. D i e F r e in d li e i t 205

Ihre Stellung als Neueingewanderte S. 205; ihre Fremdheit im psychologisch-sozialen Sinne S. 206.

III. Das Halb b ürger tum 207

Ihre gewerberechtliche und polizeiliche Stellung S. 207, deren Einfluß meist übertrieben wird S. 207. Bedeutsam ihre Ausschließung aus allen genossenschaftlichen Verbänden S. 210; ebenso ihre Stellung im öffentlichen Leben S. 210.

IV. D e r R e i c h t u in 212

Tatsache des jüdischen Reichtums bei den flüchtigen Spaniolen S. 213; bei den holländischen Juden im 17. Jahrh. S. 213; bei den franzö- sischen, englischen, deutschen Juden des 17. und 18. Jahrh. S. 214. Statistische Erfassung des jüdischen Reichtums im heutigen Deutsch- land S. 217.

Bedeutung des jüdischen Reichtums S. 220, insbesondere für die Entwicklung der Geldleihe S. 222, aus der der Kapitalismus geboren ist S. 222.

Elftes K a- p»i t el: " Die^ Bedeutung der jüdischen Religion für das Wirtschaftsleben 225

Vorbemerkung: Aufgabe dieses Kapitels S. 225.

I. Die Wichtigkeit der Religion für das jüdische Volk 226

Allgemeine Bedeutung der Religionssysteme für das Wirtschafts- leben S. 226. Besondere Bedeutung der jüdischen Religion S. 227. Gründe S. 228. Strenggläubigkeit bei Hoch und Niedrig S. 230.

II. Die Quellen der jüdischen Religion 231

Übersicht S. 232. Realistische Ansicht der Quellen S. 232. Die Bibel S. 232. Der Talmud S. 234. Die drei Kodizes S. 236. Die tradi- tionelle Auffassung des frommen Judentums S. 237. Die Geltungs- kraft der einzelnen Quellen S. 238. Interpretationsgrundsätze S. 240.

III. Die Grundideen der jüdischen Religion. . . . 242

Verw'andtschaft der jüdischen Religion mit dem Kapitalismus S. 242. Die jüdische Religion: ein Verstandesprodukt, mechanisch- kunstvoll gestaltet S. 242, ohne Mysterium S. 243, feind dem Bildlich- Sinnlichen S. 244. Sie beruht auf vertragsmäßiger Regelung aller Beziehungen zwischen Jahve und Israel S. 244. Aufrechnung von Guttat und Sünde mit Hilfe einer verwickelten Buchführung S. 245. Die un- organische, rein quantifizierende Auffassung vom W'esen der Sünde: der Erwerbsidee verwandt S. 247. Hochbewertung des Gelderwerbes in der theologischen Literatur S. 248. Auktionen als Bestandteile des Gottes- dienstes S. 249. Geschäftskundigkeit der Rabbanen S. 249.

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Seite

rv. Der Bewährungsgedanke 250

Die jüdische Auffassung vom Wesen der „Vergeltung" S. 250. Im „Wohlergehen auf Erden" bewährt sich die echte Frömmigkeit S. 251. Zum Wohlergehen gehört auch materielles Wohlbefinden S. 252. Die Verherrlichung des Reichtums in den jüdischen Rcligions- schriften S. 253. Bedeutung dieser reichtumsfreudigen Auffassung für das Erwerbsleben S. 260.

V. Die Rationalisierung des Lebens 261

Die Gegenleistung der Frommen: Gesetzerfüllung und Heiligkeit der Lebensführung S. 261, die allmählich zu Einem Begriffe zu- sammenschmelzen S. 261. Heiligkeit heißt: Rationalisierung des Lebens S. 265. Wirkung des Gesetzes durch sein bloßes Dasein S. 266. Die einzelnen Vorschriften: bezwecken Ausschaltung alles Tuns aus naturalem Antriebe S. 268. Rationalisierung des Naturgenusses S. 269, der gesamten Lebensführung S. 269. Kardinaltugenden der Frommen S. 270. Rationalisierung des Hungers S. 271 und der Liebe S. 272. Starrer Dualismus in der Auffassung des Geschlechtslebens S. 272. Die Angst vor dem Weibe S. 272. Rationalisierung des Geschlechtsverkehrs in der Ehe S. 274.

Bedeutung für das Wirtschaftsleben S. 276. Entwicklung der „bürgerlichen" Tugenden S. 277. Pflege des Familienlebens S. 277. „Heiligkeit der Ehe" bei den Juden S. 278. Physiologische Wirkungen der systematischen Regelung des Geschlechtsverkehrs S. 279. Zu- sammenhang zwischen Liebesleben und Gelderwerb S. 280. Gewöhnung der Juden an ein Leben gegen die Natur (oder neben der Natur) steigert ihre Befähigung zum Kapitalismus S. 281.

VI. Israel und die Fremden 282

Das „Gesetz" bewirkt eine Abschließung des jüdischen Stammes S. 282 und stärkt das Be\\Taßtsein der Fremdheit S. 285. Entwicklung eines eigenartigen Fremdenrechts: Zinsgestattung S. 285. Laxere Ge- schäftsgrundsätze im Verkehr mit Fremden S. 287. Starke Förderung der freiwirtschaftlichen Auffassung durch das Fremdenrecht S. 290. Freihandel und Gewerbefreiheit: göttliches Gebot S. 291.

VII. Judaismus und Puritanismus 292

Übereinstimmung vieler Bestandteile im jüdischen und puri- tanischen Religionssystem S. 292. Die äußere Beeinflussung des Puritanismus durch die jüdische Religion bleibt ein Problem S. 293.

Zwölftes Kapitel: Jüdische Eigenart 296

L Das Problem 296

Notwendige Annahme einer kollektiven Psyche S. 297, weil die Erklärung historischer Vorgänge aus bloß äußeren Umständen nicht

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Seite ausreicht S. 297, gezeigt am Beispiel der jüdischen Geschichte S. 298. Schwierigkeit, aber doch nicht Unmöglichkeit kollektivpsychologischer Feststellungen S. 301. Ablehnung der alten Vorstellung von einer „Volksseele" S. 302. Wie ist Kollektivpsychologie möglich? S. 303, wissenschaftliches Verfahren S. 303, künstlerisches Verfahren S. 307. Die sozialen Gruppen S. 308. „Die Juden" als Einheit S. 310. Leitsätze, die bei der Feststellung einer ,, jüdischen Eigenart" zu be- folgen sind S. 311.

II. Ein Lösungsversuch 312

Große Übereinstimmung aller Beurteiler der jüdischen Psyche S. 313.

Grundzug des jüdischen Wesens: die überragende Geistigheit (ihr Intellektualismus) S. 313. Keine empfindungs- und gefühlhafte Beziehung zur W'Clt S. 316. Mangel an Anschaulichkeit S. 317. Ge- ringer Sinn für das Persönliche S. 318. Die Juden: die geborenen Ver- treter einer , .liberalen" Lebensauffassung S. 318 und einer rationalen Deutung der Welt S. 319.

Die Zweckbedachtheit der Juden (ihr Teleologismus) S. 320. „Tachlis" S. 321. Melancholie S. 321.

Zielstrebigkeit S. 322 und Beweglichkeit S. 322.

Aus diesen vier Grundzügen folgen alle anderen Eigenarten, z. B. Rastlosigkeit und Anpassungsfähigkeit S. 323. Eignung der Juden zum Journalisten, Advokaten, Schauspieler S. 327.

IIL Jüdisches Wesen im Dienste des Kapitalismus 328

Übereinstimmung zwischen den Grundideen des Kapitalismus und den Grundideen des jüdischen Wesens S. 328. Besondere Eignung der Juden zum „Unternehmer" S. 331, zum „Händler" S. 332.

Dritter Abschnitt

Wie Jüdisches Wesen entstand

Dreizehntes Kapitel: Das Bassenproblem ... . 337

Vorbemerkung 337

Neues Problem: welcher Art die jüdische Art sei? S. 337. Die verschiedenen theoretischen Möglichkeiten S. 338. Notwendig vor allem eine klare Fragestellung und urteilsvolle Sichtung des Materials S. 339.

L Die anthropologische Eigenart der Juden . . . 340

Die Herkunft der Juden S. 340; ihr Blutsschicksal S. 342. Über- schätzung des Proselytentums als anthropoligischen Faktors S. 342. Der Übertritt der Chazaren Chagane zum Judentum S. 343. Die Mischehen S. 344. Problem der blonden Juden S. 345. Die anthropo- logische hom*ogenität des jüdischen Stammes in der Gegenwart S. 346;

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Seite ihre physiologisch-pathologische Sonderveranlagung zweifelhaft S. 347. Konstanz der jüdischen Physiognomie S. 347.

11^ Die jüdische ,,R a s s e" 349

Doppelbegriff „Rasse" S. 349. Mißlungene Versuche einer Klassi- fizierung der Menschen S. 350, schlieüt deren Unterschiedlichkeit nicht aus S. 352. Der Streit ist ein Wortstreit S. 353.

III. Die Konstanz des jüdischen Wesens 354

Bedeutsame Symptome einer solchen Konstanz sind: 1. Die Stellung der Juden zu den Wirtsvölkern S. 355; 2. das Phänomen der jüdischen Diaspora S. 358; 3. die jüdische Religion S. 361; 4. die auf- fallende Gleichheit ihrer wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit zu allen Zeiten S. 362. Überblick über den Verlauf der jüdischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte S. 363. 5. Ihre Begabung für Geld- geschäfte S. 375; 6. die Tatsache des jüdischen Reichtums zu allen Zeiten S. 379; die Gründe des jüdischen Reichtums S. 381.

IV. Die rassen mäßige Begründung volklicherEigen- arten 384

Saloppe Beweisführungen unserer „Rassentheoretiker" S. 384. Nicht minder unzulängliche Beweisführung der Anpassungs- und Milieutheoretiker S. 388. Einstweilen: non liquet S. 390. Das Problem der Artbildung in genetischer Betrachtungsweise S. 391. Vorzüge dieser. Betrachtungsweise S. 394. Das Problem der Vererbung S. 397; insbesondere die Vererbung erworbener Eigenschaften S. 396. Große Konstanz der Menschentypen S. 399. Mißverständnisse der „Milieu- theoretiker" S. 400.

Vierzehntes Kapitel: Das Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes 403

Das große Ereignis: daß ein orientalisches Volk unter Nordlands- völker verschlagen wurde S. 403. Die Juden: ein Wüstenvolk und ein Wandervolk S. 404, erobern Kanaan S. 405, bleiben auch dort von nomadischem Geiste erfüllt S. 406. Zeugnis dafür: ihre Religion S. 406. Nomade — kein ^.Schirnpfwprt" S. 409. Einfluß der Exile S. 409. Die Bedeutung der Diaspora S. 411. Fortgesetzte Wanderungen der Juden S. 413. Wanderungsstatistik für Deutschland S. 413. Die Juden: Städtebewohner S. 415. Kontrast der Nordlandsvölker S. 415. Gegensatz von Wüste und Wald S. 416.

Ableitung des jüdischen Wesens aus dem Lebensschicksale des Volks: exakt-biologisch bisher nur einmal versucht S. 419. Einstweilen sind wir auf erlebnismäßige Erklärung angewiesen S. 420: die über- ragende Geistigheit S. 420; der Rationalismus S. 421; die Anpassungs- fähigkeit und Beweglichkeit S. 423; die Zielstrebigkeit S. 423. Gegen-

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Seite salz der Wesensbetätigung zwischen naßkalten und heißen Völkern S. 424; der Kapitalismus: ein Kind des Nomadismus S. 426.

Das Geld: auch ein Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes S. 426. Über- flutung Palästinas mit Edelmetallen und Geld S. 427. Entwicklung der Geldkunst durch die Juden? S. 429. Erklärung ihrer Geldliebe S. 429.

Das Ghettoschicksal S. 429. Gegensatz zwischen Ghettojuden und freien Juden, zwischen Aschkenazim und Sephardim S. 430. Das Ghetto nicht Ursache, sondern Wirkung bestimmter Wesenheiten? S. 431. Die Bedeutung des Ghettoschicksals darf nicht überschätzt werden S. 432. Seine größte Bedeutung liegt darin, daß es art- erhaltend gewirkt hat S. 433.

Quellen und Literaturnacbweis

Erstes Kapitel: Ermittlangsmethoden — Art und Umfang des

AnteUs 437

Zweites Kapitel: Die Terschiebung des Wirtschattszentrums

seit dem 16. Jahrhundert 437

Drittes Kapitel: Die Belebung des internationalen Warenhandels 440 Viertes Kapitel: Die Begründung der modernen Eolonial-

wirtschatt 442

Fünftes Kapitel: Die Begründung des modernen Staates • • . 446 Sechstes Kapitel: Die Kommerzialisierung des Wirtschafts- lebens 450

Siebentes Kapitel: Die Herausbildung einer kapitalistischen

Wirtschaftsgesinnung 457

Neuntes Kapitel: Die Funktionen der kapitalistischen Wirt- schaf tssubjekte 462

Zehntes Kapitel: Die objektire Eignung der Juden zum Kapi- talismus 462

Elftes Kapitel: Die Bedeutung der Jüdischen Religion für das

Wirtschaftsleben 464

Zwölftes Kapitel: Jüdische Eigenart 469

Dreizehntes Kapitel: Das Bassenproblem 470

Vierzehntes Kapitel: Das Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes . 474

Erster Abschnitt

Der Anteil der Juden am Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft

S o m b a r t , Die Juden

— 3

Erstes Kapitel

Ermittinngsmethoden — Art und Umfang des Anteils

Um den Anteil festzustellen, den eine Bevölkerungsgruppe an einer bestimmten wirtschaftlichen Tatsächlichkeit hat, stehen «ns zwei Methoden zur Verfügung: die statistische und die genetische, wie man sie nennen könnte.

Mittels der statistischen Methode, wie es der Name aus- drückt, würde man versuchen, die Anzahl der Wirtschaftssubjekte zu ermitteln, die überhaupt an einer wirtschaftlichen Aktion beteiligt sind, also beispielsweise den Handel mit einem be- stimmten Lande, die Industrie einer bestimmten Gattung in ge- gebenen Zeitepochen ins Leben rufen, und dann die Prozentzahl herauszurechnen, die von diesen die Angehörigen der unter- suchten Bevölkerungsgruppe ausmachen. Zweifellos hat diese Methode ihre großen Vorzüge. Es gibt gewiß eine deutliche Vorstellung von der Bedeutung sage der Ausländer oder der Juden für die Entwicklung eines Handelszweiges, wenn ich ziffermäßig feststellen kann, daß 50 oder 75% der beteiligten Personen einer bestimmten Art sind. Zumal wenn die Statistik sich noch auf andere ökonomisch bedeutsame Tatbestände außer der Person des Wirtschaftssubjektes bezieht: die Größe des werbend angelegten Kapitals, die Menge der erzeugten Güter, die Höhe des Warenumsatzes u. dgl. Man wird daher sich der statistischen Methode bei den Untersuchungen wie den hier an- gestellten gern und mit Vorteil bedienen. Wird aber auch sehr bald einsehen, daß mit ihr allein die Aufgabe nicht gelöst werden kann. Zum ersten deshalb nicht, weil auch die beste Statistik noch nicht alles, oft sogar nicht einmal das Wichtigste von dem aussagt, was in unserem Falle gefragt wird. Sie bleibt stumm gegenüber dem Problem der dynamischen Wirkung, die im Wirt-

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schaftsieben (wie überall, wo Mensehenwerk vollbracht wird) einzelne kräftige Individualitäten auszuüben vermögen, deren Einfluß weit über den Bereich ihres unmittelbaren Tätigkeits- kreises hinausragt, deren Anteil an dem Gange einer bestimmten Entwicklung deshalb aber natürlich auch unverhältnismäßig viel größer ist, als ihr ziffermäßiger Anteil an der Berufsgruppe und ihren Lebensäußerungen zum Ausdruck bringt. Wenn das Ge- schäftsgebaren eines Bankhauses für zehn andere bestimmend wird und das allgemeine Geschäftsgebaren einer Zeit und eines Landes dadurch sein Gepräge erhält, so ist diese Wirkung und somit der Anteil dieses einen, Richtung gebenden Bankhauses an der Entwicklung des Bankwesens offensichtlich durch keine noch so genaue ziffermäßige Feststellung wiederzugeben. Die statistische Methode würde also auf alle Fälle durch andere Untersuchungsmethoden ergänzt werden müssen.

Nun macht aber ein anderer Mangel der statistischen Methode sich vielleicht noch empfindlicher fühlbar als der eben be- sprochene: daß sie nämlich in den allermeisten Fällen wegen des ungenügenden Zahlenmaterials überhaupt nicht anwendbar ist. Es sind ganz besonders glückliche Umstände, die uns für die Vergangenheit genaue Zifferangaben über die Zahl der an einer Industrie, an einem Handelszweige beteiligten Personen,, über die Größe des Umsatzes usw. mit dem genauen Prozent- verhältnis der verschiedenen Bevölkerungsgruppen — in unserem Falle also mit dem ziffermäßigen Anteil der Juden — hinter- lassen haben. Für die Gegenwart und die Zukunft wäre es vielleicht — unter besonders günstigen Verhältnissen — möglich, in größerem Umfange statistische Feststellungen der gedachten Art zu machen. Von einigen wird im Verlaufe dieser Arbeit selbst die Rede sein. Nur sollte man sich der Ungeheuern Schwierigkeiten bewußt bleiben, denen die Ausführung solcher Untersuchungen begegnet. Die allgemeinen Berufs- und Gewerbe- zählungen lassen uns vollständig im Stich dabei. Im günstigsten Fall läßt sich aus ihnen der Anteil der Konfessionen an den verschiedenen Zweigen wirtschaftlicher Tätigkeit entnehmen. Damit ist uns aber nur wenig gedient: erstens bedeuten, wie schon hervorgehoben wurde, die bloßen Personenziffern ohne Angaben über die Größe des Kapitals oder der Produktions- oder Absatzkapazität, die sie vertreten, nicht genug; zweitens ent-

ziehen sich dabei alle Personen der Ermittlung, die einen Kon- fessionswechsel vorgenommen haben, aber doch noch der unter- suchten Bevölkerungsgruppe zugeordnet werden sollten. Will man zu einigermaßen zuverlässigen Ergebnissen gelangen, so ■werden derartige ziffermäßige Feststellungen unter vergleichen- der Benutzung verschiedener Quellen (wie namentlich der kommerziellen und industriellen Handbücher, der Handels- und Industrieadreßbücher, der Steuerrollen der jüdischen Ge- meinden usw.) monographisch von Personen gemacht werden müssen, die über eine genaue Branchenkenntnis und namentlich über eine genaue Personenkenntnis verfügen. Ich gebe mich der Hoffnung hin, daß mein Buch die Anregung bieten wird, der- artige Untersuchungen (die zu allem anderen noch beträchtlicher Geldmittel benötigen) in größerem Stile zu unternehmen. Im Augenblick aber besitzen wir — außer der von Herrn Sigmund Mayr in Wien geplanten Enquete — keine brauchbare Arbeit der gedachten Art. Und ein Buch wie dieses müßte ungeschrieben bleiben, gäbe es nur die statistische Methode, um den Anteil der Juden an unserem Wirtschaftsleben festzustellen. Wie ich aber eingangs schon erwähnt habe, besitzen wir noch eine andere Methode, die ich die genetische nannte, die sogar nicht nur als Lückenbüßerin erscheint, sondern die selbst große Vorzüge vor der statistischen Methode aufweist, so daß sie als gleichwertig neben diese gestellt werden kann.

Diese genetische Methode läßt sich etwa wie folgt kenn- zeichnen: ermitteln wollen wir vor allem, inwieweit eine Be- völkerungsgruppe (Juden) bestimmend wird (oder geworden ist) für Gang und Richtung, Wesen und Art des modernen Wirt- schaftslebens, gleichsam also ihre qualitative, oder wie ich es oben nannte, ihre dynamische Bedeutung. Das aber können wir am ehesten, wenn wir untersuchen: ob bestimmte, unser Wirt- schaftsleben besonders auszeichnende Züge ihre erste ent- scheidende Prägung etwa von den Juden erfahren haben: sei es, daß gewisse äußere Gestaltungen standortlicher oder organi- satorischer Natur auf ihre Wirksamkeit sich zurückführen lassen; sei es, daß Geschäftsgrundsätze, die sich zu allgemeinen, unser Wirtschaftsleben tragenden Wirtschaftsmaximen ausgewachsen haben, aus spezifisch jüdischem Geiste geboren sind. Die An- wendung dieser Methode erheischt, wie ersichtlich, die Zurück-

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Verfolgung wirtschaftlicher Entwicklungsreihen tunlichst bis in ihre ersten Anfänge hinauf, zwingt unsere Betrachtung also, sich dem Kindheitsalter des modernen Kapitalismus zuzuwenden oder doch wenigstens jener Zeit, in der er sein heutiges Gepräge zu- erst empfing. Sie läßt uns aber keineswegs nur in jener Jugend- zeit verweilen, sondern fordert unsere Aufmerksamkeit auch in der Verfolgung des Reifeprozesses kapitalistischen Wesens, weil ja während dieser ganzen Zeit bis in die Gegenwart hinein immer „neu und neuer Stoff" sich zudrängt und Wesenseigentümlich- keiten oft genug erst in einem späteren Alter einem Wirtschafts- systeme sich aufprägen: es muß nur immer der Augenblick wahrgenommen werden, wenn das Neue sich zum ersten Male verspüren läßt, und untersucht werden: wer in diesem ent- scheidenden Augenblick die führende Rolle in dem besonderen Zweige des Wirtschaftslebens, der den neuen Trieb ansetzt, gerade gespielt habe.

Wer die entscheidende Rolle gespielt hat, muß festgestellt werden. Obwohl dabei natürhch oft genug eine genaue und ein- wandfreie Feststellung sehr schwierig, wenn nicht unmöglich ist: der wissenschaftliche Takt muß hier, wie in den meisten Fällen, das Richtige treffen. Daß übrigens diejenigen Persönlich- keiten, die eine Einrichtung, eine leitende Idee in das Wirt- schaftsleben schöpferisch hineintragen, keineswegs immer die „Erfinder" im engeren Verstände sind, versteht sich von selbst. Man hat oft gesagt, daß die Juden nicht eigentlich erfinderische Köpfe seien, daß nicht nur auf technischem, sondern auch auf wirtschaftlichem Gebiete die neuen ,, Erfindungen" von Nicht- juden gemacht wurden und daß die Juden die Ideen der anderen nur geschickt auszunutzen verstünden. Ich halte diese These in ihrer Allgemeinheit nicht für richtig: auch in technischen, sicher aber in ökonomischen Dingen begegnen wir jüdischen ,, Erfindern" im engeren und eigentlichen Sinne (wie diese Untersuchungen in verschiedenen Fällen erweisen werden). Aber wenn sie auch in ihrem vollem Umfange richtig wäre, so bewiese sie noch nichts gegen die Annahme, daß etwa die Juden bestimmten Teilen des Wirtschaftslebens ihr eigenartiges Gepräge aufgedrückt haben, da es in der wirtschaftlichen Welt gar nicht so sehr auf die Erfindung als auf die , .Ausbeutung" der Erfindung ankommt; das heißt also auf die Fähigkeit, irgend einer Idee Leben zu ver-

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leihen, irgend einen neuen Gedanken im Boden der "Wirklichkeit zu verankern: nicht das entscheidet über den Gang und die Richtung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, ob irgend ein ingeniöser Kopf die theoretische Möglichkeit sage des Abzahlungs- geschäftes in seinem lieben Gemüte erwogen hat, sondern dieses: ob solcherart geeignete Menschen da waren, die diese neue Geschäftsform in die Menge hineinzustoßen das Interesse und

die Fähigkeit besaßen.

• *

Ehe ich nun den Anteil selbst festzustellen versuche, den die Juden am Aufbau unseres modernen Wirtschaftslebens gehabt haben, möchte ich mit ein paar Worten noch die Frage erörtern: bis zu welchem Grade es der Darstellung gelingen kann, die Größe des wirklichen Anteils zum Ausdruck zu bringen , wenn in möglichst vorteilhafter Weise die beiden der Untersuchung zur Verfügung stehenden Methoden: die statistische und die genetische, zu gemeinsamer Anwendung gelangen.

Da wird es zunächst nicht zweifelhaft sein, daß die Be- deutung der Juden für die moderne Wirtschaftsentwicklung größer erscheinen muß, als sie in Wirklichkeit ist, weil alle Er- scheinungen unter dem einen Gesichtspunkte betrachtet werden: wie waren die Juden an ihrer Lebendigmachung beteiligt? Diese Wirkung, die Wichtigkeit eines Faktors in einem komplexen Gesamtergebnis zu überschätzen, wird immer erzielt werden müssen (und sollen), wenn man diesen einen Faktor einer isolierenden Analyse unterzieht. Schriebe man die Geschichte der modernen Technik und ihren Einfluß auf den Gang des Wirtschaftslebens, so würde genau so sehr alles technisch be- dingt erscheinen, wie im anderen Falle etwa staatsorganisatorisch bedingt, wenn man einseitig die Bedeutung des modernen Staates für die Genesis des Kapitalismus zur Darstellung bringen wollte. Das versteht sich von selbst, soll aber doch ausdrücklich betont werden, damit ich von vornherein dem Vorwurf die Spitze ab- breche: ich hätte den Einfluß der Juden auf den Gang unseres Wirtschaftslebens überschätzt. Natürlich haben tausend andere Umstände gleichermaßen dazu beigetragen, daß unsere Volks- wirtschaft die Gestalt bekommen hat, die sie heute trägt. Ohne die Entdeckung Amerikas und seiner Silberschätze, ohne die Erfindungen der modernen Technik, ohne die volklichen Eigen-

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arten der europäischen Nationen und ihre historischen Schick- sale wäre der moderne KapitaHsmus ebenso unmöghch wie ohne das Einwirken der Juden, Der Einfluß der Juden bildet e i n Kapitel in dem großen Geschichtsbuche und wird auch von mir in der neuen genetischen Darstellung des modernen Kapitalis- mus, die ich in nicht allzu ferner Zeit hoffe geben zu können, in dem großen Zusammenhange an der gebührenden Stelle in seiner teilhaften Bedeutung gewürdigt werden, wo er dann in dem richtigen Maße neben den anderen bestimmenden Faktoren erscheinen wird. Das ist hier nicht möglich und deshalb kann leicht (beim ungeübten Leser) eine Verschiebung des Wirklichkeits- bildes zugunsten eines Faktors eintreten. Die hier ausgesprochene Warnung wird aber hoffentlich ihre (subjektive) Wirkung nicht verfehlen und zusammen mit einem anderen (objektiven) Tat- bestande eine annähernd richtige Dimensionierung herbeiführen. Dieser zweite Tatbestand, an den ich denke, ist der: daß auf der anderen Seite der Einfluß der Juden auf den Gang unseres Wirtschaftslebens zweifellos weit größer ist als er in der Ge- schichtsdarstellung erscheint.

Und zwar aus dem sehr einfachen Grunde: weil dieser Einfluß nur zu einem Teile überhaupt festgestellt werden kann, zu einem anderen (vielleicht größeren, jedenfalls beträchtlichen) Teile sich aber überhaupt unserer Kenntnis entzieht. Sei es zunächst wegen ungenügender Wissenschaft von den Sachvor- gängen. Wie sehr diese in statistischer Hinsicht zu wünschen übrig läßt, wurde schon hervorgehoben. Aber auch bei rein genetisch-dynamischer Betrachtungsweise: wer weiß heute noch Genaues über die Personen oder Gruppen von Personen, die diese oder jene Industrie begründet, diesen oder jenen Handels- zweig entwickelt, diesen oder jenen Geschäftsgrundsatz zuerst vertreten haben? Freilich bin ich der Meinung, daß sehr viel mehr über diese Dinge noch an Kenntnis gewonnen werden kann, als wir heute besitzen, ja ich zweifle nicht, daß wir schon weit mehr Kenntnis heute davon haben, als ich weiß und als infolgedessen auch nur in meiner Darstellung zum Ausdruck kommen kann. Zu der objektiven (in den Verhältnissen ge- legenen) Unzulänglichkeit unseres Wissens kommt also in diesem Falle noch eine subjektive (in der Unzulänglichkeit des Bericht- erstatters begründete) Mangelhaftigkeit der Kenntnis von der

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"Wirklichkeit, die es bewirkt, daß nur ein (vielleicht sehr kleiner) Teil der wissenswerten Tatbestände dem Leser dieses Buches berichtet wird. Jedenfalls wird er sich jederzeit dessen bewußt bleiben müssen, daß das, was ich von den Juden und ihrer Anteil- nahme an dem Aufbau der modernen Volkswirtschaft zu sagen weiß, immer nur ein Minimum der WirkUchkeit darstellt und des weiteren: daß dieses Minimum aus einem anderen Grunde noch mehr in seinem Verhältnisse zu der Ganzheit des tatsächlichen Verlaufes sich verringert. Deshalb nämlich, weil innerhalb der Kenntnis von der Entstehung unserer Volkswirtschaft, die, wie wir sahen, äußerst lückenhaft ist, soweit es sich um Personalfeststellungen handelt, wir noch ganz besonders unzulänglich unterrichtet sind über die Frage, ob denn nun Personen, deren Einfluß wir in einem günstigen Falle nachweisen können, selbst wenn wir im- stande sind, sie namhaft zu machen und ihre Personalien genau festzustellen, Juden gewesen sind oder nicht.

,, Juden"' — - das heißt also Angehörige des Volkes, das sich zum mosaischen Glauben bekennt. (Ich vermeide bei dieser Begriffsbestimmung absichtlich jede Ausrichtung auf blutsmäßige Sonderheit, die wir vielmehr — einstw^eilen — als zweifelhaft oder wesensunwichtig beiseite lassen wollen.) Ich brauche nicht erst zu sagen, daß bei dieser Art, den Begriff des Juden zu fassen (trotz der Ausscheidung aller rassenhaften Merkmale bei der Begriffsbestimmung), doch auch derjenige Jude bleibt, der aus der jüdischen Religionsgemeinschaft ausscheidet. Und daß seine Nachkommen Juden bleiben, soweit historisches Erinnern reicht. (Über die Berechtigung dieser Auffassung werde ich mich im weiteren Verlaufe dieser Darstellung noch äußern.)

Bei dem Bemühen, den Anteil der Juden am Wirtschafts- leben festzustellen, erw^eist sich nun unausgesetzt als ein lästiges Hindernis der Umstand, daß immer wieder als Christen Leute erscheinen, die Juden sind, nur weil sie oder ihre Vorfahren einmal getauft wurden. Ich sagte schon, daß sich diese Ver- schleierung des Tatbestandes besonders fühlbar macht bei An- wendung der statistischen Methode, da ja statistisch immer nur die Konfession erfaßt wird. Aber auch bei der anderen Methode empfinden wir es oft genug als einen Ubelstand, daß uns der wirkliche Status einer Person verborgen bleibt, weil der religiöse Mantel gewechselt ist.

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Daß aber nicht geringe Mengen von Juden zu allen Zeiten ihren Glauben verlassen haben, dürfen wir als gewiß annehmen. In früheren Jahrhunderten waren es vornehmlich die Zwangs- taufen, die aus dem jüdischen zum christlichen Glauben hinüber- führten. Wir erfahren von ihnen seit dem frühesten Mittelalter: in Italien während des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts, ebenso in Spanien um jene Zeit und im Merovingerreiche; wir begegnen ihnen aber durch alle späteren Jahrhunderte hindurch bei allen christlichen Völkern bis in die neueste Zeit hinein. Fast bis in die Zeit hinein, in der nun der freiwillige Religionswechsel als Massen- erscheinung auftritt. Das ist das 19. Jahrhundert vor allem in seinem letzten Drittel. Für die letzten Jahrzehnte besitzen wir auch erst zuverlässige Statistiken, während für die frühere Zeit oft recht unglaubwürdige Mitteilungen überliefert sind. So scheint es mir beispielsweise nicht sehr wahrscheinlich zu sein, was Jakob Fromer berichtet, daß gegen Ende des 2. Jahrzehntes des 19. Jahrhunderts ungefähr die Hälfte der Berliner Judenheit zum Christentum übergetreten sei ^. Ebensowenig dürfte sich die Behauptung als richtig erweisen lassen, die unlängst in einer Versammlung des ,, Zentralvereins deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens" der Referent des Abends, Rabbiner Dr. Werner- München (nach Zeitungsberichten) aufstellte: in Berlin seien bisher 120 000 Juden getauft worden. Die Ziffern, die wir aus der Zeit zuverlässiger statistischer Feststellungen besitzen, sprechen dagegen. Nach diesen setzt eine stärkere Austritts- bewegung erst in den 1890er Jahren ein: doch steigt der Prozent- satz der Ausgetretenen in keinem Jahre über 1,28/qo (dieses Maximum wird 1905 erreicht), während der Durchschnitt etwa P/oo (seit 1895) beträgt. Immerhin sind die in Berlin aus der jüdischen Religionsgemeinschaft ausgetretenen Personen eine ansehnliche Schar, die jährlich nach Hunderten zählt und seit 1873 (bis 1906) sich genau auf 1869 beläuft 2.

Stärker ist die Austrittsbewegung unter den Juden Öster- reichs, namentlich Wiens. Jetzt treten in Wien jedes Jahr 5 — 600 Personen aus der jüdischen Religionsgemeinschaft aus und in den 36 Jahren von 1868 — 1903 sind es ihrer 9085, Die Zahl der Austritte wächst rasch an. Im Durchschnitt der Jahre 1868/79 kam ein Tauffall auf 1200 Juden im Jahre, 1880/89 auf 420—430, 1890/1903 dagegen schon auf 260—270 3.

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Aber wenn nur die getauften Juden die einzigen Juden wären, die einem entgehen, wenn man den Anteil dieses Volkes am Wirtschaftsleben ermitteln will 1 Es gibt noch verschiedene andere Gruppen von Juden, deren Wirksamkeit sich schwer oder gar nicht nachweisen läßt.

Ich denke gar nicht einmal an die ganze weibliche Judenschaft, die in christliche Familien hineinheiratet und hier natürlich ein für allemal dem Namen nach als Jüdinnen verschwindet, ohne doch aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach (worüber wir uns erst später unterhalten können) ihre Wesenheit aufzu- geben (und damit natürlich jüdische Eigenart weiter zu verbreiten). Ich denke vielmehr zunächst an die geschichtlich so außerordent- lich bedeutsame Gruppe der Scheinjuden, denen wir (wie auch noch genauer zu berichten sein wird) in allen Jahrhunderten begegnen, und die in manchen Zeiten recht beträchtliche Teile der Judenheit ausmachten. Diese Krypto- Juden wußten sich nun aber so vortrefflich als Nicht- Juden aufzuführen, daß sie in der Meinung der Leute tatsächlich als Christen (oder Muhamedaner) galten. Von den Juden portugiesisch-spanischer Herkunft in Süd- frankreich während des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (und später) erfahren wir beispielsweise — ähnlich aber lebten alle Marranos auf der Pyrenäenhalbinsel und außerhalb —: ,,Ils obeissaient ä toutes les pratiques exterieures de la religion catholique; leurs naissances, leurs mariages, leurs deces etaient inscrits sur les registres de l'Eglise, qui leur octroyait les sacrements chretiens du bapteme, du mariage et de l'extreme-onction. Plusieurs meme entrerent dans les ordres et devinrent pretres" ^. Kein Wunder also, daß sie in allen Berichten über Handelsunternehmungen, Industriegründungen usw. nicht als Juden erscheinen und daß einige Historiker noch heute von dem günstigen Einfluß ,, spanischer" oder ,, portugiesischer" Einwanderer zu singen wissen. Die Schein- Christen wußten manchmal so gut ihr wirkliches Volkstum zu verbergen, daß sich heute Spezialisten auf dem Gebiete juda- istischer Forschung darüber streiten, ob eine bestimmte Familie jüdischen Ursprungs gewesen sei oder nicht ^. Die Ungewißheit ist natürlich besonders groß, wenn die Krypto-Juden christliche Namen angenommen haben. Besonders zahlreich müssen die Juden unter den protestantischen Refugies im 17. Jahrhundert gewesen sein, wie wir aus allgemeinen Gründen, aber auch aus

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den vielen jüdischen Namen schließen können, die uns unter den Huguenots begegnen ^.

Endlich entziehen sich der Feststellung alle diejenigen Juden, die tatsächlich in vormärzlicher Zeit sich im Wirtschaftsleben betätigten, von der Behörde jedoch nicht gekannt waren, weil das Gesetz die Ausübung ihrer Berufe verbot. Sie mußten sich entweder eines christlichen Strohmannes bedienen oder den Schutz der privilegierten Juden suchen oder irgend einen anderen Trick anwenden, um zwischen den Gesetzen ihre Tätigkeit ent- falten zu können. Nach sehr guten Kennern muß dieser im Verborgenen blühende Teil der Judenheit manchen Orts sehr beträchthch gewesen sein. So soll beispielsweise in Wien in den 1840er Jahren die Zahl der Juden ,,nach mäßiger Schätzung" schon 12 000 betragen haben: in ihren Händen lag schon damals der gesamte Textil-Engroshandel; ganze Teile der inneren Stadt waren nur von jüdischen Geschäften erfüllt. Und dabei zählt das amtliche Handelsschema von 1845 nur 63 Juden auf, die als , .tolerierte jüdische Handelsleute" mit der Beschränkung auf bestimmte Artikel im Anhange angeführt sind'^.

Genug — worauf es mir hier ankam, war: zu zeigen — daß aus sehr verschiedenen Gründen die Zahl der Juden, von der wir erfahren, geringer ist als die, die wirklich da waren oder da sind. Sodaß — das sollte dem Leser zum Bewußtsein gebracht werden — auch dieserhalb der Anteil der Juden am Aufbau unserer Volkswirtschaft kleiner erscheinen muß, als er in Wirklichkeit ist. Und nun endlich wollen wir versuchen, diese Anteilnahme selber zu schildern.

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Zweites Kapitel

Die Yerschiebang des Wirtschaflszentrams seit dem 16. Jahrliundert

JCiine für den Verlauf der modernen wirtschaftlichen Ent- wicklung entscheidend wichtige Tatsache ist die Verlegung des Schwergewichts der weltwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen ebenso wie des ökonomischen Energiezentrums aus dem Bannkreise der südeuropäischen Nationen (Italiener, Spanier, Portugiesen, denen sich einige süddeutsche Gebiete angliederten) unter die nordwest- europäischen Völker: zuerst die (Belgier und) Holländer, dann die Franzosen, die Engländer, die Norddeutschen. Das wesent- liche Ereignis war die plötzlich ausbrechende Blüte Hollands, die den Anstoß für die intensive Entfaltung der wirtschaftUchen Kräfte namentlich Frankreichs und Englands bildete: während des ganzen 17. Jahrhunderts gibt es für alle Theoretiker und Praktiker der nordwestlichen Nationen Europas nur ein Ziel: Holland nachzueifern in Handel, Industrie, Schiffahrt und Kolonialbesitz.

Für diese bekannte Tatsache sind von den „Historikern" die schnurrigsten Gründe angeführt worden.

So soll beispielsweise die Entdeckung Ameril^as und des Seewegs nach Ostindien schuld daran sein, daß die italienischen und süddeutschen Stadtstaaten, daß Spanien und Portugal an wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung verloren: dadurch sei der Levante- handel in seiner Wichtigkeit beeinträchtigt worden und dadurch sei die Stellung namentlich der süddeutschen und italienischen Städte als dessen Träger erschüttert. Das ist eine ganz und gar nicht schlüssige Beweisführung: zum ersten behauptete der Levantehandel das ganze 17. und 18. Jahrhundert hindurch seine Vorherrschaft vor dem Handel mit fast allen anderen Ländern:

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Die Blüte der südfranzösischen Handelsstädte etwa ebenso wie die des Hamburger Handels beruhten während dieser ganzen Zeit vornehmlich auf ihm. Zum anderen haben verschiedene italienische Städte, die dann im 17. Jahrhundert an Macht ver- loren, das ganze 16, Jahrhundert hindurch trotz der verödeten Handelswege noch stark am Levantehandel teilgenommen (wie z. B. Venedig). Warum aber die bis zum 15. Jahrhundert führenden Völker: Italiener, Spanier und Portugiesen, durch die Entfaltung der neuen Handelsbeziehungen mit Amerika und Ostasien (auf dem Seewege) hätten Schaden leiden sollen, wes- halb sie auch nur im geringsten wegen ihrer geographischen Lage gegenüber Franzosen, Engländern, Holländern, Hamburgern hätten benachteiligt sein sollen, ist erst recht nicht verständlich. Als ob der Weg von Genua nach Amerika oder Ostindien nicht derselbe wäre wie der von Amsterdam oder London oder Hamburg dorthin? Als ob nicht die portugiesischen und spa- nischen Häfen die nächsten zu den neuerschlossenen Gebieten gewesen wären, die von Italienern und Portugiesen entdeckt, von Spaniern und Portugiesen zuerst waren besessen worden.

Ebenso wenig stichhaltig erscheint ein anderer Grund, der angeführt wird, um die Verlegung des Wirtschaftszentrums unter die nordwesteuropäischen Völker plausibel zu machen: die stärkere Staatsgewalt, die ihnen ein Übergewicht über die zer- splitterten Deutschen und Italiener verliehen hätte. Wiederum fragt man erstaunt, ob denn die mächtige Königin der Adria eine geringere Staatsmacht dargestellt habe — sage im 16. Jahr- hundert — , als im 17, Jahrhundert die sieben Provinzen? Und ob denn nicht das Reich Philipps II, an Macht und Ansehen alle Reiche zu seiner Zeit übertroffen habe? Fragt erstaunt, weshalb einzelne Städte im politisch zerrissenen deutschen Reiche, wie Frankfurt a. M, oder Hamburg, während des 17. und 18, Jahr- hunderts eine Blüte erreichen, die von wenigen französischen oder englischen Städten erreicht wurde?

Es ist hier nicht der Ort, die in Frage stehende Erscheinung auf die Gesamtheit ihrer Verursachung hin zu untersuchen. Natürlich hat eine ganze Reihe von Umständen zusammengewirkt, um das endliche Ergebnis herbeizuführen. Es soll vielmehr, dem Zusammenhange entsprechend, in dem wir das Problem be- handeln, auf eine Möglichkeit hingewiesen werden, das seltsame

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Phänomen zu erklären, die, wie mir scheint, allerernsteste Be- rücksichtigung verdient und an die man seltsamerweise, soviel ich sehe, überhaupt noch nicht gedacht hat. Ich meine natürlich die Möglichkeit, die Verschiebung des wirtschaftlichen Schwer- punkts aus dem Süden nach dem Norden Europas (wie wir nicht ganz genau der Kürze halber sagen wollen) in Zusammenhang zu bringen mit den Wanderungen der Juden. Kaum daß man diesen Gedanken gefaßt hat, breitet sich mit einem Male ein wunderbares Licht über die Vorgänge jener Zeit aus, die uns bisher im Dunkel zu liegen schienen. Und wir erstaunen, daß man bisher nicht wenigstens die äußere Parallelität zwischen den örtlichen Bewegungen des jüdischen Volkes und den öko- nomischen Schicksalen der verschiedenen Völker und Städte wahrgenommen hat. Wie die Sonne geht Israel über Europa: wo es hinkommt, sprießt neues Leben empor, von wo es weg- zieht, da modert alles, was bisher geblüht hatte. Eine kurze Erinnerung an die bekannten Wechselfälle, denen das jüdische Volk seit Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts ausgesetzt gewesen ist, wird diese Beobachtung ohne weiteres in ihrer Richtigkeit be- stätigen.

Das große welthistorische Ereignis, dessen hier zuerst und vor allem andern zu gedenken wäre, ist die Vertreibung der Juden aus Spanien und Portugal (1492 bezw. 1495 und 1497). Es sollte niemals vergessen werden, daß am Tage, ehe Columbus aus Palos absegelte, um Amerika zu entdecken (3. August 1492), wie man sagt, 300 000 Juden aus Spanien nach Navarra, Frank- reich, Portugal und nach dem Osten auswanderten. Und daß in den Jahren, in denen Vasco de Gama den Seeweg nach Ostindien fand, andere Teile der Pyrenäenhalbinsel ihre Juden vertrieben.

Eine genaue ziffermäßige Erfassung der örtlichen Verschicbungen, die die Juden seit Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts erfahren, ist nicht möglich. Die Versuche, die in dieser Richtung unternommen sind, bleiben doch zum großen Teil in Konjekturalziffern stecken. Die beste mir bekannte Untersuchung ist die von J s. L o e b , Le nombre des juifs de Castille et d'Espagne au moyen äge in der Revue des ötudes juives 14 (1887), 161 ff. Obwohl auch sehr viele der L. sehen Zahlen nur berechnet sind (meist aus der Bevölkerungsziffer der heute an den verschiedenen Orten lebenden Juden), will ich die Ergeb- nisse seiner fleißigen Arbeit doch mitteilen. Danach lebten 1492 in Spanien und Portugal etwa 235 000 Juden. Annähernd so viel wie 200 Jahre früher; davon 160 000 in Kastilien, einschließlich Andalusien, Granada usw., 30 000

— le- in Navarra. Der "Verbleib dieser spanisch-portugiesischen Juden soll nun folgender sein: getauft werden 50 000; auf der Überfahrt sterben 20 000; aus- gewandert sind 165 000. Davon nehmen auf:

Europäische und asiatische Türkei 90 000

Ägypten und Tripolis 2 000

Algier 10 000

Marokko 20 000

Frankreich 3 000

Italien 9 000

Holland, Hamburg, England, Skandinavien . . 25 000

Amerika 5 000

Verschiedene Länder 1 000

Zur Ergänzung füge ich noch eine Zahlenangabe bei, die ich in dem Be- richte eines der meist ja sehr gut unterrichteten venetianischen Gesandten finde: ,,si giudica in Castilia ed in altre province di Spagna il terzo esser M a r r a n i un terzo dico di coloro che sono cittadini e mercanti perchÄ 11 populo minuto e vero cristiano, e cosi la maggior parte delli grandi." Vicenzo' Querini (1506) bei A 1 b e r i , Rel. degli Amb. Ser. I. t, I p. 29. Also nach der offiziellen Vertreibung ein Drittel der Bourgeoisie Juden T Danach sollte man glauben (was auch aus anderen Gründen manches für sich hat), daß die Entleerung Spaniens (und Portugals) doch vornehmlich erst im Laufe des 16. Jahrhunderts erfolgt sei.

Ein seltsamer Zufall hat diese in ihrer Art gleich denk- würdigen Ereignisse: die Erschließung neuer Erdteile und die mächtigste Umschichtung des jüdischen Volkes in dieselben Jahre verlegt. Aber diese öffentliche Vertreibung der Juden aus der Pyrenäenhalbinsel schließt deren Geschichte an diesem Orte noch nicht sogleich ab. Es bleiben zunächst zahlreiche Juden als Scheinchristen (Marranos) zurück, die erst durch die insbesondere seit Phihpp III. immer schroffer vorgehende Inquisition^ im Laufe des nächsten Jahrhunderts dem Lande verloren gehen: ein großer Teil der spanischen und portugiesischen Juden siedelt erst während des 16. Jahrhunderts, namentlich gegen dessen Ende, in andere Länder über. In dieser Zeit ist aber auch das Schicksal der spanisch-portugiesischen Volkswirtschaft vollendet.

Das 15. Jahrhundert bringt den Juden die Vertreibung aus den wichtigsten deutschen Handelsstädten: Köln (1424/25), Augsburg (1439/40), Straßburg (1438), Erfurt (1458), Nürnberg (1498/99), Ulm (1499), Regensburg (1519).

Im 16. Jahrhundert ereilt sie dasselbe Schicksal in einer Anzahl italienischer Städte: sie werden 1492 aus Sizilien, 1540/41 aus Neapel, 1550 aus Genua, in demselben Jahre aus

— 17 —

Venedig vertrieben. Auch hier fällt zeitlich wirtschaftlicher Rückgang und Abwanderung der Juden zusammen.

Wie denn nun auf der anderen Seite der wirtschaftliche Auf- schwung — zum Teil ein ganz plötzhcher Aufschwung — der Städte und Länder, wohin sich namentlich die Spaniolen wandten, seit der Zeit des Eintreffens der Judenflüchtlinge zu rechnen ist. So war eine der wenigen itaUenischen Städte, die im 16. Jahr- hundert mächtig emporblühten, Livorno ^ das Ziel der meisten nach Italien fliehenden Juden.

In Deutschland sind es vor allem Frankfurt a. M. und Hamburg, die zahlreiche Juden während des 16. und 17. Jahr- hunderts aufnahmen.

Nach Frankfurt a. M. zogen vor allem die aus den übrigen süd- deutschen Städten während des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts vertriebenen Juden. Aber auch aus Holland muß während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts Zuzug gekommen sein: darauf lassen die engen Handelsbeziehungen schließen, die zwischen Frankfurt und Amsterdam während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts bestanden. Nach den Feststellungen Friedrich B o t h e s (Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte der Reichsstadt Frankfurt [1906], 70 ff.) steigt die Zahl der Juden während des 16. Jahrhunderts auf das Zwanzigf achc; sie beträgt 1612 etwa 2800; 1709 werden (laut einer offiziellen Volkszählung) 3019 Köpfe in der Judenschaft ermittelt (bei einer Einwohnerzahl von etwa 18 000). Wir sind über die Herkunft der Frank- furter Juden besonders gut unterrichtet durch das fleißige Werk von A. D i e t z , Stammbuch der Frankfurter Juden. Geschichtliche Mitteilungen über die Frankfurter jüdischen Familien von 1549 — 1849. 1907. Dietz hat in den meisten Fällen den Ort feststellen können, aus dem eine Familie nach Fr. zugewandert ist. Leider können wir nicht daraus immer mit Sicherheit auf die weitere Herkunft schließen: Osten Deutschlands, Holland, Spanien usw. Für die frühere Zeit (bis 1590) siehe K. Bücher, Bevölkerung von Frank- furt a. M. (1886), 526—601.

In Hambvu-g siedeln sich die ersten jüdischen Flüchtlinge — zunächst unter der Maske des Katholizismus — 1577 bzw. 1583 an. Sie kamen und ergänzten sich aus Flandern, Italien, Holland und aus Spanien und Portugal direkt. Während des 17. Jahrhunderts beginnt dann auch die Zuwanderung der östlichen (deutschen) Juden. 1663 gab es nach der Beschreibung des Grafen Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato in Hamburg 40 — 50 deutsche jüdische Häuser neben 120 portugiesisch-jüdischen Familien. Zeitschr. für Hamb. Gesch. 3, 140 ff. Über die Ansiedlung und die früheste Geschichte der J. in Hamburg unter- richten A. Feilchen feld, Die älteste Geschichte der deutschen J. in Hbg. in der Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Juden- tums 43 (1899); auch selbständig erschienen; M. Grunwald, Portugiesen- gräber auf deutscher Erde , 1902. Derselbe, Hamburgs deutsche Juden, 1904.

Sombart, Die Juden 2

— 18 —

Vom Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts an wächst dann die Zahl der J. in Ham- burg rasch. Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts wird schon eine „entsetzliche Juden- menge" konstatiert, die man (natürlich übertreibend) auf 20 — 30 000 schätzt. Chr. L u d w. V. Griesheim, Die Stadt Hamburg (1760), 47 f.

Und seltsam: wenn Einer mit offenem Blicke im 18. Jahr- hundert Deutschland bereiste, so fand er alle ehemaligen (Reichs-)- Handelsstädte im Verfall: Ulm, Nürnberg, Augsburg, Mainz, Köln, und konnte nur von zwei Reichsstädten sagen, daß sie ihren alten Glanz bewahren und tägUch steigern: Frankfurt a. M. und Hamburg i".

In Frankreich sind während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts besonders blühende Städte Marseille, Bordeaux, Rouen: seltsamer- weise wieder die Reservoirs, die die jüdischen Flüchtlinge auf- fangen ^^

Daß Hollands volkswirtschaftliche Entwicklung Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts mit einem plötzlichen Ruck nach aufwärts (im kapitalistischen Sinne) geht, ist bekannt. Die ersten portu- giesischen Marranen siedeln sich in Amsterdam im Jahre 1593 an und erhalten bald Zuzug. 1598 wird bereits die erste Syna- goge in Amsterdam eröffnet. Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts gibt es schon in mehreren holländischen Städten zahlreiche Juden- gemeinden. Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts wird die Zahl der ,,huisgezinnen" in Amsterdam allein auf 2400 geschätzt ^^ i^j- geistiger Einfluß ist schon Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts ein über- ragender: die Staatsrechtler und Staatsphilosophen sprechen vom Staate der alten Hebräer als von einem Musterstaate, nach dem die holländische Verfassung sich bilden sollte ^3. Die Juden selbst nennen Amsterdam in jener Zeit ihr neues, großes Jeru- salem i*.

Nach Holland waren die Spaniolen teils direkt, teils aus den spanisch gebliebenen Teilen der Niederlande, vor allem aus Ant- werpen eingewandert, wohin sie sich während der letzten Jahr- zehnte des 15. Jahrhunderts und nach ihrer Vertreibung aus Spanien und Portugal begeben hatten. Die Piacards von 1532 und 1549 verbieten zwar den Aufenthalt der Scheinchristen in Antwerpen, bleiben aber ohne Erfolg. 1550 wird das Verbot erneuert, betrifft jedoch nur die, die noch nicht sechs Jahre an- wesend sind. Auch dieses Verbot bleibt unbeachtet: „les is- raelites clandestins se multipliaient de jours en jours". Sie

— 19 —

nehmen regen Anteil an dem Befreiungskampfe der Niederlande, dessen Verlauf sie dann allmählich nach den nördlichen Provinzen abzuwandern veranlaßt ^^. Nun fällt aber ganz wunderbarer Weise die kurze Blüte Antwerpens als Mittelpunkt des Welthandels und als Weltbörse just wieder in diese Zeit zwischen Ankunft und Abzug der Marranen ^^.

Endlich scheint auch in England der sogenannte wirt- schaftliche Aufschwung, das heißt also das Auswachsen kapita- listischen Wesens ^^, parallel zu gehen mit dem Zustrom jüdischer Elemente, namentlich spanisch-portugiesischer Herkunft i^.

Man nahm früher an, daß es in England seit ihrer Ver- treibung unter Eduard I. (1290) bis zu ihrer (mehr oder weniger offiziellen) Wiederzulassung unter Cromwell (1654 — 1656) keine Juden gegeben habe. Diese Auffassung wird heute von den besten Kennern der englisch-jüdischen Geschichte nicht mehr geteilt. Juden gab es in allen Jahrhunderten in England. Aber im 16. Jahrhundert wurden sie zahlreich. Das Zeitalter der Elisabeth sah ihrer schon viele. Elisabeth selbst besaß eine Vor- liebe für hebräische Studien und jüdischen Umgang. Ihr Arzt war Rodrigo Lopez: der Jude, nach dem Shakespeare den Shylock prägte ^^.

Bekannt ist, wie dann dank der Fürsprache Manasseh ben Israels die Juden Mitte der 1650er Jahre auch öffentlich in Eng- land wieder zugelassen werden und wie sie sich seitdem durch Zuzug (seit dem 18. Jahrhundert auch aus Deutschland) rascher vermehren. Nach dem Verfasser der Anglia Judaica sollen um das Jahr 1738 in London allein 6000 Juden ansässig gewesen sein ^'.

Nun ist natürlich die Feststellung, daß die Judenwande- rungen und das wirtschaftliche Schicksal der Völker zeitlich eine Parallelbewegung aufweisen, noch ganz und gar kein Beweis für die Tatsache, daß ihr Wegzug den wirtschaftlichen Niedergang eines Landes, ihre Zuwanderung dessen wirtschaftlichen Auf- schwung bewirkt habe. Das anzunehmen, hieße einen schlimmen Trugschluß ,,post hoc ergo propter hoc" machen.

Auch sind für den Nachweis jenes Kausalzusammenhanges nicht beweiskräftig genug die Ansichten späterer Historiker, ob- wohl ihre Meinung, wenn sie etwa Montesquieu heißen, immer-

2*

— 20 —

hin ins Gewicht fällt. Ich verzichte deshalb darauf, Zeugnisse dieser Art anzuführen.

Aus Pietät jedoch möchte ich die Worte eines ganz un- bekannten Mannes vor dem Vergessenwerden bewahren, der in merkwürdig hellseherischer Weise wohl als einziger bisher die nicht so durchsichtigen Zusammenhänge zwischen der Ver- treibung der Juden aus den deutschen Handelsstädten und deren Niedergang erkannt hat. Jos. F. Richter schrieb in den 1840er Jahren: ,, Überhaupt läßt sich beurkunden, daß der Handel Nürn- bergs genau zu der Zeit der Judenausweisung seinen Wende- punkt erreichte, da ihm auch von jener Zeit an zum wenigsten die Hälfte der benötigten Kapitahen fehlte, und der von nun an fühlbare Verfall desselben, den man gewöhnlich der Entdeckung des Seewegs nach Ostindien durch die Portugiesen zuschreibt, muß weit richtiger auf Rechnung des von nun an mangelnden kühnen Spekulationsgeistes der Juden gesetzt werden" ^o.

Dagegen verdienen eine stete Beachtung, wie mir scheint, die Urteile der Zeitgenossen, von denen ich einige besonders sprechende doch dem Leser mitteilen möchte, weil sie über die Vorgänge ihrer Epoche oft mit einem Wort uns ein Licht verbreiten, das wir auf anderem Wege erst durch müh- selige Studien gewinnen müssen.

Als im Jahre 1550 der Senat von Venedig beschloß, die Marranen auszuweisen und den Handel mit ihnen ganz zu ver- bieten, erklärten die christlichen Kaufleute der Stadt: das würde ihren Ruin bedeuten, dann könnten sie selber gleich mit aus- wandern, denn sie lebten von dem Handel mit den Juden. Diese hätten in ihren Händen:

1. den spanischen Wollhandel,

2. den Handel in spanischer Seide und Karmesin, Zucker, Pfeffer, indischen Kolonialwaren und Perlen,

3. einen großen Teil des Ausfuhrhandels: die Juden schicken die Waren den Venetianern in Kommission ,,accioche gele vendiamo per lor conto guadagnando solamente le nostre sollte provisione" (!),

4. den Wechselhandel ^i.

Begünstiger der Juden in England war, wie wir wissen, C r o m w e 1 1 , und die Gründe seiner Sympathie sind, wie wir erfahren, nicht zuletzt Rücksichten auf die Volkswirtschaft des

— 21 —

Landes gewesen: er glaubte, der reichen, jüdischen Handels- häuser zu bedürfen, um Waren- und Geldhandel in Blüte zu bringen, ebenso aber auch, um für die Regierung leistungsfähige Freunde zu gewinnen --.

Ebenso viel Sympathie brachte den Juden der große franzö- sische Staatsmann des 17. Jahrhunderts C o 1 b e r t entgegen. Und ich glaube, es ist besonders bedeutsam, daß diese beiden größten Organisatoren des modernen Staates die Eignung der Juden er- kannten, die (kapitalistische) Volkswirtschaft des Landes zu fördern. In einer Ordonnanz weist Colbert den Intendanten des Languedoc darauf hin, welchen großen Vorteil die Stadt Marseille von der kaufmännischen Geschicklichkeit der Juden ziehen könne 2^. Die Einwohner der großen französischen Handels- städte, in denen die Juden eine Rolle spielten, hatten diesen Vorteil längst an ihrem eigenen Leibe wahrgenommen und legten daher auf die Erhaltung der Judenschaft in den Mauern ihrer Stadt das größte Gewicht. Mehrfach vernehmen wir, ins- besondere aus den Kreisen der Einwohner von Bordeaux, günstige Urteile über die Juden. Als im Jahre 1675 ein Söldnerheer in Bordeaux wütet, rüsten sich zahlreiche wohlhabende Juden zur Abreise. Das erschreckt den G^meinderat, und die Geschworenen berichten voll Angst: ,,Les Portugais, qui tiennent des rue entieres et fönt un commerce considerable, ont demande leurss passeports. Les Portugais et etrangers, qui fönt les plus grandes affaires cherchent ä se retirer d'ici: Gaspard Gonzales et Alvares ont quitte depuis peu, qui etaient des plus considerables parmi eux. Nous nous apercevons que le commerce c e s s e" ^. Ein paar Jahre später faßt der Sous-Intendant sein Urteil über die Bedeutung der Juden für das Languedoc in die Worte zusammen: ,,Ohne sie würde der Handel von Bordeaux und der der Provinz unfehlbar zugrunde gehen" (perirait infaillible- ment) ^5.

Nach der größten Handelsstadt der spanischen Niederlande Antwerpen hatten wir im 16. Jahrhundert mit Vorliebe die spanisch-portugiesischen Flüchtlinge strömen gesehen. Als Mitte des Jahrhunderts der Kaiser die ihnen zunächst gewährten Frei- briefe zurückzog (durch Dekret vom 17. Juli 1549), wandten sich der Bürgermeister, die Schöffen und der Konsul der Stadt mit einer Bittschrift an den Bischof von Arras, worin sie auf die

— 22 —

Schwierigkeiten hinwiesen, das Dekret durchzuführen. Die Portugiesen seien große Unternehmer, hätten beträchtliche Reich- tümer aus ihrer Heimat mitgebracht und unterhielten einen aus- gedehnten Handel. ,,Wir müssen bedenken", heißt es weiter, ,,daß Antwerpen nur sehr langsam groß geworden ist und eine Zeit lang gebraucht hat, bis es den Handel an sich reißen konnte. Und der Ruin dieser Stadt würde zugleich den Ruin des Landes nach sich ziehen. Das alles muß bei der Vertreibung der Portu- giesen in Betracht gezogen werden." Der Bürgermeister Nicolas V. d. Meeren unternahm noch weitere Schritte. Als die Königin Marie von Ungarn, die Regentin der Niederlande, sich in Ruppelmonde aufhielt, begab sich der Bürgermeister zu ihr, um die Sache der Neuchristen zu vertreten. Er entschuldigte das Verhalten des Magistrats von Antwerpen, der die kaiserliche Verordnung nicht publizieren könne, weil sie den teuersten Interessen der Stadt zuwiderliefe ^ß.

Diese Bemühungen hatten aber keinen Erfolg; die Ant- werpener Juden und Neuchristen wandten sich, wie wir sahen, nach Amsterdam.

Als Antwerpen dann durch den Fortzug der Juden schon viel von seinem früheren Glänze eingebüßt hatte: im 17. Jahr- hundert empfand man erst recht, welche Bedeutung der Juden- schaft als Mehrer des Wohlstandes zukam. Die zur Prüfung der Frage, ob die Juden nach Antwerpen zuzulassen seien, im Jahre 1653 eingesetzte Kommission äußerte sich darüber, wie folgt: „Et quant aux autres inconvenients que Ton pourrait craindre et apprehendre au regard de l'interet public, ä savoir qu'ils atti- reront ä eux tout le commerce, qu'ils commettront mille fraudes et tromperies, et que par leur usure ils mangeront les substances des bons sujets et catholiques, il nous semble au contraire que par le commerce qu'ils rendront plus grand qu'il n'est ä present, le benefice sera commun ä tout le pays et que l'or et 1 'argent seront en plus grande abon- d a n c e pour les besoins de l'Etat" ^7.

Die Holländer des 17. Jahrhunderts aber sahen deutlich genug ein, w'as sie an den Juden gewonnen hatten. Als Manasseh ben Israel in seiner bekannten Mission nach England gegangen war, schöpfte die holländische Regierung Verdacht: es könne sich darum handeln, die holländischen Juden nach England hin-

— 23 —

überzuziehen. Sie beauftragte daher ihren Gesandten in Eng- land, Neuport, Manasseh über seine Absichten zu fragen. Xeuport berichtet (Dezember 1655) in beruhigendem Sinne an seine Regierung: es sei keine Gefahr vorhanden. „Manasseh ben Israel hath been to see me and did assure me, that he doth not desire any thing for the Jews in Holland, but only for these as sit in the Inquisition, in Spain and Portugal" ^.

Dasselbe Bild in H a m b u r g. Im 17. Jahrhundert wächst die Bedeutung der Juden dermaßen, daß man sie für unentbehr- lich für Hamburgs Gedeihen erachtet. Der Senat tritt einmal für Zulassung der Synagogen ein, mit der Begründung, daß sonst die Juden wegziehen würden und daß Hamburg dann zu einem Dorfe herabzusinken Gefahr liefe -^. 1697 richtet umgekehrt die Hamburger Kaufmannschaft an den Rat das dringende Ersuchen, (die Juden sollten vertrieben werden), ihnen entgegenzukommen, um schwere Schädigungen des Hamburger Handels zu ver- hiridern ^°. Im Jahre 1733 heißt es in einem Gutachten, das sich bei den Senatsakten befindet: Im Wechselgeschäft, im Handel mit Galanteriewaren und in der Herstellung gewisser Stoffe sind die Juden ,,fast gantz Meister", sie haben „die Unseren überflügelt". Früher brauchte man sich nicht um die Juden zu kümmern. Doch „sie nehmen an Zahl merklich zu. Es ist fast kein Teil des großen Commercii, der fabriquen und der täglichen Nahrung, worin sie nicht stark mit eingeflochten sind. Sie sind uns schon ein malum necessarium geworden" ^^. Den Geschäftszweigen, in denen sie eine hervorragende Rolle spielten, könnte man noch das Seeversicherungsgeschäft hinzu- fügen ^,

Aber auch die Aussprüche und Urteile der Zeitgenossen ver- mögen uns noch nicht völlig von der Richtigkeit eines Tat- bestandes zu überzeugen: wir wollen, wenn es irgend möglich ist, selbst urteilen. Und das können wir natürlich nur, wenn wir die wirklichen Zusammenhänge durch eigenes Nachforschen aufdecken; in diesem Falle: wenn wir versuchen, aus den Quellen die Erkenntnis zu schöpfen, welchen Anteil die Juden wirklich und wahrhaftig an dem Aufbau unserer modernen Volks- wirtschaft, also — um immer genau im Ausdruck zu bleiben: an der Entfaltung des modernen kapitahstischen Wirtschafts- systems gehabt haben. Das alles seit dem Ende des 15. Jahr-

— 24 —

hunderts vornehmlich, das heißt von jenem Zeitpunkte ab, an dem (wie wir schon sahen) der Weg der jüdischen Geschichte und der der europäischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte scharf umbiegen in der Richtung der Gegenwartsentwicklung. Denn erst diese Feststellung gestattet uns auch ein endgültiges Urteil in der Frage: in welchem Umfange die Verschiebung des Wirtschafts- gebietes jüdischem Einfluß zuzuschreiben ist.

Ich sehe, wie ich im voraus bemerken will, die Bedeutung der Juden für den Aufbau und Ausbau des modernen Kapitalis- mus in einer mehr äußerlichen und einer innerlich-geistigen Ein- wirkung. Äußerlich haben sie wesentlich dazu beigetragen, daß die internationalen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen ihr heutiges Gepräge erhielten, aber auch daß der moderne Staat — dieses Gehäuse des Kapitalismus — in der ihm eigenen Weise erstehen konnte. Sie haben sodann der kapitalistischen Organisation selbst dadurch eine besondere Form gegeben, daß sie eine ganze Reihe der das moderne Geschäftsleben beherrschenden Einrichtungen ins Leben riefen und an der Ausbildung anderer hervorragenden Anteil nahmen.

Innerlich-geistig ist ihre Bedeutung für die Ausbildung kapita- listischen Wesens deshalb so groß, weil sie es recht eigentlich sind, die das Wirtschaftsleben mit modernem Geiste durch- tränken; weil sie die innerste Idee des Kapitalismus erst zu ihrer vollen Entwicklung bringen.

Es wird sich nun empfehlen, daß wir die einzelnen Punkte der Reihe nach durchgehen, damit ich dem Leser wenigstens zum Bewußtsein bringe: w^ie das Problem richtig gestellt wird. Mehr als anregend zu fragen, und hie und da tupfenweise, ver- suchsweise, eine Antwort anzudeuten, liegt, wie ich des öfteren hervorgehoben habe, gar nicht in der Absicht dieser Unter- suchung. Zukünftiger Forschung muß es vorbehalten bleiben, durch systematische Materialbeschaffung dann endgültig fest- zustellen, ob und inwieweit die hier behaupteten Zusammen- hänge in Wirklichkeit bestehen.

— 25 —

Drittes Kapitel

Die Belebung des internationalen Warenliandels

Mächtig ist der Anteil, den die Juden an der Neugestaltung des Handels genommen haben, wie sie sich seit der Verschiebung des Wirtschaftsgebietes vollzieht. M ichtig zunächst durch die offenbar rein quantitativ hervorragende Beteiligung an den be- wirkten Warenumsätzen. Nach dem, was ich eingangs dieses Abschnitts ausgeführt habe, ist eine ziffermäßige Erfassung der auf die Juden entfallenden Quote der bewegten Warenmenge unmöglich, wo nicht ganz besonders günstige Umstände einen Einblick gewähren. Vielleicht daß eingehende Forschungen noch eine Reihe von genauen Ziffern zutage fördern. Einstweilen sind (mir) nur wenige bekannt, die aber immerhin (gleichsam paradigmatisch) recht lehrreich sind.

So soll sich der Umfang des Handels der Juden, schon vor ihrer Zulassung, also in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, auf ein Zwölftel des gesamten englischen Handels belaufen haben ^. Leider erfahren wir nicht, welcher Quelle diese Ziffer entnommen ist. Daß sie aber nicht allzuweit von der Wirklich- keit sich entfernt, beweist eine Angabe, die wir in einer Denk- schrift der Londoner Kaufleute finden. Es handelte sich darum, ob die Juden den Fremdenzoll auf Einfuhrgüter zahlen sollten oder nicht. Die Denkschreiber meinen, wenn er aufgehoben würde, würde die Krone einen Verlust von jährlich mindestens 10 000 ^ erleiden ^.

Auffallend gut sind wir unterrichtet über die Beteiligung der Juden an der Leipziger Messe ^, die ja lange Zeit hindurch der Mittelpunkt des deutschen Handels war und für dessen intensive und extensive Entwicklung einen guten Gradmesser bildet, die aber auch für einige der angrenzenden Länder,

~ 26 —

namentlich Polen und Böhmen, eine wichtige Rolle gespielt hat. Hier auf der Leipziger Messe finden wir nun seit dem Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts in wachsendem Umfange Juden als Meßfieranten, und die Bearbeiter des Ziffermaterials kommen sämtlich dahin überein, daß die Juden es seien, die den Glanz der Leipziger Messe begründet haben 2^.

Leider ist eine Vergleichung der Zahl der Juden mit der der christlichen Kaufleute erst seit der Ostermesse 1756 möglich, da die archivalischen Quellen erst von diesem Zeitpunkt an statistische Angaben über die Christen auf den Messen enthalten. Die Zahl der Juden auf der Oster- und MichaeUsmesse betrug durchschnittlich im Jahr

1675—1680 416

1681—1690 489

1691—1700 834

1701—1710 854

1711—1720 769

1721—1730 899

1731—1740 874

1741—1748 708 Beachtenswert: das rasche An sowie Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts!

Überblicken wir den ganzen Zeitraum von 1767 — 1839, so zeigt sich, daß die Messen durchschnittlich im Jahre von 3185 jüdischen Meßfieranten besucht waren, denen 13 005 Christen gegenüberstehen: die Zahl betrug demnach 24,49% oder fast ein Viertel von der der christlichen Kaufleute. In einzelnen Jahren, wie z. B. zwischen 1810 und 1820 steigt das Verhältnis der Juden zu den Christen bis auf 33^/3% (4896 Juden, 14 366 Christen!) (Dabei ist noch zu beachten, daß alle diese Ziffern wahrscheinlich erheblich hinter der Wirklichkeit zurück- bleiben, da neuere, genauere Untersuchungen noch viel mehr Juden auf den Messen festgestellt haben: siehe die Anmerkung 35.) Zuweilen kann man auf Umwegen den ziffermäßig großen Anteil der Juden an dem Gesamthandel eines Landes oder einer Stadt ermitteln. So wissen wir beispielsweise, daß der Handel Hamburgs mit Spanien und Portugal sowohl als mit Holland während des 17. Jahrhunderts fast ausschheßlich in den Händen der Juden lag^'. Nun fuhren aber in jener Zeit rund 20% aller

1767—1769

995

1770 1779

1652

1780—1789

1073

1790—1799

1473

1800—1809

3370

1810 1819

4896

1820 1829

3747

1830 1839

6444

hsen Ende

des 17. und 18,

— 27 —

von Hamburg auslaufenden Schiffslasten nach Spanien und Portugal, etwa 30% nach Hollandes.

Oder wir erfahren, daß der Levantehandel der bedeutsamste Zweig des französischen Handels im 18. Jahrhundert ist: „peut etre la plus brillante (brauche) du commerce de France" und hören gleichzeitig, daß er ganz und gar von den Juden beherrscht wird: „Käufer, Verkäufer, Makler, Wechselagenten, Kommissionäre usw., alles sind Juden" ^^.

Ganz allgemein aber genügt die Erwägung, daß während des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts bis tief ins 18. hinein der Levante- handel und der Handel mit und über Spanien-Portugal noch die bei weitem wichtigsten Zweige des Welthandels bildeten, um die überragende Bedeutung der Juden für dessen Entwicklung zunächst in rein quantitativer Betrachtung zu ermessen. Denn diese Handelswege beherrschten sie fast ausschließlich. Schon von Spanien aus hatten sie den größten Teil des Levante- handels in die Hände bekommen; schon damals hatten sie überall in den levantinischen Seeplätzen Kontore. Nun, bei der Ver- treibung aus der Pyrenäenhalbinsel ging ein großer Teil der Spaniolen selbst in den Orient; ein anderer Teil zog nordwärts und somit glitt ganz unmerklich der Orienthandel zu den nor- dischen Völkern hinüber. Speziell Holland wird durch die Knüpfung dieser Beziehungen erst eine Welthandelsmacht. Das Netz des Welthandels wurde größer und engmaschiger genau in dem Maße, wie die Juden ihre Kontore an entferntere und in näher beieinander liegende Orte verlegten^". Zumal dann, als — wiederum im wesentlichen durch sie — der Westen der Erde in den Welthandel einbezogen wurde. Diese Etappe der Ent- wicklung verfolgen wir aber erst, wenn wir den Anteil an der Begründung der modernen Kolonialwirtschaft festzustellen ver- suchen.

Abermals ein Weg, auf dem man zur Einsicht in die Be- deutung der Juden für die Ausbildung des modernen Welthandels kommt, ist die Feststellung derjenigen Warengattungen, mit denen sie hauptsächlich handelten. Durch die Artbeschaffenheit ihres Handels fast noch mehr als durch dessen LImfang gewinnen sie so großen Einfluß auf die Gesamtgestaltung des Wirtschafts- lebens, wirken sie teilweise revolutionierend auf die alten Lebens- formen ein.

— 28 —

Da tritt uns zunächst die wichtige Tatsache entgegen, daß die Juden den Handel mit Luxuswaren lange Zeit hindurch so gut wie monopolisiert haben. Und während des aristokratischen 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts bedeutete dieser Handel das meiste. Die Luxusgegenstände, über die die Juden vor allem verfügten, sind Bijouterien, Edelsteine, Perlen, Seide und Seidenwaren ^^. Bijouterien aus Gold und Silber, weil sie von jeher den Edel- metallmarkt beherrscht hatten; Edelsteine und Perlen, weil sie die Fundstätten (namentlich Brasilien) als die ersten besetzt hatten; Seide und Seidenwaren wegen ihrer uralten Beziehungen zu den östUchen Handelsgebieten.

Auf der anderen Seite finden wir die Juden überall dort allein oder mit überragendem Einfluß am Handel beteiligt, wo es den Vertrieb von Massenprodukten gilt. Ja, man kann, glaube ich, mit einigem Recht behaupten, daß sie es wiederum sind, die als die ersten die großen Stapelartikel des modernen Welthandels zu Markte gebracht haben. Das sind aber neben einigen Landes- produkten: Getreide, Wolle, Flachs, später Spiritus, während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts vornehmlich die Erzeugnisse der rasch wachsenden kapitalistischen Textilindustrie^ sowie die neu auf dem Weltmarkte erscheinenden Kolonialprodukte Zucker und Tabak. Ich zweifle nicht, daß, wenn man einmal anfangen wird, die Handelsgeschichte der neueren Zeit zu schreiben, man gerade bei der Geschichte der Massenartikel immerfort auf jüdische Händler- stoßen wird. Die wenigen Belege, die mir rein zufällig in die Hände gekommen sind, lassen schon jetzt die Richtigkeit meiner Behauptung durchscheinen ^3.

Stark aufreizend und umstürzend wirkte auf den Gang des Wirtschaftslebens dann aber vor allem der Handel mit neuen, alte Verfahrungsweisen umwälzenden Artikeln ein, an dem wiederum die Juden offenbar einen besonders starken Anteil hatten. Ich denke an den Handel mit Baumwolle ^, ausländischen Baumwollwaren (Kattunen), Indigo usw.'*^. Die Vorhebe für solche Artikel, die man nach damaliger Denkweise als Stören- friede der heimischen ,, Nahrung" empfand, trug dem Handel der Juden wohl gelegentUch den Vorwurf des ,, unpatriotischen Handels" ein, des ,,Judenkommerz, welches wenige deutsche Hände nützlich beschäftigt und größtenteils auf der inländischen Verzehrung beruht"^".

— 29 —

Was das „Judenkommerz" sonst noch auszeichnete und es vorbildlich für allen Handel machte, der dadurch in neue Bahnen gelenkt wurde, war die Mannigfaltigkeit und Reichhaltigkeit der gehandelten Waren. Als sich die Kaufleute von Montpellier über die Konkurrenz beschweren, die ihnen die jüdischen Händler bereiteten, antwortete ihnen der Intendant (1740): wenn sie, die Christen, ebenso wohlassortierte Läger hätten wie die Juden, würde die Kundschaft schon ebenso gern zu ihnen kommen wie zu den jüdischen Konkurrenten ^. Und von der Tätigkeit der Juden auf den Leipziger Messen entwirft uns Rieh. Markgraf in seinem Schlußwort folgende Schilderung^^: ,,Fürs zweite wirkten sie (die jüdischen Fieranten) fördernd auf die Meßgeschäfte durch die Mannigfaltigkeit ihrer Einkäufe, insofern sie dadurch den Meßhandel immer vielseitiger gestalteten und die Industrie, be- sonders die inländische, zu immer größerer Mannigfaltigkeit in der Produktion ansp*rnten. Auf vielen Messen waren die Juden wegen ihrer verschiedenen und umfangreichen Einkäufe sogar ausschlaggebend."

Worin ich aber vor allem die Bedeutung sehe, die das ,,Juden- kommerz" während der frühkapitalisiischen Epoche für die meisten Volkswirtschaften gewann, ist der Umstand, daß die Juden gerade diejenigen Handelsgebiete fast ausschließlich beherrschten, aus denen große Mengen Bargeld zu holen waren: also die neu- erschlossenen Silber- und Goldländer (Mittel- und Südamerika), sei es im direkten Verkehr, sei es auf dem Umwege über Spanien und Portugal. Oft genug hören wir denn auch berichten, daß die Juden bares Geld ins Land hineinbringen ^^. Und daß hier die Quelle aller (kapitalistischen) ,, Volkswohlfahrt" floß, wußten die Theoretiker und Praktiker ihrer Zeit sehr genau, und haben wir, nachdem der Nebel der Smithschen Doktrinen gesunken ist, jetzt endlich auch wieder eingesehen. Begründung der modernen Volkswirtschaft hieß zu einem guten Teile Herbeiziehnug von Edelmetallen, und daran war niemand so sehr beteiligt als die jüdischen Kaufleute. Diese Feststellung aber führt uns un- mittelbar hinüber zu dem nächsten Kapitel, das insbesondero den Anteil der Juden an der Entwicklung der modernen Kolonial- wirtschaft erörtern soll.

30 —

Viertes Kapitel

Die Begrflndung der modernen Kolonialwirtschaft

Uaß nicht zuletzt durch das Mittel der kolonialen Expansion der moderne Kapitalismus zur Blüte gelangt, fangen wir jetzt an, deutlich zu erkennen. Und daß bei dieser kolonialen Expansion wiederum die Juden eine hervorragende, um nicht zu sagen: die entscheidende Rolle gespielt haben, sollen die folgenden Ausführungen wahrscheinlich machen.

Es ist nur natürlich, daß die Juden bei allen kolonialen Gründungen stark beteiligt gewesen sind (da ihnen die neue Welt, wenn sie auch nur eine alte ummodelte, immer mehr Lebensglück in Aussicht stellte als das mürrische alte Europa, zumal seit hier das letzte Dorado sich auch als unwirtliches Land erwiesen hatte). Das gilt für den Osten ebenso wie für den Westen und für den Süden der Erde, In Ostindien waren offenbar schon seit dem Mittelalter zahlreiche Juden ansässig ^^, die dann, als die europäischen Nationen nach 1498 ihre Hände nach den alten Kulturländern ausstreckten, als willkommene Stützpunkte der europäischen Herrschaft und namentlich als Pioniere des Handels dienen konnten. Mit den Schiffen der Portugiesen und Holländer kamen dann aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach — genaue Ermittlungen sind noch nicht angestellt — größere Scharen von Juden in die indischen Besitzungen mit herüber. Jedenfalls finden wir die Juden an allen holländischen Gründungen auch im Osten stark beteihgt. Wir erfahren, daß beträchtliche Teile des Aktienkapitals der holländisch-ostindischen Kompagnie in jüdischem Besitze sich befanden ^^ wij. wissen, daß derjenige Generalgouverneur der holländisch-ostindischen Kompagnie, der, „wenn man ihn auch nicht als Gründer der

— 31 —

niederländischen Macht auf Java bezeichnen kann, doch sicher am meisten zur Befestigung derselben beigetragen hat" ^, Cohn (Coen) hieß. Und können uns leicht davon überzeugen, daß er nicht der einzige jüdische Gouverneur der holländisch-indischen Besitzungen war, wenn wir etwa die Porträts dieser Beamten einer Musterung unterziehen ^. Wir finden aber Juden ebenso als Direktoren der Ostindischen Kompagnie ^^, kurz überall in den kolonialen Geschäften ^.

In welchem Umfange die Juden dann an der Kolonial- wirtschaft in Indien teilnahmen, als die Engländer sich zu den Herren machten, ist noch unbekannt. Dagegen sind wir verhältnismäßig gut unterrichtet über den Anteil der Juden an der Begründung der englischen Kolonien in Südafrika und Australien und wissen, daß hier (namentlich in der Kapkolonie) so gut wie alle wirtschaftliche Entwicklung den Juden zu- zuschreiben ist. In den 1820er und 1830er Jahren kommen Benj. Norden und Simeon Markus nach Südafrika: ihnen ist ,,the industrial awakening of almost the whole interior of Cape Colony" zu danken; Julius, Adolph, James Mosenthal begründen den Woll- und Häutehandel und die Mohair-Industrie; Aaron und Daniel de Pass monopolisieren den Walfischfang; Joel Myers. begründet die Straußenzucht; Lilienfeld von Hopetown kauft die ersten Diamanten usw., usw.". Eine ähnlich führende Rolle haben die Juden in den übrigen südafrikanischen Staaten, nament- lich auch in Transvaal gespielt, wo heute 25 000 von den 50 000 südafrikanischen Juden leben sollen ^. In Australien finden wir als einen der ersten Großhändler den Montefiore. Sodaß es keine Übertreibung zu sein scheint, wenn behauptet wird: ,,a large Proportion of the English colonial shipping trade was for a con- siderable time in the hands of the Jews" ^^.

Recht eigentlich aber das Feld jüdischer Wirksamkeit in Koloniallanden, zumal in den Jahrhunderten der frühkapi- talistischen Wirtschaftsverfassung, ist der von dem Europäer- tum ganz neu gestaltete Westen der Erde. Amerikainallen seinenTeilen ist ein Judenland: das ist das Ergebnis, zu dem ein Studium der Quellen unweigerlich führen muß Und durch den überragenden Einfluß, den Amerika von dem Tage seiner Entdeckung an auf das europäische Wirtschafts- leben und die gesamte europäische Kultur gewonnen hat.

— 32 —

ist natürlich die starke Beteiligung der Juden an dem Aufbau der amerikanischen Welt von ganz besonderer Bedeutung für den Ablauf unserer Geschichte geworden. Ich werde deshalb etwas länger bei diesem Gegenstande verweilen, auf die Gefahr hin, den Leser durch allzuviele Details zu ermüden. Die Größe des Problems wird doch, denke ich, die etwas pedantische Art der Behandlung rechtfertigen ^.

In einer ganz seltsamen Weise sind die Juden gleich mit der Entdeckung Amerikas auf das innigste verwoben: es ist als ob die neue Welt für sie allein, durch ihre Beihilfe entdeckt worden sei, als ob die Columbusse nur die Geschäftsführer Israels gewesen seien. So betrachten jetzt auch stolze Juden selbst die ge- schichtliche Lage, wie sie durch neuere archivalische Forschungen" klargelegt w^orden ist. Danach soll zunächst (was hier nur im Vorübergehen erwähnt werden mag) erst die jüdische Wissen- schaft die Seefahrtstechnik auf eine so hohe Stufe gehoben haben, daß die transozeanischen Reisen überhaupt unternommen werden konnten. Abraham Zacuto, Professor für Mathematik und Astro- nomie an der Universität Salamanca, verfaßt 1473 seine astrono- mischen Tabellen und Tafeln (Almanach perpetuum); Jose Vecuho, Astronom und Leibarzt Johanns IL von Portugal, und der Mathematiker Moses erfinden 1484 auf Grund der Zacuto- schen Tafeln im Vereine mit zwei christlichen Kollegen das nautische Astrolab (ein Instrument, um aus dem Stande der Sonne die Entfernung des Schiffes vom Äquator zu bestimmen). Jose übersetzt den Almanach seines Lehrers Zacuto ins Lateinische und Spanische.

Sodann soll die materielle Unterlage der Columbusschen Expeditionen von den Juden geschaffen sein. Jüdische Gelder haben die beiden ersten Reisen des Columbus ermöglicht. Die erste unternimmt er mit Hilfe des Darlehns, das ihm der KgL Rat Luis de Santangel gewährt. An Santangel, den eigentlichen Protektor der Columbus-Expedition, sind auch der erste und zweite Brief des Columbus adressiert; an ihn und an den Schatzmeister von Aragonien, Gabriel Saniheg, einen Marranen, Die zweite Expedition des Columbus wird wiederum mit jüdischem Gelde ausgerüstet, das dieses Mal freilich nicht frei- wiUig gespendet worden war: nämUch mit dem Gelde, das von den vertriebenen Juden zurückgelassen war und das 1493^

— 33 —

Ferdinand von Aragonien für den Staatsschatz hatte einziehen lassen.

Aber weiter: im Schiffe des Columbus waren eine Anzahl Juden und der erste Europäer, der amerikanischen Boden betrat, war ein Jude: Luis de Torres. So will es die neueste „akten- mäßige" Forschung^-.

Und was das Allerschönste ist: neuerdings wird Columbus selber für das Judentum reklamiert! Ich teile diese neueste Entdeckung mit, ohne imstande zu sein, ihre Richtigkeit nach- prüfen zu können. In einer Sitzung der Geographischen Ge- sellschaft zu Madrid hat der Gelehrte Don Celso Garcia de la Riega über seine Columbus-Forschungen berichtet, aus denen hervorgeht, daß Christobal Colon (nicht Colombo) ein Spanier und mütterlicherseits von jüdischer Abstammung war. Don Garcia de la Riega hat aus bischöflichen und Notariats- akten der Stadt Pontevedra in der Provinz Galicien nachgewiesen, daß dort zwischen 1428 und 1528 die Famiüe des Colon ansässig war, und daß in dieser Familie dieselben Vornamen übUch waren, die man bei den Verwandten des Admirals wiederfindet. Zwischen diesen Colons und der FamiUe Fonterosa haben Heiraten statt- gefunden. Die Fonterosas waren zweifellos ein jüdisches Ge- schlecht, oder doch erst seit kurzer Zeit zum Christentum be- kehrt. Die Mutter Christobal Colons hieß Suzanna Fonterosa. Als in der Provinz Gahcien Unruhen ausbrachen, haben die Eltern des Entdeckers Spanien verlassen und sind nach Italien aus- gewandert. Diese Behauptungen werden von dem spanischen Gelehrten noch durch weitere Beobachtungen gestützt. Er findet in den Schriften des Columbus zahlreiche Anklänge an die hebräische Literatur; die ältesten Porträts des Amerika-Ent- deckers zeigen einen echt jüdischen Gesichtstypus.

Und kaum waren die Tore der neuen Welt den Europäern geöffnet, so strömten nun in Scharen die Juden hinein. Wir sahen ja, daß die Entdeckung Amerikas in genau dasselbe Jahr fällt, in dem die Juden in Spanien heimatlos werden; sahen, daß die letzten Jahre des 15. Jahrhunderts und die ersten Jahr- zehnte des folgenden Jahrhunderts Zeiten sind, in denen Myriaden von Juden zum Wandern gezwungen werden, in denen die europä- ische Judenheit wie ein Ameisenhaufen, in den man einen Stock steckt, in Bewegung gerät: kein Wunder, wenn von diesem

Sombart, Die Juden 3

— 34 —

Haufen ein großer Teil sich in die hoffnungsreichen Gebiete der neuen Welt begab. Die ersten Kaufleute drüben waren Juden ^^^ Die ersten industriellen Anlagen in den amerikanischen Kolonien rührten von Juden her. Schon 1492 lassen sich portugiesische Juden in St. Thomas nieder und beginnen hier die Plantagen- wirtschaft im Großen: sie errichten zahlreiche Zuckerfabriken und beschäftigen bald 3000 Negersklaven ^^. Der Zustrom der Juden nach Südamerika gleich nach der Entdeckung war so groß, daß im Jahre 1511 die Königin Johanna es für notwendig er- achtete, dagegen einzuschreiten ^*. Offenbar aber blieb diese Verordnung ohne Wirkung, denn der Juden drüben wurden immer mehr. Durch Gesetz vom 21. Mai 1577 wurde dann endlich das Verbot der gesetzlichen Auswanderung in die spanischen Kolonien formell aufgehoben.

Um die rege Wirksamkeit, die die Juden als Begründer des kolonialen Handels und der kolonialen Industrie in dem Bereiche südamerikanischen Gebietes entfalteten, ganz würdigen zu können, tut man gut, das Schicksal einiger Kolonien im einzelnen zu verfolgen.

Die Geschichte der Juden in den amerikanischen Kolonien und damit deren Geschichte selbst zerfällt in zwei große Ab- schnitte, die gebildet werden durch die Vertreibung der Juden aus Brasihen (1654).

Wie die Juden gleich nach der Entdeckung im Jahre 1492 in S. T h o m e die Zuckerindustrie begründen, wurde schon er- wähnt. Um 1550 finden wir diese Industrie auf der Insel schon in voller Blüte: 60 Plantagen, mit Zuckermühlen und Siede- pfannen versehen, erzeugen, wie der an den König entrichtete Zehnte ausweist, jährlich 150 000 Arroben Zucker (ä 25 Pfd.) ^5.

Von hier aus oder von Madeira aus^^ wo sie ebenfalls seit langem die Zuckerindustrie betrieben, verpflanzen die Juden diesen Industriezweig in die größte der amerikanischen Kolonien: nach Brasilien, das damit in seine erste Blüteperiode — die durch die Vorherrschaft der Zuckerindustrie bestimmt wird — ein- tritt. Das Menschenmaterial für die neue Kolonie lieferten in der ersten Zeit fast ausschheßhch Juden und Verbrecher, von denen jährlich zwei Schiffsladungen von Portugal hinübergehen^'. Die Juden werden sehr bald die herrschende Kaste: ,,ein nicht ge- ringer Teil der wohlhabendsten brasilianischen Kaufmannschaft

— 35 —

bestand aus , neuen Christen'"^. Einer ihres Volksstammes war es auch, der als erster Generalgouverneur die Verwaltung der Kolonie in Ordnung brachte: in der Tat begann die neue Be- sitzung erst recht in Blüte zu kommen, als man im Jahre 1549 Thome de Souza, einen Mann von hervorragenden Eigenschaften, hinüberschickte ^^. Aber ihren vollen Glanz beginnt die Kolonie erst zu entfalten, als sie (1624) in die Hände der Holländer übergeht und nun die reichen holländischen Juden anfangen, liinüberzuströmen. 1624 vereinigen sich zahlreiche amerikanische Juden und gründen in Brasilien eine Kolonie, in die 600 an- gesehene Juden von Holland her übersiedeln ^°. Noch in dieser ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts waren alle großen Zucker- plantagen in den Händen von Juden '^, von deren umfassender Wirksamkeit und von deren Reichtum uns die Reisenden be- richten. So äußerst sich Nienhoff, der Brasilien 1640 bis 1649 bereiste, wie folgt'-: Among the free inhabitants of Brazil that were not in the (Dutsch West India) Companys service the Jew^s were the most considerable in number, who had transplanted themselves thither from Holland. They had a vast traffic beyond all the rest, they purchased sugar-mills and built stately houses in the Receif. They were all traders, which would have been of great consequence to the Dutsch Brazil had they kept themselves \vithin the due bounds of traffic." Und in F. Pyrards Reise- bericht lesen wdr'-: ,,The profits they make after being nine or ten years in those lands are marvellous, for they all come back rieh."

Diese Vorherrschaft des jüdischen Elements im Plantagen- betrieb überdauerte die Episode der holländischen Herrschaft über Brasilien und dehnte sich — trotz der ,, Vertreibung" "^ der Juden im Jahre 1654 — bis in das 18. Jahrhundert aus. Jeden- falls erfahren wir noch aus der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts '*: einmal ,,als mehrere der angesehensten Kaufleute von Rio de Janeiro dem Heiligen Amte (der Inquisition!) in die Hände fielen, stockte der Betrieb auf so vielen Plantagen, daß Produktion und Handel der Provinz (sc. Bahia) sich erst nach längerer Zeit von diesem Schlage erholen konnte." Durch Dekret vom 2. März 1768 werden dann alle Register über die neuen Christen zur Ver- nichtung eingeliefert; durch Gesetz vom 25. März 1773 werden die ,, neuen Christen" in bürgerlicher Hinsicht den alten Christen

3*

— 36 —

vollkommen gleichgestellt. Es haben sich also offenbar wieder zahlreiche Kryptojuden auch nach der Besitzergreifung des Landes durch diePortugiesen im Jahre 1654 in Brasihen an hervorragender Stelle erhalten und haben dem Lande zu seiner Zuckerblüte dann noch die Edelsteinblüte gebracht, da sie den Handel mit Edelsteinen sehr bald ebenfalls sich unter- warfen.

Aber darum bleibt das Jahr 1654 in der jüdisch-amerika- nischen Geschichte doch von epochaler Bedeutung. Denn ein sehr großer Teil der brasilianischen Juden wandte sich doch damals anderen Gebieten Amerikas zu und verlegte dadurch das wirtschaftliche Schwergewicht dorthin.

Vor allem sind es einige wichtige Teile des westindischen Archipels und der angrenzenden Küste, die durch die Erfüllung mit jüdischem Wesen seit dem 17. Jahrhundert erst recht zur Blüte kommen. So B a r b a d o s '^^, das fast nur von Juden be- völkert wurde. Es war 1627 von den Engländern in Besitz ge- nommen worden; 1641 wurde das Zuckerrohr eingeführt; 1648 begann der Zuckerexport. Die Zuckerindustrie konnte sich aber nicht behaupten, da die Zucker wegen ihrer schlechten Qualität die Transportkosten nach England nicht deckten. Erst die aus Brasilien vertriebenen ,, Holländer" führten daselbst eine regel- mäßige Fabrikation ein und lehrten die Einwohner, trockenen und haltbaren Zucker zubereiten, dessen Ausfuhr alsbald in raschem Maße zunahm. 1661 konnte schon Karl H. 13 Besitzer, die aus Barbados eine Einnahme von 10 000 J^ bezogen, zu Baronen ernennen, und um 1676 war die Insel bereits imstande, jährlich 400 Schiffe mit je 180 t Rohzucker zu beladen.

Von Barbados führte 1664 Thomas Modyford die Zucker- fabrikation nach J a m a i c a '^ ein, das damit rasch zu Reichtum gelangte. 1656 hatten es die Engländer den Spaniern endgültig entrissen. Während es damals nur drei kleinere Siedereien auf Jamaica gab, waren 1670 schon 75 Mühlen im Betriebe, deren manche 2000 Ztr. Zucker erzeugten und im Jahre 1700 war Zucker der Hauptartikel Jamaicas und die Quelle seines Wohl- standes. Wie stark die Juden an dieser Entwicklung beteiligt waren, schließen wir aus der Tatsache, daß schon 1671 von den christlichen Kaufleuten bei der Regierung der Antrag auf Aus- schließung gestellt wird, der aber nur die Wirkung hat, daß die

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Ansiedlung der Juden von der Regierung noch mehr befördert wird. Der Governor verwarf die Petition mit den denkwürdigen Worten": „he was of opinion that His Majesty could not have more profitable subjects than the Jews and the Hollanders; they had great Stocks and correspondance." So kam es, daß die Juden aus Jamaica nicht ausgewiesen wurden, vielmehr ,,they became the first traders and merchants of the English colony" '^. Im 18. Jahrhundert tragen sie alle Steuern und haben Industrie und Handel größtenteils in ihren Händen.

Von den übrigen englischen Kolonien bevorzugten sie ins- besondere Surinam'^. Hier saßen seit 1644 Juden, die bald mit Privilegien ausgestattet wurden, ,,whereas we have found that the Hebrew nation . . have . . proved themselves useful and beneficial to the colony." Diese bevorzugte Lage dauerte natürlich an, als Surinam (1667) von England auf Holland über- ging. Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts ist ihr numerisches Verhältnis wie 1 zu 3. Sie besitzen 1730 von den 344 Plantagen in Surinam, auf denen meist Zucker gebaut wurde, 115.

Dasselbe Bild wie die englischen und holländischen Kolonien gewähren die wichtigeren französischen: Martinique, Guadeloupe, S. Domingo ^". Auch hier ist die Zuckerindustrie die Quelle des ,, Wohlstandes" und auch hier sind die Juden die Beherrscher dieser Industrie und des Zuckerhandels.

In Martinique wurde die erste große Plantage und Siederei 1655 von Benjamin Dacosta angelegt, der dorthin mit 900 Glaubens- genossen und 1100 Sklaven aus Brasilien geflüchtet war.

In S. Domingo wurde die Zuckerindustrie schon 1587 be- gonnen, aber erst die ,, holländischen" Flüchtlinge aus Brasilien bringen sie in Blüte.

Man muß sich nun immer vor Augen halten, daß in jenen kritischen Jahrhunderten, als die amerikanische Kolonialwirtschaft begründet wurde (und durch sie der moderne KapitaUsmus), die Zuckergewinnung (außer natürlich der Silberproduktion und der Gewinnung von Gold und Edelsteinen in Brasilien) das Rückgrat der ganzen kolonialen Volkswirtschaft und damit indirekt der einheimischen Volkswirtschaft bildete. Man kann sich kaum noch eine richtige Vorstellung machen von der überragenden Bedeutung, die Zuckerindustrie und Zuckerhandel in jenen Jahr- hunderten hatten. Es war gewiß keine Übertreibung, wenn es

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in einem Beschluß des Pariser Handelsrates vom Jahre 1701 heißt: „Frankreichs Schiffahrt verdankt ihren Glanz dem Handel seiner Zuckerinseln und kann nur durch diesen erhalten und erweitert werden." Und diesen Handel hatten die Juden fast monopolisiert (den französischen insbesondere das reiche Haus Gradis aus Bordeaux) ^^

Bedeutsam wurde aber diese Machtstellung, die sich die Juden in Mittel- und Südamerika erobert hatten, ganz besonders noch durch die enge Verbindung, in die seit dem Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts die englischen Kolonien Nordamerikas mit West- indien traten: eine Verbindung, der, wie wir sehen werden, das europäische Nordamerika sein Leben verdankte und die im wesent- lichen wieder durch jüdische Kaufleute hergestellt wurde. Damit sind wir zu der Besprechung der Rolle gekommen, die die Juden in der Entwicklung der nordamerikanischen Volkswirtschaft ge- spielt haben. Das heißt aber, um es gleich deutlich zu sagen: bei der Genesis der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Auch diese sind in wirtschaftlicher Beziehung ganz wesentlich durch den Einfluß jüdischer Elemente zu ihrer endlichen Gestalt gelangt. Was wiederum einer ausführlichen Erläuterung bedarf, da es der landläufigen Auffassung der Dinge (wenigstens in Europa) offenbar widerspricht.

Auf den ersten Bhck hat es den Anschein, als ob gerade das nordamerikanische Wirtschaftsleben wesentlich ohne Mit- wirkung der Juden sich ausgebildet habe. Und oft genug ist mir die Entwicklung der Vereinigten Staaten als Beweis für die Richtigkeit des Gegenteils vorgehalten worden, wenn ich be- hauptete, daß der moderne Kapitalismus doch im Grunde nichts anderes sei als eine Ausstrahlung jüdischen Wesens. Die Yankees selbst pochen darauf, daß sie ohne die Juden fertig geworden seien. Ein amerikanischer Schriftsteller, wenn ich nicht irre wars Mark Twain, hat einmal des längeren ausgeführt, wes- halb die Juden bei ihnen drüben keine Rolle spielten: weil sie, die Yankees, ebenso ,, gerissen" (smart) seien wie die Juden, wenn nicht gerissener. (Dasselbe übrigens, was die Schotten von sich behaupten.) Und in der Tat: unter den ganz großen Industriellen und Spekulanten der Vereinigten Staaten, unter den ,, Trustmagnaten" begegnen wir heute nicht allzuviel jüdischen Namen. Das mag alles zugegeben werden. Und dennoch halte

— so- lch meine Behauptung aufrecht, daß auch die Vereinigten Staaten, ja daß vielleicht kein Land mehr als die Vereinigten Staaten angefüllt sind mit jüdischem Wesen bis oben hinaus. Das weiß man übrigens in manchen und gerade den urteilsfähigen Kreisen Amerikas sehr wohl. Als vor einigen Jahren der 250. Jahrestag der Einwanderung der Juden in die Vereinigten Staaten mit großem Pomp gefeiert wurde, da schrieb der Präsident Roosevelt einen Brief an das Festkomitee, worin er seine Glückwünsche in eine ganz besonders ehrende Form kleidete. Er sagte: es sei das erstemal während seiner Präsidentschaft, daß er bei Gelegenheit einer Feier ein Begrüßungsschreiben sende; aber diese eine Ausnahme müsse er machen: die Veranlassung sei zu überwältigend groß. Die Verfolgungen, denen die Juden gerade in jener Zeit wieder ausgesetzt seien, machten es ihm ganz besonders dringlich zur Pflicht, zu betonen, welche hervor- ragenden Bürgereigenschaften die Männer jüdischen Glaubens und jüdischer Rasse entfaltet hätten, seit sie in das Land ge- kommen seien. Indem er dann von den Verdiensten der Juden um die Vereinigten Staaten erzählt, bedient er sich der durchaus den Kern der Sache treffenden Wendung: die Juden haben das Land aufbauen helfen: ,,the Jews participated in the upbuilding of this country" ^^. Und der Expräsident Grover Cleveland sagte bei derselben Gelegenheit: „Wenige, wenn überhaupt eine, von den das amerikanische Volk bildenden Nationalitäten haben direkt oder indirekt mehr Einfluß auf die Ausbildung des modernen Amerikanismus ausgeübt als die jüdische" („I believe that it can be safely claimed that few, if any, of those contri- buting nationalities have directly and indirectly been more in- fluential in giving shape and direction to the Americanism of to day" ^^),

Worin liegt denn nun aber die große Bedeutung der Juden gerade für die Vereinigten Staaten? Zunächst doch darin, daß ihr ziffermäßiger Anteil am amerikanischen Geschäftsleben niemals so ganz gering gewesen ist, wie es auf den ersten Blick hin scheint. Weil unter dem halben Dutzend bekannter Namen von MiUiardären, die heute wegen des Lärms, den ihre Träger (und namentlich Trägerinnen) machen, in aller Leute Ohren klingen, keine Juden sind, ist der amerikanische Kapitalismus doch nicht etwa arm an jüdischen Elementen. Erstensmal gibt

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es auch unter den ganz großen Trusts einige, deren Leitung sich in den Händen von Juden befindet. So ist der Smelters Trust, der mit allen kontrollierten Werken zusammen (1904) ein Kapital von (nominal) 201 Millionen $ repräsentierte, eine Schöpfung jüdischer Männer (der Guggenheims). Ebenso sind im Tobacco-Trust (500 Mill- $), im Asphalt-Trust, im Telegraph- Trust u. a. Juden in leitenden Stellungen ^^. Ebenso sind unter den ganz großen Bankfirmen eine ganze Reihe in jüdischem Besitze, durch die natürlich wiederum ein sehr großer Teil des amerikanischen Wirtschaftslebens kontrolliert wird. So wurde beispielsweise das ,,Harriman-System", das die Zusammenfassung aller amerikanischen Eisenbahnnetze zum Ziele hatte, im wesent- lichen durch das New- Yorker Bankhaus Kuhn, Loeb & Co. unter- stützt und gefördert. Ganz dick sitzen die Juden in herrschender Stellung im Westen: Kalifornien ist zum guten Teil ihre Schöpfung. Bei der Begründung dieses Staates haben sich die Juden hervorgetan als Richter, Abgeordnete, Governors, Bürger- meister usw. und nicht zuletzt als Geschäftsleute. Die Gebrüder Seligman, Wilh. Henry, Jesse, James in S. Francisco; die Louis Stoß, Lewis Gerstle in Sacramento (wo sie die Alasca Commercial Co. begründeten); die Hellman und Newmark in Los Angelos sind einige der bekannteren Firmen, die hier gewirkt haben. Während der Goldperiode waren es die Juden, die Beziehungen zum Osten und zu Europa anknüpften. Die wichtigsten finanziellen Transaktionen jener Zeit waren unternommen von Männnern wie Benj. Davidsohn, den Agenten der Rothschilds; Alb. Priest von Rhode Island; Alb. Dyer von Baltimore usw.; den drei Brüdern Lazard, die das internationale Bankhaus Lazard Freres (in Paris, London und S. Francisco) begründeten; wie den Selig- mans, den Glaziers und Wormsers. Moritz Friedländer war einer der großen Weizenkönige. Adolph Sutro beutete die Comstock Lodes aus. Und noch heute ist wohl der überwiegende Teil des kaUfornischen Bankwesens, aber auch der industriellen Unter- nehmungen in den Händen von Juden. Ich erinnere an: The London, Paris and American Bank (Sigm. Greenebaum, Rieh. . Jtschulz); die Angl. California Bank (Phil. N. Lilienthal, Ignatz Steinhart); die Nevada Bank; die Union Trust Company; die Farmers and Merchants Banks of Los Angelos u. a. Erinnere an die Ausbeutung der Kohlenfelder durch John Rosenfeld; an

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die Nachfolgerin der Hudson Bay Co.: the Alasca Commercial Co., an the North Americ. Comm. Co. u. a.^.

Daß durch die Einwanderung zahlreicher Juden während der letzten Jahrzehnte sich überall im Lande die quantitative Be- deutung der Juden für das amerikanische Wirtschaftsleben in geradezu gigantischer Weise fühlbar machen wird, dürfte kaum zweifelhaft sein. Man erwäge, daß jetzt schon mehr als eine Milhon Juden allein in New York lebt und daß von den ein- gewanderten Juden der größte Teil die kapitalistische Karriere überhaupt noch nicht begonnen hat. Wenn sich die Verhältnisse in Amerika so weiter entwickeln, wie im letzten Menschenalter, wenn die Zuwanderungsziffern und die Zuwachsraten der ver- schiedenen Nationalitäten dieselben bleiben, so erscheinen die Vereinigten Staaten nach 50 oder 100 Jahren in unserer Phan- tasie ganz deutlich als ein Land, das nur noch von Slaven, Negern und Juden bewohnt sein wird und in dem die Juden natürlich die wirtschaftliche Hegemonie an sich gerissen haben.

Aber das sind Zukunftsspiegelungen, die in diese Zusammen- hänge, wo Vergangenheit und Gegenwart erkannt werden sollen, nicht hinein gehören. Für Vergangenheit und Gegenwart mag zugegeben werden, daß der quantitative Anteil der Juden am amerikanischen Wirtschaftsleben zwar immer noch recht ansehn- lich und keineswegs so geringfügig ist wie eine oberflächliche Beobachtung annehmen läßt, daß sich aber aus dem bloß quanti- tativen Anteil noch nicht jene überragende Bedeutung ableiten läßt, die ich (mit vielen andern urteilsfähigen Leuten) dem jüdischen Stamme zurechne. Diese muß vielmehr aus ziemlich verwickelten Zusammenhängen heraus als eine in ganz hervor- ragendem Sinne qualitativ bestimmte erkannt werden.

Deshalb möchte ich auch noch nicht einmal so großen Nach- druck auf die immerhin nicht unwichtige Tatsache legen, daß die Juden in Amerika eine Reihe ganz wichtiger Handelszweige bis zur Monopolstellung in ihnen beherrschen oder doch wenigstens lange Zeit hindurch beherrscht haben. Ich denke da vornehmlich an den Getreidehandel, namentlich im Westen; an den Tabak- handel; an den Baumwollhandel. Man sieht auf den ersten Blick, daß dies drei Hauptnervenstränge der amerikanischen Volkswirtschaft sind und begreift, daß diejenigen, in deren Ge- walt diese drei mächtigen Wirtschaftszweige liegen, schon ohne

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weiteres hervorragenden Anteil an dem wirtschaftlichen Gesamt- prozesse nehmen müssen. Aber wie gesagt: ich urgiere diesen Umstand gar nicht so sehr, weil ich die Bedeutung der Juden für die Volkswirtschaft der Vereinigten Staaten aus noch viel größeren Tiefen deuten möchte.

Die Juden sind wie ein ganz besonderer Faden, man könnte sagen: wie ein goldener Faden in einem Gewebe, von Anfang bis zu Ende in die amerikanische Volkswirtschaft hineingewoben, sodaß diese ihre eigentümliche Musterung durch sie vom ersten Augen- blick an empfängt.

Denn seit dem ersten Erwachen des kapitalistischen Geistes an den Küsten des Atlantischen Ozeans und in den Wäldern und Steppen des neuen Erdteils sind sie da. Als das Jahr ihrer Ankunft wird das Jahr 1655 betrachtete^: als ein Schiff mit Juden aus dem meist portugiesisch gewordenen Brasilien am Hudson landete und Einlaß in die dort von der Holländisch- westindischen Kompagnie begründete Kolonie begehrte. Schon nicht mehr nur als Bittende. Schon als Angehörige eines Volks- stammes, der stark beteiligt an der neuen Gründung war und dessen Einfluß schon die Gouverneure der Kolonie sich zu beugen hatten. Damals, als das Schiff mit den jüdischen Einwanderern eintraf, führt Stuyvesant das Regiment in Neu-Amsterdam. Und Stuyvesant war kein Freund der Juden und hatte alle Lust, den Einlaß Begehrenden die Türe zu verschließen. Da kam aber die Weisung aus Amsterdam in einem Briefe der Direktoren der Kompagnie (vom 26. 4. 1655): die Juden sind zum Handel und zur Niederlassung in dem Gebiete der westindischen Kompagnie zuzulassen, also: „because of the large amount of capital which they have invested in shares in this Company" ^~. Von Neu- Amsterdam kamen sie bald nach Long Island, Albany, Rhode Island, Philadelphia.

Und von nun an beginnt ihre rege Wirksamkeit, die zunächst einmal dafür Sorge trug, daß die neuen Kolonien überhaupt ökonomisch bestehen konnten. Wenn die Vereinigten Staaten heute da sind, so wissen wir, daß dies nur deshalb geschah, weil die englischen Kolonien Nordamerikas sich durch eine Kette günstiger Umstände zu einer Machtstellung hinauf entwickeln konnten, die ihnen schließlich die Fähigkeit zu selbständiger Existenz verlieh. Und gerade bei diesem Aufbau der kolonialen

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Größe sehen wir die Juden als die ersten und eifrigsten Förderer am Werke.

Ich denke wiederum nicht an die naheUegende Tatsache, daß durch die Unterstützung einiger mächtiger jüdischer Häuser allein es dem Staatswesen der Kolonien gelang, sich zur Selbständigkeit herauszubilden, weil jene ihnen die ökonomische Unterlage bereiteten, auf der sie stehen konnten. Durch Lieferungen im Kriege und vor allem durch die Darreichung der nötigen Geldmittel, ohne die die Unabhängigkeit der „Ver- einigten Staaten" niemals zu erreichen gewesen wäre. Diese Leistungen der Juden sind nichts den amerikanischen Verhält- nissen Eigentümliches: wir werden ihnen noch als einer ganz allgemeinen Erscheinung begegnen, die in der Geschichte des modernen, auf kapitahstischer Basis ruhenden Staates überall fast gleichmäßig wiederkehrt und der ^\iv daher in einem größeren Zusammenhange noch Gerechtigkeit müssen widerfahren lassen.

Dagegen sehe ich in einer anderen Wirksamkeit der jüdischen Elemente im kolonialen Nordamerika ebenso eine Amerika kon- stituierende Tat, die zudem noch ein auf die amerikanische Welt beschränktes Phänomen darstellt. Ich meine die simple Tat- sache, daß während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts das ,,Juden- kommerz" die Quelle war, aus der die Volkswirtschaft der amerika- nischen Kolonie ihr Leben schöpfte. Weil nur die Handels- beziehungen, die die Juden unterhielten, ihnen die Möglichkeit gewährten, in dauernder ökonomischer Gebundenheit dem Mutter- lande gegenüber zu verharren und doch zu eigener wirtschaft- licher Blüte zu gelangen. Planer gesprochen: durch die Nötigung, die England seinen Kolonien auferlegte, alle gewerblichen Erzeug- nisse im Mutterlande zu kaufen, kam es ganz von selbst, daß die Handels- (und damit natürlich auch die Zahlungs-) Bilanz der Kolonien stets passiv war. Ihr Wirtschaftskörper hätte sich verbluten müssen, wenn nicht von außen ein beständiger Blutstrom in Gestalt von Edelmetall ihm zugeflossen wäre. Diesen Blutstrom aber leitete das ,,Judenkommerz" aus den süd- und mittelamerikanischen Ländern in die englischen Kolonien Nord- amerikas hinein. Dank ihren engen Beziehungen, die die nach Nordamerika gewanderten Juden mit den westindischen Inseln und Brasilien unterhielten, entfalteten sie einen regen Handels- verkehr mit jenen Gebieten, der im wesentlichen aktiv für die

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nordamerikanischen Kolonien war und deshalb unausgesetzt die in jenen Ländern selbst gewonnenen oder unmittelbar aus der Nachbarschaft reichüch in sie hineinströmenden Edelmetalle (seit Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts vor allem auch das brasilianische Gold) in die Adern der nordamerikanischen Volkswirtschaft über- leitete 88.

Kann man im Hinblick auf die eben berührten Tatbestände mit einigem Recht sagen, daß die Vereinigten Staaten es den Juden verdanken, wenn sie überhaupt da sind, so kann man mit demselben Rechte behaupten, daß sie dank allein dem jüdischen Einschlag so da sind wie sie da sind, das heißt eben amerikanisch. Denn das, was wir Amerikanismus nennen, ist ja zu einem sehr großen Teile nichts anderes als geronnener Judengeist.

Woher aber stammt diese starke Tränkung der amerika- nischen Kultur mit dem spezifisch jüdischen Geiste?

Wie mir scheint: aus der frühen und ganz allgemeinen Durchsetzung der Kolonistenbevölkerung mit jüdischen Ele- menten.

So viel ich sehe, ist die Besiedlung Nordamerikas in den meisten Fällen so vor sich gegangen: ein Trupp kernfester Männer und Frauen — sage zwanzig Familien — zog in die Wildnis hinein, um hier ihr Leben neu zu begründen. Unter diesen zwanzig Familien waren neunzehn mit Pflug und Sense ausgerüstet und gewillt, die Wälder zu roden, die Steppe abzu- brennen und mit ihrer Hände Arbeit sich ihren Unterhalt durch Bebauung des Landes zu verdienen. Die zwanzigste Familie aber machte einen Laden auf, um rasch die Genossen auf dem Wege des Handels, vielleicht sogar des Wanderhandels, mit den notwendigsten Gebrauchsgegenständen, die der Boden nicht her- vorbrachte, zu versehen. Diese zwanzigste Familie kümmerte sich dann auch sehr bald um den Vertrieb der von den neunzehn anderen der Erde abgewonnenen Produkte. Sie war diejenige, die am ehesten über Bargeld verfügte und deshalb in Notfällen den anderen mit Darlehnen nützlich werden konnte. Sehr häufig gliederte sich an den ,, Laden", den sie offen hielt, eine Art von Landleihbank an. Oft wohl auch eine Landverkaufsagentur und ähnliche Gebilde. Der Bauer in Nordamerika wurde also durch die Wirksamkeit unserer zwanzigsten Familie von vornherein mit der Geld- und Kreditwirtschaft der alten Welt in Fühlung

- 45 -

gebracht. Das ganze Produktionsverhältnis baute sich von vorn- herein auf einer modernen Basis auf. Das städtische Wesen drang gleich in die entlegenen Dörfer siegreich vor. Die Durch- tränkung der amerikanischen Volkswirtschaft mit kapitalistischer Organisation und kapitalistischem Geiste nahm, möchte man sagen, vom ersten Tage der Siedlung an ihren Anfang. Denn jene ersten Zellen kommerzialistischen Wesens wuchsen sicli alsobald zu alles umspannenden Organisationen aus. Und von wem ist — soweit wie persönliche Faktoren hier den Ausschlag gaben und nicht etwa die bloße Sachlage die neuen Entwicklungsreihen erzeugte — von wem ist diese ,,Neue Welt" kapitalistischen Gepräges erbaut worden? Von der zwanzigsten Familie in jedem Dorf.

Nicht nötig zu sagen, daß diese zwanzigste Familie jedesmal die jüdische Familie war, die sich einem Siedlertrupp anschloß oder ihn bald nach seiner Niederlassung aufsuchte.

Diese Zusammenhänge sehe ich einstweilen so allgemein nur mit meinem geistigen Auge, indem ich die Fälle, in denen sie nachzuweisen sind, zu einem Gesamtbilde zusammenfüge. Die nach mir kommenden Forscher werden unter dem von mir hervorgekehrten Gesichtspunkte die Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Vereinigten Staaten zu schreiben haben. Das, was mir an Be- legen untergelaufen ist, darf einstweilen nur als die ersten Elemente einer späteren ausführlichen Darstellung angesehen werden. Immerhin lassen die Gleichförmigkeit und Natürlichkeit der Entwicklung mit einiger Sicherheit vermuten, daß es sich dabei nicht um vereinzelte Fälle, sondern um typische Er- scheinungen handelt.

Was ich von der Einwirkung der Juden auf den Gang des amerikanischen Wirtschaftslebens behaupte, hat ein anderer ein- mal so ausgedrückt: ,,he (the Jew) has been the leading financier of thousand prosperous communities. He has been enterprising and aggressive" ^.

In beliebiger Reihenfolge mögen folgende Tatsachen als Proben mitgeteilt werden.

In Alabama siedelte sich 1785 Abram Mordecai an. „He established a trading-post two miles west of Line creek, carrying on an extensive trade ■with the Indians, and exchanging his goods for pinkroot, hickory, nut oil and peltries of all kinds" ".

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In A 1 b a n y: ,,As early as 1661, wlien Albany was but a small trading post, a Jewish trader, named Asser Levi (or Leevi) became thc owner of real estate there. ." '^

Ein beliebtes Ziel wurde Chicago, seitdem dieses Eisenbahn- und Handclsmittelpunkt zu werden beginnt. Das erste Steinhaus wird dort von dem Juden Ben. Schubert gebaut, der darin das erste Schneidergeschäft in Chicago errichtet: Ph. Neuburg führt als erster den Tabakhandel in Chicago ein»-.

In Kentucky begegnen wir schon in den ersten Jahren des 19. Jahr- hunderts jüdischen Bewohnern. Ein Mr. Salomon, der 1808 einwandert, wird 1816 , als die Bank of the U. S. eine Filiale in Lasington errichtet, deren Kassierer *".

Gleich unter den ersten Ansiedlern von M a r y 1 a n d ^^, Michigan'^, Ohio®*, Pennsylvanien finden wir den jüdischen Händler, ohne daß wir bisher Näheres über ihre Tätigkeit wüßten.

Ganz deutlich wiederum können wir ihre Wirksamkeit als Pioniere kapitalistischen Wesens in Texas verfolgen. Hier entfalten Männer wie Jac. de Cordova, Mor. Koppere, Henry Castro ihre folgenreiche Tätigkeit. Cordova ,,was by far the most extensive land locator in the State until 1856". The Cordova's Land Agency soon became well known, not only in Texas, but in New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, where the owners of large tracts of Texas lands resided." Mor. Koppere wird (1863) Präsident der National Bank of Texas. Henry Castro betreibt das Geschäft des Aus- wandererunternehmers: „between the years 1843 — 46 C. introduced into Texas over 5000 emigrants. . .transporting them in 27 ships, chiefly from the Rhenish provinces." Dann nach ilirer Ankunft versieht er die Kolonisten mit den not- wendigen Gerätschaften, Saatgetreide usw.: ,,he fed bis colonists for a year, furnished them with cows, farming implements, seeds, medecine and in fact whatever they necded" '*.

Über eine ganze Reihe von Staaten verbreiten sich andere jüdische Familien, die dann durch ihren Zusammenhang noch wirksamer arbeiten können. Besonders charakteristisch für die Entfaltung der jüdischen Tätig- keit ist wohl die Geschichte der Familie Seligman, von der acht Brüder (die Söhne des David Seligman aus Baj^ersdorf) ein Geschäft be- gründen, das sich schließlich über die Hauptplätze der Vereinigten Staaten ausdehnte. Sie ist in Kürze diese: 1837 wanderte Joseph S. nach den Ver- einigten Staaten aus. 1839 folgen zwei Brüder, 1841 folgt der dritte. Diese gründen ein kleines Kleidergeschäft in Lancaster. Von dort gehen sie nach Selma Ala und von dort eröffnen sie Filialen in drei amerikanischen Orten. 1848 wandern sie mit noch zwei Brüdern nach dem Norden. 1850 gründet Jesse ein Ladengeschäft in S. Francisco: in dem einzigen dort vorhandenen Backsteinbau. 1857 wird dem Kleidergeschäft ein Bankgeschäft angegliedert. 1862 begründen sie die Firma S. in New York, S. Francisco, London, Paris, Frankfurt a. M. (Sie tun sich nunmehr besonders bei der Geldbeschaffung zur Zeit des Bürgerkrieges hervor *°.)

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Auch in den Südstaaten der Union spielt der Jude zum Teil eine ähnliclie Rolle, wie in den anderen Staaten: die des Händlers unter acker- bauenden Kolonisten >'"'. Daneben freilich finden wir ihn hier auch früh- zeitig schon (ähnlich wie in Mittel- und Südamerika) als reichen Plantagen- besitzer. In Süd - Carolina beispielsweise ist ,,Jcws Land" synonym mit großen Plantagen ">^ Hier hat unter anderen Moses Lindo seine Tätig- keit entfaltet als Hauptförderer der Indigogewinnung (wovon schon die Rede war).

Eine wertvolle Unterstützung findet die genetische Methode der Betrachtung im vorliegenden Falle doch auch wiederum durch die Beobachtung, daß während der ganzen Entstehungszeit der Vereinigten Staaten der Zustrom der Juden stark und stetig gewesen ist. Freilich haben wir, um dies zu erweisen, für die frühere Zeit keine Ziffern zur Verfügung, die unmittelbar den zahlenmäßigen Anteil der Juden an der Gesamtbevölkerung oder an der Einwanderungsmenge zum Ausdruck brächten. Wir können doch aber aus einer ganzen Menge von Anzeichen mit einiger Sicherheit schließen, daß immer viele Juden nach Amerika ausgewandert sind.

Um ihre (quantitative) Bedeutung zu ermessen, muß man auch die in den früheren Jahren außerordentlich dünne Be- siedlung des Landes in Berücksichtigung ziehen. Wenn wir beispielsweise erfahren, daß Neu-Amsterdam Mitte des 17. Jahr- hunderts noch weniger als 1000 Einwohner hatte ^"^^ dann werden wir die paar Schiffsladungen Juden, die damals aus Brasilien nach dort übersiedelten, schon recht hoch veranschlagen in ihrer Wirkung auf das gesamte Wirtschaftsleben der Gegend ^^, ebenso wie wir es als eine starke Durchsetzung mit jüdischen Elementen ansehen werden, wenn in den allerersten Jahren der Besiedlung Georgias dort ein Schiff mit 40 Juden landet, und wenn in Savannah, einer kleinen Handelszentrale, im Jahre 1733, als die Salzburger dort eintreffen, 12 jüdische Familien in der Kolonie ansässig waren ^^.

Wie behebt die Vereinigten Staaten als Wanderziel der deutschen (und polnischen) Juden frühzeitig wurden, ist im all- gemeinen bekannt und wird uns durch Berichte aus den Ab- wanderungsgebieten bestätigt. ,, Unter den ärmeren jüdischen Familien Posens fand sich im zweiten Viertel des 19. Jahr- hunderts nur selten eine, die nicht einen ihrer Söhne, und jzwar gewöhnlich den tüchtigsten und anschlägigsten, der Enge

— 48 —

und dem Drucke der Heimat über den Ozean hatte entweichen sehen" ^^.

So daß uns die enorme Ziffer der jüdischen Soldaten, die im Bürgerkriege gedient haben: 7243^*^, nicht überrascht und wir geneigt sind, die Schätzung der Zahl der Juden, die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts in den Vereinigten Staaten gelebt haben sollen: 200 000 (davon 30 000 zu New York) i«', eher für zu niedrig zu halten.

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Fünftes Kapitel

Die Begründung des modernen Staates

Die Ausbildung der modernen Kolonialwirtschaft und die Entstehung des modernen Staates sind zwei einander bedingende Erscheinungen. Beide sind, die eine ohne die andere nicht denk- bar und wiederum von beiden gleichmäßig abhängig ist die Genesis des modernen Kapitalismus. Wenn wir also die Be- deutung irgend eines geschichtlichen Faktors für dessen Werde- gang abschätzen wollen, so müssen wir nachprüfen: ob und gegebenenfalls in welchem Umfange er Einfluß gehabt hat auf die beiden genannten Phänomene. Ich frage deshalb hier nach dem Anteil der Juden an der Herausbildung des modernen Staates.

Auf den ersten Blick gewinnt es den Anschein, als ob die Juden an allem anderen, nur nicht an der Entstehung des Staates Anteil hätten: sie — das im innersten Wesen „unstaatliche" Volk. Denn keiner der großen Staatsmänner, an deren Namen wir zu- erst denken, wenn wir für die Ausbildung des modernen Staates bedeutende Menschen verantworthch machen wollen, ist Jude: nicht Karl V., nicht Ludwig XL, nicht Richelieu, nicht Mazarin, nicht Colbert, nicht Cromwell, nicht Friedrich Wilhelm L oder Friedrich IL von Preußen.

Freilich möchte unser Urteil wohl wesentlich anders lauten, wenn wir bedenken, daß die Grundzüge des modernen Staates schon während der späteren Jahrhunderte des „Mittelalters" in Italien und namentlich in Spanien ausgebildet worden sind, und daß hier jüdische Staatsmänner in leitender Stellung zahlreich nach- gewiesen werden können. Es ist bedauerUch, daß die Geschichte des modernen Staates (soviel mir bekannt) noch niemals unter

Sombart, Die Juden 4

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diesem Gesichtspunkt geschrieben worden ist: ich glaube, daß man ganz neue Seiten dem Stoffe abgewinnen könnte. Aber zwischen den Werken, die die Geschichte der Juden in Spanien und Portugal behandeln, wie etwa Lindo, de los Rios, Kayser- ling, Mendes dos Remedios, und denen, die dem Ursprung des modernen Staates in Spanien und Portugal nachgehen, wie etwa Ranke oder Baumgarten, besteht nicht der geringste Zu- sammenhang.

Aber wenn wir auch unter den Regierenden des modernen Staates keine Juden finden, so können wir uns diese Regierenden, können wir uns den modernen Fürsten nicht gut ohne den Juden denken. (Etwa wie Faust nicht ohne Mephistopheles.) Arm in Arm schreiten die beiden in den Jahrhunderten, die wir die Neu- zeit nennen, einher. Ich möchte geradezu in dieser Vereinigung von Fürst und Jud' eine Symbolisierung des aufstrebenden Kapitahsmus und damit des modernen Staates erblicken. Rein äußerlich sehen wir in den meisten Ländern die Fürsten als die Beschützer der gehetzten Juden gegen Stände und Zünfte — also gegen die vorkapitalistischen Mächte auftreten. Und inner- lich laufen ihre Interessen, laufen ihre Gesinnungen zu einem guten Teile nebeneinander und ineinander. Der Jude verkörpert den modernen Kapitalismus und der Fürst verbindet sich mit dieser Macht, um seine Stellung zu erobern oder zu erhalten. Planer gesprochen: Wenn ich von einem Anteil der Juden an der Begründung des modernen Staates spreche, so denke ich nicht sowohl an ihre unmittelbare Wirksamkeit als staats- männische Organisatoren, als vielmehr an eine mehr indirekte Mitwirkung an dem großen staatsbildenden Prozesse der letzten Jahrhunderte. Ich denke daran, daß sie es vor allem waren, die dem werdenden Staate die materiellen Mittel zur Verfügung stellten, mit deren Hilfe er sich erhalten und weiter entwickeln konnte, daß sie auf zwiefache Weise das Fundamentum stützten, auf dem alles moderne Staatswesen ruht: die Armee. Auf zwiefache Weise: durch deren Versorgung mit Waffen, Monturen und Lebensmitteln im Kriege und durch Beschaffung der not- wendigen Geldbeträge, die natürlich nicht nur (wenn auch vor- wiegend in frühkapitahstischer Zeit) für Heereszwecke, sondern auch zur Deckung des übrigen Hof- und Staatsbedarfs Ver- wendung fanden. Mit anderen Worten: ich erblicke in den Juden

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Hainentlich während des 16., 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts die ein- flußreichsten Heeresheferanten und die leistungsfähigsten Geld- geber der Fürsten und glaube diesem Umstände eine überragende Bedeutung für den Entwicklungsgang des modernen Staates zu- messen zu sollen. Dafür wird es keiner besonderen Begründung bedürfen. Worauf es nur wieder ankommt, ist dies: den quellenmäßigen Nachweis für die Richtigkeit des behaupteten Tatbestandes zu erbringen. Das soll im folgenden versucht werden: abermals mit all' den Vorbehalten, die ich schon bei den vorhergehenden Abschnitten glaubte machen zu sollen: ins- besondere mit dem ausdrücklichen Bemerken, daß die wenigen Belege, die ich für die jetzt in Rede stehende Behauptung er- bringe, selbstverständlich nur den Anfang einer gründlichen und erschöpfenden Behandlung des Problems bilden sollen, und nicht den geringsten Anspruch erheben, vollständig zu sein. Wieder- um ist hier eine Stelle, von wo aus Dutzende von Spezialunter- suchungen in Zukunft ihren Ausgangspunkt nehmen möchten.

I. Die Juden als Lieferanten

Ich will nicht auf die Zeit vor 1492 zurückgreifen, weil sie aus dem Kreise dieser Betrachtungen im wesentlichen aus- geschieden werden soll (und für uns nur als Vorgeschichte in ihrer ursächlichen Bedeutung für spätere Vorgänge in Betracht kommt). Sonst Ueßen sich für die Wirksamkeit der Juden als Heereslieferanten in Spanien und anderswo zahlreiche Zeugnisse anführen.

Wir verfolgen sie aber gleich in ihrem neuen Wirkungs- kreise und begegnen ihnen hier zunächst in England während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts in der gedachten Eigenschaft. Während des Commonwealth ist der bei weitem bedeutendste Heereslieferant Ant. Fern. Carvajal, „the great Jew", der zwischen 1630 und 1635 in London einwandert und sich bald zu einem der leitenden Kaufleute des Landes aufschwingt. Im Jahre 1649 gehört er zu den fünf Londoner Kaufleuten, denen der Staatsrat die Getreidelieferung für das Heer überträgt ^°^. Er soll jährlich für 100 000 gß Silber nach England gebracht haben. In der darauffolgenden Periode, namentlich in den Kriegen Wilhelms III., tritt als „the great contractor" vor allem Sir Solomon Medina,

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,,the Jew Medina", hervor, der daraufhin in den Adelstand er- hoben wird: er ist der erste (ungetaufte) adUge Jude in Eng- land i<».

Und ebenso sind es Juden, die auf der feindlichen Seite im spanischen Erbfolgekriege die Heere mit dem Nötigen versorgen: ,,Und bedient sich Frankreich jederzeit ihrer Hülffe, bey Krieges- Zeiten seine Reuterey beritten zu machen""*'. 1716 berufen sich die Straßburger Juden auf die Dienste, die sie der Armee Ludwigs XIV. durch Nachrichten und Proviant geleistet haben "^. Jacob Worms hieß der HauptkriegsUeferant Ludwigs XIV."^^ jm 18. Jahrhundert treten sie dann in dieser Eigenschaft in Frank- reich immer mehr hervor. Im Jahre 1727 lassen die Juden von Metz innerhalb von sechs "Wochen 2000 Pferde zum Verzehr und mehr als 5000 als Remonte in die Stadt kommen "^. Der Marschall Moritz von Sachsen, der Sieger bei Fontenoy, äußerte: daß seine Armeen niemals besser verproviantiert gewesen seien, als wenn er sich an die Juden gewandt hätte"*. Eine als Lieferant hervorragende Persönlichkeit zur Zeit der beiden letzten Ludwige war Cerf Beer, von dem es in seinem NaturaUsations- patent heißt: ,,que la derniere guerre ainsi que la disette, qui s'est fait sentir en Alsace pendant les annees 1770 et 1771 lui ont donne l'occasion de donner des preuves de zele dont il est anime pour notre Service et celui de l'Etat" ^^. Ein Welthaus ersten Ranges im 18. Jahrhundert sind die Gradis von Bordeaux: der Abraham Gradis errichtete in Quebec große Magazine, um die in Amerika fechtenden französischen Truppen zu versorgen"^. Eine hervorragende Rolle spielen die Juden in Frankreich als Fournisseure unter der Revolution, während des Direktoriums und auch in den napoleonischen Kriegen "'. Ein hübscher Beleg für ihre überragende Bedeutung ist das Plakat, das 1795 in den Straßen von Paris angeschlagen wurde, als dieses von einer Hungersnot bedroht war, und in dem die Juden auf- gefordert werden, sich für die ihnen von der Revolution ver- liehenen Rechte dadurch erkenntlich zu erweisen, daß sie Ge- treide in die Stadt kommen ließen. „Eux seuls", meint der Ver- fasser des Plakats, „peuvent mener cette entreprise ä bonne fin, vu leurs nombreuses relations, dont ils doivent faire profiter leurs concitoyens" "^.

Ein ähnhches Bild: wie im Jahre 1720 der Hof Jude Jonas

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Meyer durch Herbeischaffung großer Mengen von Getreide (der Chronist spricht von 40 000 Scheffeln) Dresden vor einer Hungers- not bewahrte ^^^.

Auch in Deutschland finden wir die Juden frühzeitig und oft ausschheßlich in den Stellungen der Heereslieferanten. Im 16. Jahrhundert ist da der Isaak Meyer, dem Kardinal Albrecht bei seiner Aufnahme zu Halberstadt 1537 mit Rücksicht auf die bedrohhchen Zeitläufte die Bedingung stellt „unser Stift mit gutem Geschütz, Harnisch, Rüstung zu versorgen"; und der Josef von Rosheim, der 1548 einen kaiserlichen Schutzbrief empfängt, weil er dem König in Frankreich Geld und Proviant für das Kriegsvolk verschafft hatte. Im Jahre 1546 begegnen wir böhmischen Juden, die Decken und Mäntel an das Kriegsheer liefern ^2". Im 17. Jahrhundert (1633) wird dem böhmischen Juden Lazarus bezeugt, daß er ,, Kundschaften und Avisen, daran der Kaiserlichen Armada viel gelegen, einholte oder auf seine Kosten einholen ließ, und sich stets bemühte, allerlei Kleidung und Munitionsnotdurft der Kaiserlichen Armada zuzuführen" ^^i. Der große Kurfürst bediente sich der Leimann Gompertz und Salomon Elias „bei seinen kriegerischen Operationen mit großem Nutzen, da sie für die Notwendigkeiten der Armeen mit vielen Lieferungen an Geschütz, Gewehr, Pulver, Mondierungsstücken etc. zu tun hatten" ^-^. Samuel Julius: Kaiserl. Königl. (Remonte-)Pferde-Lieferant unter Kurfürst Friedrich August von Sachsen; die Famihe Model: Hof- und Kriegslieferanten im Fürstentum Ansbach (17., 18. Jahrhundert) ^^s. ,,Dannenhero sind alle Commissarii Juden, und alle Juden sind Commissarii" sagt apodiktisch Moscherosch in den Gesichten Philanders von Sittewald ^\

Die ersten reichen Juden, die unter Kaiser Leopold nach der Austreibung (1670) wieder in Wien wohnen durften: die Oppen- heimer, Wertheimer, Mayer Herschel usw. waren alle auch Armeelieferanten^^. Zahlreiche Belege für die auch im 18. Jahr- hundert fortgesetzte Tätigkeit als Armeelieferanten besitzen wir für alle österreichischen Lande ^^.

Endlich sei noch der jüdischen Lieferanten Erwähnung getan, die während des Revolutionskrieges (ebenso wie später während des Bürgerkrieges) die amerikanischen Truppen verprovian- tierten ^2'.

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II. Die Juden als Finanzmänner

Auf diese Tätigkeit der Juden haben die Historiker schon früher ihr Augenmerk gerichtet und wir sind daher über die Rolle, die die Juden zu allen Zeiten der europäischen Geschichte als Finanzverwalter oder Geldgeber der Fürsten gespielt haben, verhältnismäßig gut unterrichtet. Ich kann mich deshalb hier kürzer fassen und mich mit einigen Hinweisen auf bekannte Tat- sachen begnügen.

Schon während des Mittelalters finden wir die Juden aller- orts als Steuerpächter, Pächter der Salinen und Domänen, als Schatzmeister und Geldgeber: am häufigsten natürlich auf der Pyrenäenhalbinsel, wo die Almoxarife und die Rendeiros mit Vorliebe aus der Reihe der reichen Juden genommen wurden. Da jedoch diese Zeit hier nicht besonders behandelt werden soll, so verzichte ich auf die Nennung einzelner Namen und verweise im übrigen auf die umfassende General- und Spezialliteratur ^^s

Aber gerade erst in der neueren Zeit, als der moderne Staat gebildet wird, wird die Wirksamkeit der Juden als finanzielle Beiräte der Fürsten von eingreifender Kraft.

In Holland gelangen sie rasch in leitende Stellungen (ob- wohl auch hier offiziell von der Beamtenlaufbahn ausgeschlossen). Wir erinnern uns des Günstlings Wilhelms III. Moses Machado, der Gesandtenfamilie der Belmonte (Herren van Schoonenberg), des reichen Suasso, der Wilhelm im Jahre 1688 2 Millionen Gulden leiht und anderer ^^.

Die Bedeutung der holländisch-jüdischen Hochfinanz reichte aber weit über die Grenzen Hollands hinaus, weil Holland während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts das Reservoir war, aus dem alle geldbedürfenden Fürsten Europas schöpften. Männer wie die Pintos, Delmontes, Bueno de Mesquita, Francis Mels und andere darf man geradezu als die leitenden Finanzleute des nördlichen Europa in jener Zeit betrachten ^^°.

Dann aber werden vor allem die englischen Finanzen während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts sehr stark von den Juden beherrscht. In E n g 1 a n d ^^^ hatten die Geldbedürfnisse des Langen Parlaments den ersten Anstoß gegeben, reiche Juden in das Land zu ziehen. Längst ehe ihre Zulassung durch Cromwell sanktioniert wurde, wanderten reiche Kryptojuden vor allem aus

— 55 —

Spanien und Portugal meist über Amsterdam ein — das Jahr 1643 brachte einen besonders reichen Zustrom — und fanden ihren Mittelpunkt im Hause des portugiesischen Gesandten zu London, Antonio de Souza, der selbst ein Marranos ist. Unter ihnen ragte der uns schon bekannte Antonio Fernandez Carvajal hervor, der als Geldgeber ebenso bedeutend war, wie als Liefe- rant: er war recht eigentlich der Finanzmann des Commonwealth. Eine neue Stärkung erfährt die reiche englische Judenschaft unter den jüngeren Stuarts, vor allem Karl IL Dieser führte be- kanntlich die Katharina von Braganza als Gemahlin heim und in ihrem Gefolge finden wir eine ganze Reihe jüdischer Hoch- finanzler, unter ihnen die Gebrüder da Sylva, jüdisch-portugie- sische Bankiers aus Amsterdam, denen die Verwaltung bezugs- weise die Überführung der Mitgift Katharinas übertragen worden war. Aus Spanien und Portugal kommen um diese Zeit noch die Mendes und die Da Costa nach England, und vereinigen hier ihre Häuser als Mendes da Costa.

,,The Chief men of the new immigration were wealthy Portugues Marranos. Some of them came to London to assit Duarte da Sylva in the administration of the Queens dowry. This must have been a very profitable business and the Marranos seem to have formed a syndicate to keep it to them- selves. The Kings d^a^\•fts and Warrants were always running ahead of the instelments of the dowry and considerable amounts of capital were required to discount them. The provision of this capital was confined to the Je WS" "^

Gleichzeitig aber beginnt auch die Einwanderung der asch- kenazischen Juden, die zwar im großen Ganzen nicht auf dem Reichtumsniveau stehen, wie die sephardischen Juden, unter denen sich aber auch Kapitalmagnaten wie etwa Benjamin Levy befinden.

Mit Wilhelm HL kommt neuer Zuzug und die Bande zwischen Hof (Regierung) und reichem Judentum werden noch enger. Sir Solomon Medina, den wir ebenfalls schon kennen gelernt haben, folgt dem Oranier nach England als sein Beistand in Geldangelegenheiten und mit ihm kommen die Suasso, eine andere FamiUe der Hochfinanz. Im Zeitalter der Königin Anna ist der leitende Finanzmann Englands Menasseh Lopez.

Als der Südseeschwindel über England hereinbricht, sehen wir die Judenschaft schon als die größte Finanzmacht im Lande stehen: sie halten sich von der wilden Spekulation fern und

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retten ihre großen Vermögen. So sind sie in der Lage, von der Anleihe, die die Regierung auf die Landtax aufnimmt, ein ganzes Viertel zu übernehmen. Das Haus, das in diesen kritischen Zeiten die Führung hat, sind die Gideon, vertreten durch Sampson Gideon (1699 — 1762), dem „trusted adviser of the Government", dem Freunde Walpoles, dem ,,Pillar of the State credit". Er ist es auch, der im Jahre 1745, in sehr kritischer Zeit, eine Anleihe von 1 700 000 £ aufbringt. Nach dem Tode Sampson Gideons wird die Firma Francis and Joseph Salvador die leitende Finanzmacht Englands, bis dann im Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts die Rothschild auch hier die Führung über- nehmen.

Um die Bedeutung der Juden als Finanzleute in Frank- reich zu erweisen, genügt es, an die einflußreiche Stellung zu erinnern, die Samuel Bernard während der späteren Zeiten Ludwigs XIV. und während der Regierung Ludwigs XV. ein- nimmt. Wir sehen Ludwig XIV. mit diesem Geldmanne, ,,dont tout le merite est d'avoir soutenu l'Etat comme la corde tient le pendu", wie ein etwas galliger Beurteiler meint ^^^ in seinen Gärten spazieren. Wir finden ihn als den Geldgeber im spanischen Erbfolgekriege, als den Unterstützer des französischen Kronprätendenten in Polen, als den finanziellen Beirat des Regenten wieder. Sodaß es kaum übertrieben gewesen sein wird, wenn ihn der Marquis de Dangeau in einem Briefe „gegenwärtig den größten Bankier Europas" nennt i^*. Auch in Frankreich sind übrigens die Juden stark beteiligt an der Sanierung der Com- pagnie des Indes nach den Schrecknissen des Südseeschwindels ^^. Ihre führende Rolle auf dem Geldmarkte und als Großfinanzer beginnen sie in Frankreich aber wohl doch erst im 19. Jahr- hundert zu spielen, als die Rothschild, die Helphen, die Fould, die Cerfberr, die Dupont, die Goudchaux, die Dalmbert, die Pereire u. a. ihre Geschäfte betrieben. Sehr leicht möglich ist es freiUch, daß (außer den schon genannten Namen) doch auch im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert noch mehr jüdische Finanzmänner in Frankreich ihre Wirksamkeit entfaltet haben, die bei der strengen Ausschließung der Juden sich als Krypto Juden den Nachforschungen entziehen.

In Deutschland und Österreich ist es wieder leichter, ihrem Treiben auf die Spur zu kommen, weil hier — auch

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•wenn die Juden von Rechts wegen in einem Lande sich nicht auf- halten durften — durch die sinnreiche Einrichtung der „Hofjuden" immer einige privilegierte Juden von den Fürsten zu ihrer Ver- fügung gehalten wurden.

Nach Graetz sollen diese „Hofjuden" eine „Erfindung" der deutschen Kaiser während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges gewesen sein. „Der Wiener Hof", meint der genannte Autor, ,, erfand auch «in anderes Mittel, die Finanzquelle der Juden für den Krieg ergiebig zu machen. Er ernannte jüdische Kapitalisten zu Hof- juden, räumte ihnen die ausgedehnteste Handelsfreiheit ein, be- freite sie von den Beschränkungen, denen andere Juden unter- worfen waren usw."^^. Wie dem auch sei: Tatsache ist, daß während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts kaum ein deutscher Staat namhaft zu machen ist, der nicht einen oder mehrere Hofjuden hielt, von deren Unterstützung im wesentlichen die Finanzen des Landes abhängig waren.

So finden wir am kaiserlichen Hofe während des 17. Jahr- hunderts ^^^ Josef Pinkherle von Görz, Moses und Jacob Marburger von Gradisca, Ventura Parente von Triest, Jacob Bassewi Batscheba Schmieles in Prag (den Ferdinand wegen seiner Dienste unter dem Namen von Treuenburg in den Adelstand erhob). Wir begegnen unter Leopold L dem angesehenen Hause Oppenheimer, von dem der Staatskanzler Ludewig aussagte ^^: ^,Anno 1690 illustre Oppenhemii Judaei nomen floruit inter mercatores et trapezitas non Europae tantum, verum cultioris orbis universi," nachdem er eben über die Wiener Juden ge- äußert hat: ,,praesertim Viennae ab opera et fide judaeorum res saepius pendent maximi momenti": daß von ihnen die Ent- scheidung in allerwichtigsten Dingen abhänge. Nicht minder berühmt war unter Kaiser Leopold I. der Judenrichter und Hof- faktor Wolf Schlesinger, der zusammen mit Lewel Sinzheim dem Staate mehrere große Anleihen verschafft. Maria Theresia be- diente sich außer diesen noch der Wertheimer, Arnsteiner, Es- keles u. a. Mehr als ein Jahrhundert hindurch waren die Hof- bankiers am Wiener Hof nur Juden ^^^. Wie groß deren wirt- schaftUche Macht und Einfluß in Wien war, erhellt aus der Tatsache, daß sich die Hofkammer anläßUch eines Judenkrawalls in Frankfurt a. M. veranlaßt sah, die Reichshofkanzlei im Inter- esse des Kredits um ihre Intervention zum Schutze der Frank-

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furter Juden zu ersuchen, da diese mit ihren Wiener Glaubens- genossen in Handelsbeziehungen ständen^*.

Nicht anders lagen die Dinge an den kleineren deutschen Fürsten h Öfen. Schon die verfeinerten Ansprüche der im Luxus miteinander wetteifernden zahlreichen Hofhaltungen erforderten bei den Schwierigkeiten des Verkehrs gewandte Agenten in den großen Mittelpunkten des Handels. Solche hatten die Mecklen- burger Herzöge in Hamburg, Bischof Joh. Philipp von Würzburg in der Person Moses Elkhans um 1700 in Frankfurt a. M. Damit war ihnen die Pforte eröffnet; dar betriebsame Mann, der Schmuck für die Fürstin, Livreestoffe für den Oberstkämmerer, Delikatessen für den Küchenmeister besorgte, war auch gern bereit, eine An- leihe zu negociieren i^^. Solche ,, Agenten", die ortsfernen Fürsten die notwendigen Geldmittel beschaffen, gab es manche in den großen Judenstädten Hamburg und Frankfurt a. M. Außer den genannten erinnere ich an den 1711 in Hamburg gestorbenen portugiesischen Juden Daniel Abensur, der Ministerresident des Königs von Polen in Hamburg war und der polnischen Krone beträchthche Summen lieh ^^. Andere dieser Agenten zogen dann an den Hof des Darlehnsempfängers und wurden die eigentlichen Hofiuden. In Kursachsen begegnen wir so (seitdem 1694 Friedrich August den Thron bestiegen hatte) dem Leffmann Berentz aus Hannover, dem J. Meyer aus Hamburg, dem Berend Lehmann aus Halberstadt (der das Geld für die polnische Königs- wahl vorschießt) und vielen anderen Hof juden i^^. In Hannover wirkten die Berend als Oberhof faktoren und Kammeragenten ^^; im Fürstentum Ansbach die Model, die Fränkel, die Nathan u. a.; in Kurpfalz die Lemte Moyses und Michel May, denen 1719 eine Forderung des Kurfürsten an den Kaiser im Betrage von 234 Millionen Gulden zediert wird^^; und in der Markgrafschaft Bayreuth die Baiersdorf 1*®.

Bekannt in weiteren Kreisen sind ja dann auch die Hof- juden der brandenburg-preußischen Fürsten: Lippold unter Joachim IL; Gomperz und Joost Liebmann unter Friedrich III. (I); Veit unter Friedrich Wilhelm L; Ephraim, Moses Isaac, Daniel Itzig unter Friedrich IL

Aber der bekannteste der deutschen Hofjuden, der recht eigentlich als deren Grundbild gelten kann, ist der Süß-Oppen- heimer am Hofe Karl Alexanders von Württemberg 1*'.

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Endlich sei noch darauf hingewiesen, daß gerade auch als Finanzmänner namentlich während des 18. Jahrhunderts und insbesondere in der Zeit der Befreiungskriege die Juden in den Vereinigten Staaten eine große Rolle gespielt haben. Neben dem Haym Salomoni^, den Minis und Cohen in Georgia"", und vielen anderen, die die Regierung mit Geld unterstützen, ist hier vor allem Robert Morris zu nennen: der Finanzmann der amerikanischen Revolution schlechthin^^".

Nun ereignet sich aber etwas Seltsames: während Jahr- hunderte lang und wie wir sehen gerade während des für den Aufbau des modernen Staates entscheidenden 17. und 18. Jahr- hunderts die Juden persönlich dem Fürsten ihre Dienste leihen, vollzieht sich langsam schon während jener Zeit, dann aber vor allem während des letzten Jahrhunderts, eine Neubildung in der Gestaltung des öffentlichen Schuldenwesens, die den großen Geldgeber mehr und mehr aus seiner beherrschenden Stellung verdrängt und eine immer mehr und mehr wachsende Menge von Gläubigern aller Vermögenslagen an seinen Platz treten läßt. Durch die Entwicklung des modernen Anleihewesens, an die ich natürlich denke, wird, wie man gesagt hat, der öffent- liche Kredit „demokratisiert": der Hofjude wird ausgeschaltet. Und nun sind es nicht zuletzt wiederum die Juden, die dieses moderne Anleihewesen haben ausbilden helfen, sind sie es also, die sich selbst als monopolistische Geldgeber überflüssig gemacht und damit noch viel mehr bei der Begründung der großen Staaten mitgeholfen haben.

Die Ausgestaltung des öffentlichen Kreditsystems bildet aber nur einen Bestandteil einer viel größeren, allgemeinen Umbildung, die unsere Volkswirtschaft erfahren hat und an der ich ebenfalls ganz allgemein die Juden hervorragenden Anteil nehmen sehe. Es empfiehlt sich deshalb, diese Umbildung in ihrer Ganzheit zu betrachten und darzustellen.

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Sechstes Kapitel

Die Kommerzialisierung des Wirtscliaflslebens

Ich verstehe unter der Kommerzialisierung des Wirtschafts- lebens (wie ich einstweilen ganz vage umschreiben will) die Auf- lösung aller wirtschaftlichen Vorgänge in Handelsgeschäfte; oder doch ihre Beziehung auf Handelsgeschäfte; oder ihre Unter- werfung unter Handelsgeschäfte und damit, wie man es nicht ganz klar auszudrücken pflegt, unter die ,, Börse" als dem Zentralorgan alles hochkapitalistischen Handels,

Ich meine also, wie ersichtlich, den jedermann vertrauten Prozeß, der sich heute seiner Vollendung naht und der die Er- füllung des Kapitalismus bedeutet: den Prozeß der Verbörsianisie- rung der Volkswirtschaft, wie man ihn unter Vergewaltigung der deutschen Sprache nennen könnte. Aber auf den Namen kommt es nicht so sehr an, als auf die Einsicht in die Wesenheit der Erscheinung, die sich bei näherer Prüfung in drei — sowohl historisch wie systematisch unterscheidbare — Bestandteile auf- löst *.

Zunächst vollzieht sich ein Prozeß, den man die Ver- sachlichung des Kredits (oder allgemeiner: der Forderungsrechte) und ihre Objektivierung (Verkörperung) in ,, Wertpapieren" nennen mag. An ihn schließt sich der Vorgang, der unter dem Namen der Mobilisierung oder wenn man ein deutsches Wort vorzieht:

• Ich bemerke, daß die Darstellung, die ich hier von den Entwicklungs-

tendenzen der (hoch-)kapitalistischen Volkswirtschaft gebe, nur eine vor- läufige und skizzenhafte ist (soweit sie für die Lösung der in diesem Buche gestellten Sonderaufgabe unentbehrlich erscheint); daß ich die ausführliche Erörterung aller hier nur kursorisch berührten Punkte in der neuen Auflage meines „Med. Kap." hoffe vornehmen zu können.

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der Vermarktung dieser Forderungsrechte und ihrer Träger be- kannt ist. Beides aber findet seine Ergänzung in der Ausbildung selbständiger Unternehmungen zum Zweck der Schaffung von Forderungsrechten (Wertpapieren); also in deren Kreierung aus Gewinnabsichten. •.

Die folgende Darstellung soll den Nachweis erbringen, daß an allen diesen Vorgängen die Juden schöpferischen Anteil ge- nommen haben, ja daß die in dieser Entwicklung zum Ausdruck kommende Eigenart des modernen Wirtschaftslebens recht eigentlich dem jüdischen Einflüsse ihre Entstehung verdankt.

I. Die Entstehung der Wertpapiere

Wenn die Juristen das wesentliche Merkmal des Wert- papiers in seiner eigentümlichen Bedeutung für die Geltend- machung des in ihm verbrieften Rechtes erblicken ^^i. <jaß nämlich dessen Ausübung oder Übertragung oder beide ohne den Besitz der Urkunde rechtlich nicht statthat, so müssen wir vom wirt- schaftswissenschaftlichen Standpunkt aus — ohne in einen Gegen- satz zu der juristischen Auffassung zu treten, diese vielmehr in ihrer Richtigkeit bestärkend — vor allem den Umstand betonen, daß in einem Wertpapier (wenn es die eigenartige und von allen andern grundsätzlich zu unterscheidende Natur einer besonderen Art von Urkunden in voller Reinheit aufw^eist) sich ein nicht persönliches, sondern ,, versachlichtes" Schuld- (oder Forderungs- oder auch im weiteren Sinne Kredit-)verhältnis ^^^ „verkörpert". Die Entstehung der Wertpapiere ist somit der äußere Ausdruck der Versachlichung der Kreditbeziehungen, die selbst wiederum nur ein einzelnes Glied in der Kette von Versachlichungen bildet, dieser für alles hochkapitalistische Wesen mehr denn irgendein anderer Vorgang kennzeichnenden Erscheinung. Eine ,, Ver- sachlichung" eines ursprünglich persönlichen Verhältnisses voll- zieht sich überall dort, wo an Stelle des unmittelbaren Ein- wirkens oder Zusammenwirkens lebendiger Menschen die Wirk- samkeit eines von Menschen erst geschaffenen Systems von Einrichtungen (Organisationen) tritt. (Die Parallelerscheinung beobachten wir in der Technik, wo die Versachlichung darin be- steht, daß die lebendige Menschenarbeit einem System lebloser Körper übertragen wird: Maschinismus oder Chemismus.) Also die Kriegführung „versachlicht" sich, wenn nicht mehr die höchst-

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persönliche Initiative des Heerführers den Kampf entscheidet, sondern die geschickte Befolgung aller im Laufe der Jahre auf- gesammelten Erfahrungen und die Anwendung des kunstvollen Systems der Strategie und Taktik, der Geschützestechnik und der Verproviantierungsmethoden usw. Ein Detailhandelsgeschäft wird versachlicht, wenn der einst allein die Leitung ausübende Chef, der persönlich mit dem Personal und persönlich mit den Kunden verkehrt, ersetzt wird durch ein Direktorium, dem ein Stab von Zwischenleitern untersteht, unter denen wiederum Tausende von Angestellten tätig sind: alle nur kraft des Organisationsplanes, dem jeder einzelne unterworfen ist; in dem aber auch das einzelne Kaufgeschäft nicht mehr eine höchst- persönliche Verständigung zwischen Käufer und Verkäufer ist, sondern ein sich nach bestimmten festen Normen abspielender, automatischer Vorgang. Der kollektive Arbeitsvertrag „ver- sachlicht" das Lohnverhältnis usw.

Solcherart Versachlichung erfahren nun auch die Kredit- verhältnisse in einem bestimmten Stadium der kapitalistischen Ent- wicklung (und diese Versachlichung des Kredits ist, wie ich sagte, das charakteristische Merkmal der modernen Volkswirtschaft, nicht etwa die Entstehung oder auch nur die stärkere Ausdehnung des Kreditverhältnisses selbst, das in aller vor- und frühkapita- listischen Zeit, wenigstens als konsumtiver Kredit, eine oft über- ragende Bedeutung hat: Altertum!). Ganz allgemein gesprochen wird ein Kreditverhältnis ,, versachlicht", wenn es nicht mehr aus der persönlichen Vereinbarung zwischen zwei bekannten Personen entsteht, sondern durch ein System menschlicher Ein- richtungen zwischen einander unbekannten Personen nach objek- tivierten Normen und in schematisierten Formen zustande kommt. Den Angelpunkt dieser Einrichtungen eben bilden die Wert- papiere, in denen das Forderungs- und Schuldverhältnis zwischen Unbekannt und Unbekannt „objektiviert" ist, und durch deren Besitz jederzeit ein neuer Gläubiger in das Kreditverhältnis ein- treten kann. Ein unpersönliches Kreditverhältnis wird also durch das Wertpapier begründet. Das lehrt eine genaue Analyse des durch die bekannten Typen der Wertpapiere geschaffenen Schuldnexus. Diese sind hauptsächlich: der girierte Wechsel, die Aktie, die Banknote, die öffentlich-rechtliche und privat- rechtliche „Obligation".

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DergirierteWechsel (im Gegensatz zum nichtgirierten Wechsel) ebenso wie der Blankowechsel begründet das Forde- rungsrecht eines beliebigen dem Schuldner (Trassaten) ebenso wie dem ursprünglichen Gläubiger (Trassanten) ganz unbekannten Dritten, mit dem den Schuldner niemals ein wirtschaftliches Band sonst verknüpft zu haben braucht. Er wird nun ein all- gemeines Zahlungsmittel. Das Indossament macht das persönliche Erscheinen der Interessenten an bestimmten Ausgleichtagen (Meßwechsel!) unnötig i»^.

Die Aktie schafft dem beliebigen Besitzer ein Anteilsrecht an dem Kapital und dem Profit einer ihm persönlich ganz fremden Unternehmung. Die Beziehung einer Person zu einem Geschäftsbetriebe wird losgelöst nicht nur von der persönlichen Mitwirkung, sondern sogar von dem einer Person gehörigen Sach vermögen: sie wird objektiviert in einer abstrakten Geld- summe, die zu ganz verschiedenen Vermögenskomplexen gehören kann.

Die Banknote schafft dem Inhaber ein Forderungsrecht gegenüber der Bank, mit der er niemals ein Vertragsverhältnis braucht eingegangen zu haben. Sein Anspruch besteht ohne jede Beziehung etwa auf eine persönlich begründete Schuld- tatsache (wie ein Depositum).

Die (Partial-) Obligation begründet ebenso ein Kredit- verhältnis zwischen Unbekannt (dem Publikum, wie wir be- zeichnend sagen) und einem Dritten: dieser sei ein öffentlicher Körper oder eine Aktiengesellschaft oder eine Privatperson. Der Staat oder die Gemeinde, die eine öffentliche Anleihe auf- nehmen, kennen ihre Gläubiger ebensowenig wie die industrielle Unternehmung, die Obligationen ausgibt oder der Landwirt, der sich flüssige Mittel durch den Verkauf von Pfandbriefen ver- schafft. Die Obligation weist sogar noch verschiedene Grade der Versachlichung des Kreditverhältnisses auf: je nachdem der Schuldner eine individuelle (und dadurch bekannte) Person ist oder nicht. Man kann danach die (Partial)obligationen in In- dividual- und Kollektivobligationen teilen. Bei jenen steht den Gläubigern als Schuldner ein bestimmtes Unternehmen (oder etwa ein bestimmter ,, Standesherr") gegenüber; bei diesen eine unbekannte Menge von Schuldnern. Das trifft, wie man weiß, bei dem Pfandbriefverhältnis zu, bei dem die gesamten (oder

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viele) Grundbesitzer eines Bezirks, von deren Existenz der Pfandbriefinhaber vielleicht gar nichts weiß, als Schuldner ver- pflichtet sind.

Den Anteil der Juden an der Entstehung dieser Einrichtung ,, quellenmäßig" nachzuweisen, ist wohl eine Aufgabe, die nie restlos wird gelöst werden können. Selbst dann nicht, wenn man sich mehr mit der Stellung der Juden in früheren Wirtschaftsepochen' befaßt haben, selbst dann nicht, wenn man die bisher fast ganz vernachlässigten und doch gerade für die hier erörterten Probleme entscheidend wichtigen Partien der Wirtschaftsgeschichte, wie namentlich die Geschichte des Geld- und Bankwesens auf der Pyrenäenhalbinsel während der letzten Jahrhunderte des Mittel- alters, besser bearbeitet haben wird als bisher. Aus dem ein- fachen Grunde, weil sich die Genesis wirtschaftlicher Organi- sationen ebenso wenig wie die von Rechtsinstituten in ihrea letzten Gründen ,, quellenmäßig" wird nachweisen lassen. Es> handelt sich ja dabei, wie die Hauptvertreter der ,»quellen- mäßigen" Rechts- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte selbst oft genug hervorheben, nicht um ,»Erfindungen" oder ,, Entdeckungen",, die von einem bestimmten Tage datieren, sondern um lang- same, gleichsam organische Wachstumsprozesse, deren An- fänge sich im Dunkel des Alltagslebens verlieren. Womit wir uns begnügen müssen, ist die Feststellung, daß in einer be- stimmten Zeit die geschäftlichen Gepflogenheiten diesen oder jenen Grundzug aufgewiesen haben, daß der wirtschafthche Ver- kehr (bildlich gesprochen) auf diesen oder jenen Ton abgestimmt war. Diese Feststellung zu machen, reichen aber die oft genug lächerlich geringen Quellenbelege ganz und gar nicht aus, und deshalb wird man immer wieder zur Korrektur der ,, quellenmäßigen" Erforschung eines Instituts die Schlüsse aus der allgemeinen Wirtschafts- (oder Rechts-)lage, in der sich eine Zeit oder eine bestimmte Bevölkerungsgruppe befand, heranziehen müssen.

Ich denke beispielsweise an die G e s c h i c h t e des Wechsels; die wird man ganz gewiß niemals aus den paar Wechseln aufbauen können, die uns der Zufall aus dem Mittelalter überUefert hat. Diese werden uns immer nur als wertvolle Bestätigungen oder Berichtigungen allgemeiner Schlüsse dienen. Aber ohne diese allgemeinen Schlüsse werden wir nicht viel einzusehen vermögen. Gewiß haben diejenigen recht, die aus der Tatsache, daß der

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früher sog. „älteste" Wechsel von dem Juden Simon Rubens (1207) ausgestellt gewesen sein soll, nicht den Schluß zulassen wollen: die Juden seien die „Erfinder" des Wechsels ^^. Aber ebensowenig ist es natürlich angängig, aus der anderen Tat- sache, daß ältere Wechsel von NichtJuden herrühren, darauf schließen zu wollen: die Juden seien nicht „die Erfinder" des Wechsels. Was wissen wir, wieviel Tausend Wechsel in jener Zeit von dieser oder jener Bevölkerungsgruppe, in Florenz oder Brügge ausgestellt sind, von deren Dasein wir nichts erfahren? Aber was wir sehr genau wissen, ist dieses: daß die Juden die Träger des Geldverkehrs während des ganzen Mittelalters waren, daß sie an den verschiedensten Plätzen Europas saßen und unter- einander Beziehungen unterhielten. Und was wir daraus mit einiger Sicherheit schließen können, ist dieses: daß ,,die Juden, als einflußreiche Vermittler internationalen Handels, das im Vulgarrecht der iNIittelmeerländer traditionell überkommene Re- mittierungsgeschäft in größerem Umfange verwendet und weiter ausgebildet haben" i'^.

Daß, wenn man historische Erkenntnis solcher Art deduktiv gewinnen will, äußerste Vorsicht geboten ist, braucht nicht erst ausdrücklich hervorgehoben zu werden. Aber darum sollen wir auf die Anwendung dieser Methode nicht verzichten. Und bei einem Problem, wie dem hier behandelten, kommen wir ohne sie überhaupt zu keinem Ergebnis. Freilich gibt es auch Fälle, wie wir noch sehen werden, in denen sich der Anteil der Juden an der Ausbildung einer wirtschaftlichen Einrichtung mit aller nur wünschbaren ,, Quellenmäßigkeit" nachweisen läßt. Aber daneben bleibt doch eine Fülle von Erscheinungen übrig, die sich in ihrer Genesis durch keinerlei quellenmäßige Belege auf- hellen lassen. Bei ihnen müssen wir uns schon zufrieden geben, ■wenn wir etwa den Nachweis erbringen können, daß Juden in der Epoche und in dem Gebiete, wann und wo vermutlich die Anfänge der neuen Gebilde zu suchen sind, eine hervorragende Rolle im Geschäftsleben gespielt haben, oder daß Juden an der Ausbildung eines bestimmten Wirtschafts- (oder Rechts-)instituts ein ganz besonderes Interesse haben mußten. Vielleicht, daß dann spätere Untersuchungen auch noch mehr ,, quellenmäßiges" Beweismaterial zutage fördern, jetzt, nachdem der Blick für das Problem geschärft ist. Was ich hier über die zur Anwendung

Sombart, Die Juden 5

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gebrachte Methode sage, gilt allgemein, ganz besonders aber für den kurzen geschichtlichen Überblick, den ich im folgenden über die Genesis der oben skizzierten Typen der neueren Wertpapiere geben will.

1. Der indossable Wechsel

Nicht die Entstehung des Wechsels ist das, was uns hier interessiert, sondern (wie man sagen könnte) die des modernen, das heißt des versachlichten, weil girierten, Wechsels.

Man nimmt im allgemeinen an, daß das Wechselgiro vor dem 17. Jahrhundert jedenfalls nicht zu voller Entwicklung ge- langt und in Holland die früheste unbedingte Anerkennung findet (in der Amsterdamer Willkür vom 24. 1. 1651)^^^. Was aber auf dem Gebiete des Geld- und Kreditwesens während des 17. Jahrhunderts in Holland sich vollzieht, ist, wie wir noch genauer sehen werden, immer mehr oder weniger auf jüdischen Einfluß zurückzuführen. Goldschmidt verlegt die Anfänge der Wechselgirata nach Venedig, wo sie jedenfalls in einem Gesetz vom 14. 12. 1593 verboten wird (während die erste ihm be- kannte Wechselgirata 1600 in einer neapolitanischen Urkunde vorkommt)^'. Die Entstehung der Zirkulationsfigur des Giro in Venedig würde mit ziemlicher Sicherheit auf jüdischen Ursprung schließen lassen, da wir wissen, daß im 16. Jahrhundert der Wechselverkehr dort vornehmlich in jüdischen Händen lag. In der schon erwähnten Eingabe der christlichen Kaufleute Venedigs an den Staat vom Jahre 1550 lautet die auf das Wechselgeschäft der Juden bezugnehmende Stelle wörtlich wie folgt ^^^r

„II medesimo comertio tegniamo con loro etiam in materia de cambii, perchÄ ne rimettano continuamente i lor danari;. . .vero mandano contanti, acciochd geli cambiamo per Lion Fiandra et altre parti del Mondo su questa piazza de Rialto o vero ge coinpriamo Panni de seda o altre mercantie secondo il commodo loro, guadagnando le nostre sollte provisloni."

,,Questo che dicemo delli habbitanti in Fiorenza succede anche per li altri mercadanti di simil nation Spagnuola et Portugeza che abita in Fiandra, Lion, Roma, Napoli, Sicilia et altri paesi quali se estendono a negociar con noi, non solo in cambii raa in mandar qui mercantie de Fiandra, formenti di Sicilia per vender et comprar altre mercantie da condur in altri paesi."

Eine weitere Ausbildung scheint dann das Indossament auf den Genueser Messen im 16. Jahrhundert erfahren zu haben.

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Hier finden wir wenigstens zuerst das „Giro-Aval", wie man es neuerdings genannt hat, das wir als einen Vorgänger des eigent- lichen Wechselgiros zu betrachten haben.

Wer waren die ,, Genuesen", denen wir im 16. Jahrhundert an verschiedenen Orten, namentlich auf den berühmten Messen zu BesanQon als den Herren des Geld- und Kreditmarktes be- gegnen? Die mit einem Male einen ,, genialen Geschäftsgeist" entfalten und Formen des internationalen Zahlungsverkehrs ent- wickeln, die man bis dahin nicht gekannt hatte? Daß die alten reichen Familien Genuas mit ihren großen Vermögen als die Hauptgläubiger der spanischen Krone und der anderen geld- bedürftigen Fürsten auftraten, wissen wir. Aber daß die Spröß- linge der Grimaldi, der Spinola, der Lercara jenen ,, genialen Geschäftsgeist" entfaltet hätten, der dem Wirken der Genuesen im 16. Jahrhundert sein Gepräge gab; daß sich die alten Adels- geschlechter auf den Messen in Besan^on oder sonstwo herum- getrieben haben sollten oder auch nur mit seltsamer Betrieb- samkeit ihre Faktoren dahingesandt haben sollten, erscheint mir ohne Annahme eines besonderen äußeren Anstoßes wenig plausibel. War hier neues Blut dem alternden Körper des genuesischen Wirtschaftslebens durch Juden zugeführt worden? Wir wissen jedenfalls, daß Flüchtlinge aus Spanien auch in Genua landen, und daß ein Teil dieser jüdischen Emigranten zum Christentum übertritt; während ein anderer Teil in dem Städtchen Novi bei Genua aufgenommen wird, und daß diese Juden von Novi auch in der Hauptstadt verkehrten; wissen, daß diese Zuzügler „meistens gewerbtätige, intelligente Juden, Kapitalisten, Ärzte" waren und daß sie sich in Genua in der kurzen Spanne Zeit bis 1550 unhebsam genug gemacht hatten, um den Haß der Be- völkerung zu erwecken. Wir wissen aber auch, daß zwischen den Bankhäusern Genuas und den jüdischen (bezugsweise damals schon marranischen) Bankhäusern der spanischen Städte, z. B. dem führenden Bankhause Sevillas, den Espinosas, lebhafte Beziehungen bestanden ^^^.

Bisher ist, soviel ich sehe, die Frage, welche Rolle die Juden auf den Genueser Messen gespielt haben, noch nicht aufgeworfen. Sie zu beantworten, wird auch deshalb ganz besonders schwierig sein, weil die in Genua sich nieder- lassenden Juden ihre Abkunft auf das sorgfältigste geheimhalten mußten, zumal nach der offiziellen Vertreibung im Jahre 1550. Sie werden voraussichtlich in den meisten Fällen auch ihre Namen gewechselt und, wie

5*

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so oft in ähnlichen Lagen, ein ganz besonders strenges Scheinchristentum zur Schau getragen haben. Immerhin wäre es lohnend, den Versreh zu machen, ihnen hier auf die Spur zu kommen. Es ist, soviel ich sehe, der einzige Fall, in dem in nachmittelalterlicher Zeit ein großer Geld- und Kreditverkehr sich abgespielt hat ohne nachweisliche Beteiligung jüdischer (d. h. marranischer) Elemente. Vielleicht ist mir dieser Nachweis auch nur entgangen, und er ist bereits geführt. Dann würde ich für eine Be- nachrichtigung dankbar sein.

2. Die Aktie

Will man von einer Aktie schon dort sprechen, wo ein Kapital in mehrere Teile zerlegt ist, auf die sich die Haftung der an der Unternehmung beteiligten Kapitalisten beschränkt, so wird man in den genuesischen Maonen des 14. Jahrhunderts ^^^ in der Casa di S. Giorgio (1407) und in den großen Handels- kompagnien des 17. Jahrhunderts schon Aktiengesellschaften er- blicken. Legt man das entscheidende Gewicht auf die ,»Ver- sachlichung" des Kapitalverhältnisses, so wird man die Anfänge der Aktiengesellschaft und der Aktie nicht früher als in das 18. Jahrhundert verlegen. Alle früheren Kapitalvereinigungen mit beschränkter Haftung bewahrten mehr oder weniger ihren personalen Charakter, Ganz deutlich sind die italienischen Montes stark mit persönlichem Geiste durchsetzt. Die Person des Maonesen spielte eine nicht geringere Rolle als das Kapital. Bei der Banca di S. Giorgio wird eifersüchtig darauf gehalten, daß der Anteil bestimmter Familien an der Leitung der Bank gewahrt und ge- hörig verteilt wird. Aber auch in den großen Handelskompagnien des 17. Jahrhunderts ist die Versachlichung des Aktienrechtes noch keine vollständige. In der englisch-ostindischen Kompagnie, die erst seit 1612 einen Joint stock, also ein Aktienkapital, hatte (bis dahin hatte sie nur gleichsam einen Rahmen gebildet, inner- halb dessen die einzelnen Mitglieder ihre Geschäfte selbständig geführt hatten, nach Art der regulated companies), setzt bis 1640 die Beteiligung an dem Fonds immer noch die Mitgliedschaft in der Kompagnie voraus. Der Anteil konnte also immer nur an ein Mitglied abgetreten werden. Erst 1650 wird Übertragung an Fremde möglich, aber diese müssen Mitglieder werden.

Bei anderen Gesellschaften war die Übertragung der Aktie (die ursprünglich immer auf ungleiche und ungerade Beträge lautete, also auch von dieser Seite her ein individuelles Gepräge

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bewahrte) an die Genehmigung der Generalversammlung gebunden oder stand der Kompagnie ein Vorkaufsrecht zu. Die Aktie ist nur „Mitgliedschein" (noch nicht „dispositive Urkunde"). Das ganze 18. Jahrhundert über überwiegt noch die Namenaktie ^^'-. Und wo auch die Aktie frei veräußerlich war (wie bei der Ostindischen Kompagnie in Holland), konnte sie doch nur mittels eines un- endlich kunstvollen und langwierigen Umschreibeverfahrens von einer Person losgelöst und auf eine andere übertragen werden ^^^ Will man also der Entstehung der Aktie als eines modernen Wertpapiers nachspüren, so muß man im 18. Jahrhundert, nicht im 14. Jahrhundert Umschau halten. Und danach wäre auch die Frage: welchen Anteil die Juden an der Herausbildung des modernen Aktienverhältnisses haben, nur mit dem Nachweis zu beantworten, daß sie während der letzten 150 bis 200 Jahre auf die Versachlichung des ursprünglich noch stark persönlich orientierten Aktienverhältnisses Einfluß ausgeübt haben. Einen unmittelbaren Einfluß dieser Art vermag ich nicht nachzuweisen. Indirekt aber haben sie wohl von zwei Seiten her nachhaltig bei der Versachlichung auch der Aktie mitgewirkt: durch ihre eigentümliche Stellung zur Spekulation und zum Inhaberpapier, worüber weiter unten ausführlich zu handeln sein wird. Die Spekulation drängte auf Versachlichung hin, die Verwandlung der Namenaktien in Inhaberaktien bot eines der wirksamsten Mittel dar, die Versachlichung durchzuführen: das sagt uns die bloße Überlegung. Wir können sogar in einzelnen Fällen nach- weisen, daß die Versachlichung des Aktienverhältnisses unmittel- bar durch die Interessen der Spekulation gefördert worden ist. So ist diese es offenbar gewesen, die die ursprünglich auf un- gleiche und ungerade Beträge lautenden Aktien der holländisch- ostindischen Kompagnie in den einförmigen 3000 fl.-Typ um- gewandelt hat^^.

3. Die Banknote

Wann die erste ,, Banknote" das Licht der Welt erblickt hat, ist noch immer strittig und wird es voraussichtlich noch lange Zeit bleiben, nicht nur weil immer neues ,, Quellenmaterial" zu- tage gefördert wird, sondern vor allem auch deshalb, weil die verschiedenen Schriftsteller je verschiedene Merkmale als wesent- liche für das Vorhandensein einer Banknote ansehen.

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So erblicken die einen schon in den fedi di deposito (Gold- schmidt), die anderen in den fedi di credito (Nasse), die dritten in den englischen Goldsmith notes (Rogers), die vierten in den Scheinen der Bank von England (Salvioni u. a.), die fünften in den Anweisungen, die die Stockholmer Bank im Jahre 1661 zur Vermeidung des Kupfermünzentransports ausgab (Röscher), die ersten Banknoten.

Hält man, wie ich es tue, auch hier wieder denjenigen Moment der Entwicklung für den entscheidenden, in dem das durch die Bankierscheine verbriefte Schuldverhältnis ,, versach- licht" wurde, so wird man in dem Augenblick von einem neuen Typus von Wertpapieren sprechen können, als ein Bankier zum ersten Male ein auf den Inhaber lautendes schriftliches Zahlungs- versprechen ohne Beziehung auf ein Bardepot ausstellte. Vorher gab es auch schon Bankierscheine. Aber sie waren auf ein Gut- haben ausgestellt und lauteten auf den Namen. Der Namens - inhaber erschien in dem Zettel als Gläubiger der Bank: diese hatte auf seine Anweisungen und Ordres hin die Bankscheine zu honorieren oder als Zahlung anzunehmen. So beschreibt besonders ausführlich die Scheine der römischen Bank zum heiligen Geist Ansaldus in seinem Discursus generalis N. 166 ff ^^^. Da sehen wir noch deutlich die personale Verankerung des Bankier- scheines, die auch noch z. B. in den Depositenscheinen mit der Ordreklausel, wie sie 1422 in Palermo vorkommen, und selbst noch in den Bolognaer Depositenscheinen mit der Inhaberklausel aus dem Jahre 1606 ^^^ vorhanden zu sein scheint.

Wo und wann ist die Nabelschnur, mit der der Bankier- schein mit dem Bankdepot zusammenhing, durchschnitten worden? Nach dem, was uns bisher an ,, Quellenmaterial" vorliegt, scheint es mir das Wahrscheinlichste, daß dieser Geburtsakt des un- persönlichen Bankierscheines in Venedig etwa im Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts stattgefunden hat. Denn dort begegnen wir um jene Zeit schriftlichen Zahlungsversprechen seitens der Banken, die über das Bardepot hinaus gewährt wurden und auch schon im Jahre 1421 einem Verbote des Senats, mit solchen Zahlungs- versprechungen Handel zu treiben ^^^ Waren die beiden Juden, denen im Jahre 1400 als den ersten die Ermächtigung erteilt worden sein soll, eine Bank ,,im eigenthchen Sinne" zu begründen (deren Erfolg dann so groß war, daß die Nobili sich beeilten, sie nach-

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zuahmen) ^^, die Väter dieser ersten unpersönlichen Bank- scheine?

Man wird vielleicht auch hier gar nicht eine einzehie Firma als die Schöpferin der neuen Schuldform ansehen können. Man wird auch hier eine Entstehung aus einem dazu gestimmten Milieu heraus annehmen müssen. Aber vielleicht läßt sich doch ein Gebiet wie das einer Stadt als Entstehungsherd abgrenzen. Und es hat viel für sich, den dort anzunehmen, wo überhaupt das Bankwesen seine erste vollkommenste Ausbildung erfahren hat. Das aber ist nach dem, was wir heute wissen, Venedig. Und Venedig — das ist das, was uns hier interessiert — war eine rechte Judenstadt. Nach einem Verzeichnis vom Jahre 1152 soll es damals in Venedig schon eine jüdische Kolonie von 1300 Seelen gegeben haben i^^. Im 16. Jahrhundert (nach der ,, Vertreibung"?) wird ihre Zahl in Venedig auf 6000 geschätzt; jüdische Fabrikanten beschäftigen 4000 christliche Arbeiter"". Diese Ziffern haben natürlich keinen ,,,statistischen Wert". Sie zeigen aber immerhin, daß es eine beträchtliche Menge Juden in Venedig gab, von deren Wirksamkeit uns nun andere charakteristische Zeugnisse vorliegen. Im 15. Jahrhundert begegnen wir unter den führenden Bankhäusern zahlreichen jüdischen (eins der größten waren die Lipmans). Und 1550 erklärten ja, wie wir wissen, die christ- lichen Kaufleute Venedigs: sie könnten gleich mit auswandern, wenn man ihnen den Handel mit den Marranen verböte.

Aber vielleicht hatten die Marranen in Spanien schon früher das moderne Bankwesen begründet. Es ist an der Zeit, daß wir darüber Genaueres erfahren. Denn was uns C a p m a n y über die taula de cambi in Barcelona (1401); was uns die neueren Wirtschaftshistoriker über andere Banken in Spanien mitteilen "^, läßt ganz und gar unbefriedigt. Daß die Juden die führenden Bankiers auf der Pyrenäenhalbinsel waren, als man gegen sie einschritt (16. Jahrhundert), ist sehr wahrscheinlich. Wer sollte vorher an ihrer Stelle gestanden haben?

Daß Juden dann überall beteiligt waren, wo im 17. Jahr- hundert ,, Banken" gegründet wurden, namentlich auch bei der Begründung der berühmtesten drei Banken jenes Jahrhunderts: der Amsterdamer, Londoner und Hamburger, mag nur im Vorbei- gehen erwähnt werden: da diese Bankgründungen wohl als ad- ministrativ-organisatorische, aber nicht als kapitahstisch-organisato-

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rische Akte Epoche gemacht haben: denn die private Girobank mit der idealen Geldeinheit war wohl schon in den italienischen Städten während des 15. Jahrhunderts entwickelt, jedenfalls begegnen wir ihr schon als einem fertigen Typ auf den Genueser Messen; so ziehe ich sie nicht in den Kreis dieser Erörterungen hinein.

Ich registriere nur kurz die Tatsachen:

Ihre bei der Gründung der Amsterdamer Bank gesammelten Erfahrungen verwerten die Juden bei der bald nachher (1619) gegründeten Hamburger Bank, bei der wir 40 jüdische Familien beteiligt finden.

Und auch die Bank of England soll, wie neuere Darsteller ihrer Ge- schichte wollen, wesentlich durch die Mitte des Jahrhunderts aus Holland einwandernden Juden inspiriert sein. A. Andr^ades, Hist. of the Bank of E. (1909), 28. Zu dieser Auffassung wird man kommen, wenn man der Eingabe Sam. Lambes aus dem Jahre 1658 (abgedruckt in Somers Tracts Vol. VI) entscheidende Bedeutung für die Engl. Bank beimißt. Andr^ades datiert von ihr geradezu die Idee der Bank und meint: seit die nächst- vorhergehende, eine Bankgründung heischende Schrift — es ist die von Balthasar Gerbier im Jahre 1651 — erschienen sei, habe sich das für das Schicksal der B. of E. entscheidende Ereignis vollzogen: die offizielle Wiederzulassung der Juden durch CromwcU. Ich kann ,,the superiority" der Lambescheii Schrift nicht in gleichem Maße wie A. anerkennen. Übrigens wird der hervor- ragende Anteil der Juden an der Begründung der B. of E. auch von anderen hervorgehoben.

4. Die Partialobligation

Es hat lange gedauert, ehe die öffentliche Schuld- verschreibung den Grad von Versachlichung erreichte, den sie heute besitzt. Die eingehenden Darstellungen, die uns in neuerer Zeit das Staatsschuldenwesen der deutschen Länder während des 18. Jahrhunderts in seiner Wesenheit haben er- kennen lassen, zeigen doch, daß bis in die zweite Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts beispielsweise die Finanzen Österreichs und Sachsens noch durchaus das altüberkommene persönliche Ge- präge trugen. In Österreich sind während der vortheresianischen Zeit Überbringerpapiere im öffentlichen Schuldenwesen überhaupt nicht bekannt; die Staatsschulden sind privatrechtlicher Natur: Schuldner ist der Monarch oder das Amt "2. Erst die Anleihe von 1761 stellt einen schon etwas stark modernisierten Typ dar: die Zinsen werden zum erstenmal nicht mehr gegen eine vom Berechtigten ausgestellte Quittung verabfolgt, sondern gegen Abgabe jedesmal des der Obligation beigefügten Interessen-

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^Scheines ^". Ebenso sind in Sachsen bis in die Mitte des Jahr- hunderts die Anleihen durchaus persönUch gefärbt: Schuld- summe, Sicherheit, Zinshöhe, Zinslermin, Fälligkeit: alles trägt individuelles Gepräge, ist individuell von Fall zu Fall verschieden. Die signierten Quittungen heißen ,, Kammer- oder Steuerscheine". Sie weisen nach, was der einzelne Vertreter von seinem Bar- vorrat in die Steuer oder Kammer eingeliehen hat. Sie sind Hauptobligationen in dem Sinne, daß sie die gesamte Schuld des Gläubigers umfassen. Dementsprechend lautet jede Forde- rung auf einen individuellen, von anderen verschiedenen Be- trag 1'*.

Daß um jene Zeit der Versachlichungsprozeß in den west- lichen Ländern schon weiter (wenn auch nicht sehr viel weiter) fortgeschritten war, ist unzweifelhaft. In England wird 1660 den bis dahin unübertragbaren tallies eine ordre of repayment bei- gefügt, aber die entscheidenden Anleihen im modernen Sinne sind doch erst die von 1693, 1694 "^. Und die niederländischen Obligationen sollen durchgängig schon im 16. Jahrhundert die Inhaberklausel enthalten. Freilich tragen die Obligationen auch hier das ganze 17. Jahrhundert hindurch noch die Eierschalen der Personalschuld an sich: 1672 muß jede Obligation noch geschrieben werden, und ihr Wortlaut stand damals noch ebenso wenig ein für allemal fest wie der Betrag der einzelnen Obli- gation "6.

Mitwirkung der Juden bei der Herausbildung des modernen Anleihetypus? Was sich nachweisen läßt, ist dieses: daß Wilhelms HI. Vertrauensmänner in Finanzsachen Juden waren, daß den östlichen Staaten die Anregung zur Weiterbildung aus den Niederlanden gebracht wird, und zwar aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach durch holländische Juden, die während des 18. Jahrhunderts lie Hauptfinanziers deutscher und österreichischer Lande sind, dh habe in anderem Zusammenhange schon darauf verwiesen. Ganz im allgemeinen ist zu bemerken, daß die Beziehungen der holländischen Juden zu den europäischen Finanzen während des 18. Jahrhunderts offenbar sehr enge und weitverzweigte waren. Als ein symptomatisches Zeugnis für diese Tatsache kann eine Schrift dienen, die in unseren Kreisen wenig bekannt zu sein scheint (auch D ä b r i t z hat sie, soviel ich sehe, in seiner verdienstvollen Arbeit nicht benutzt), und auf die ich wenigstens

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venveisen will. Sie trägt den langen Titel: E p h r a i m j u s t i f i e. Memoire historique et raisonn^ sur l'Etat passe, present et futur des linances de Saxe. Avec le parallele de l'Oeconomie prussienne et de l'Oeconomie Saxonne. Ouvrage utile aux Creanciers et Correspondants, aux Amis et aux Ennemis de la Prusse et le la Saxe. Adresse par le Juif Ephraim de Berlin ä son Cousin INIanass^s d'Amsterdam. Erlangen. A l'enseigne de „Toul est dit". 1785.

Über die Geschichte der privaten Partialobligation wissen wir noch weniger als über die der öffentlichen Schuld- verschreibungen. Es scheint, als ob die Obligationen der holländisch-ostindischen Kompagnie (die im Gegensatz zu den Aktien von vornherein auf runde Beträge lauteten) die ersten ihres Geschlechts gewesen seien. Dann begegnen wir bei den Lawschen Gesellschaften einer Art von Obligation, insofern nämlich die Inhaber der Aktien, solange sie nicht einen be- stimmten (ziemlich hoch bemessenen) Minimalbetrag von Aktien zeichneten, nur mit einem festen Zinse abgefunden wurden (also kein Anrecht auf Dividende hatten). Aber recht eigentlich zur Entwicklung ist das Institut der privaten Partialobhgation doch wohl erst in neuerer Zeit gekommen, seitdem sich die Aktien- gesellschaften so rasch vermehrt haben. Ich vermag also auch über den unmittelbaren Anteil, den die Juden an ihrer Ausbildung etwa gehabt haben, nichts Bestimmtes zu sagen.

Sehr wahrscheinlich dagegen läßt sich machen, daß die Juden die Väter der privaten Obligation -r,, höherer Ordnung" sind, des- jenigen Tj^ps nämlich, den ich als k o 1 1 e k t i v e Partialobligation bezeichnet habe, und der im Grundbesitzkredit als Pfandbrief so weite Verbreitung gefunden hat.

In allen Darstellungen der Hypothekarkreditorganisationen und ihrer Geschichte, die mir zu Gesicht gekommen sind, wird als erstes Pfandbriefinstitut die im Jahre 1769 (1770) von Friedrich II. errichtete Schlesische Landschaft angesehen, zu der, wie bekannt, ,,ein Berliner Kaufmann, namens Bühring (oder Büring) im Jahre 1767 die Anregung gegeben hatte". Die Hypothekenbanken seien dann nichts anderes gewesen, als die Durchdringung des ursprünglich genossenschaftlichen Pfandbrief- verhällnisses mit dem Erwerbsprinzip.

Diese Geschichtskonstruktion ist falsch. Der Pfandbrief,

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ebenso wie die Hypothekenbank sind im 18. Jahrhundert in Holland entstanden. Ihre Väter sind aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach holländische Juden. Es wird uns nämlich berichtet, daß etwa seit der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts holländische Bankiers den Pflanzern (Plantagenbesitzern) in den Kolonien dadurch Gelder verschafften, daß sie zinstragende Obligationen auf den Inhaber ausgaben und sich dafür die Besitzungen der Pflanzer mittels Hypotheken verpfänden ließen. Die Obligationen zirku- lierten an der Börse, „wie öffentliche Schuldverschreibungen". Die Kaufleute (Bankiers), die diese Geschäfte machten, hießen ,,correspondentie" oder ,,Directeurs van de negotiatie", französisch ,,correspondants", ,,negociants charges de la correspondance"; die Pfandbriefe ,,obligatie" oder ,,obligations". Es waren offen- bar Privat bankiers, die hier die Geschäfte unserer heutigen Hypothekenbanken besorgten. Solche Pfandbriefe zirkulierten für 100 Millionen Gulden, bis schheßlich (in den 1770er Jahren) ein großer Zusammenbruch der emittierenden Häuser erfolgte (aus genau denselben Gründen, nebenbei bemerkt, weshalb heute unsere H3'^pothekenbanken gelegentlich bankrott machen, vor allem wegen Uberbeleihung der Grundstücke). Doch das gehört nicht hierher, wo nur nachgewiesen werden sollte, daß Pfand- brief und Hypothekenbank in Holland schon im 18. Jahrhundert in voller Blüte standen. Die Quelle, der ich diese wichtige Tat- sache entnommen habe, ist der im vorliegenden Falle natürlich durchaus zuverlässige L u z a c , der an mehreren Stellen von dem Krache der Hypothekenbankiers spricht. Eine der darauf bezüg- lichen Ausführungen will ich hier im Wortlaut wiedergeben; sie heißt"':

,,0n imagina de lever de l'argent pour les Colons par voie de ne- gociations g^nerales, auxquelles tout particulier pourrait prendre part.;|^Les avances dtaient faites sur des refus ou des obligations ä un n^gociant comme directeur, de la meme fa?on ä peu prös & sur le meme pied que les emprunts se fönt pour les Souverains et pour les corps publics. Ce negociant comme directeur ctait Charge de recevoir les produits des plan- tages, que les colons s'engageaient de lui envoyer & de fournir ä leurs besoins. Les colons prenaient ces engagements par des actes d'hypoth^que, falls en faveur des possesseurs des obligations, & dt^livr^s au directeur. Pour donner plus de crödit ä ces n^gociations on y faisait intervcnir deux ou trois personnes de rt'putation comme commissaires, & qui, comme re- prösentant ceux qui faisaient les avances, devaient avoir soin de veiller ä leurs int^rfits. Le directeur etait d'ailleurs oblig6 de rendre lous les ans ä

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ces commissaires compte de son administration & de l'^tat de la n^gociation. On nc peut nier que l'idi^e d'intöresser de cette fa9on tout le public ä l'dtat des colonies, de fournir aux personnes ais6es un moyen de placer leur argent & aux Colons la facilit6 de trouver des avances, ne fut tr6s-bonne; aussi ent- eile du succ^s. Les obligations ä la Charge des Colons de Surinam eurent cours comnie d'autres effets publics: elles augmentercnt la masse des objcts de commerce & produisircnt avec Celles des autres colonies la circulation d'environ cent millions de florins: car on prötend que les avances faites de cette fafon ä la colonie de Surinam montent ä soixante millions & que Celles qui sont faites aux autres colonies vont ä quarante millions. On ne saurait croire la facilitd avec laquelle ces nögociations furent remplies; mais bientöt cette meme facilit6 fut cause qu'elle ne se soutin- rent pas & qu'on en abusa. On pretend que les propri6taires de plan- tages trouv^rent moyen de les faire 6valuer beaucoup au-dessus de leur valeur reelle; & que donnant ces fausses dvaluations comme v^ritables, ils surent obtenir des avances bien au-delä de la veritable valeur de leurs plan- tages; tandis que ces avances n'auraient du aller qu'ä la cinq-huiti^me partie de cette valeur."

Es findet sich nun in keiner der Darstellungen dieser Vor- gänge, die mir zu Gesichte gekommen sind, der ausdrückliche Hinweis, daß die hier geschilderten Spekulationen von jüdischen Bankiers ausgegangen wären. Für jeden aber, der die holländi- schen Geld- und Kreditverhältnisse im 18, Jahrhundert auch nur oberflächlich kennt, kann diese Tatsache gar nicht zweifelhaft sein. Wir wissen (und ich werde dafür noch Beweismaterial beibringen): daß in jener Zeit alles, was mit dem Geldleihe- geschäft, namentlich aber mit Börse und Spekulation in Holland nur irgendwie in Beziehung stand, von jüdischem Wesen durch- setzt war. Zu diesem durchaus schon hinreichenden Grunde all- gemeiner Natur kommt nun im vorliegenden Falle noch der besonders bemerkenswerte Umstand, daß jene Hypothekenkreditgeschäfte vornehmlich mit der Kolonie Surinam gemacht worden waren: von den 100 Millionen Gulden, die in Pfandbriefen ausgegeben ■waren, entfielen 60 Millionen auf Surinam. Surinam aber war, wie wir an anderer Stelle schon feststellen konnten, die Juden- kolonie par excellence. Es ist gänzlich ausgeschlossen, daß diese Kreditbeziehungen gerade zwischen Surinam und dem Mutter- lande um jene Zeit von andern als jüdischen Häusern hätten unter- halten werden sollen.

• *

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Das ist das, was ich an „quellenmäßigen" Belegen für den Anteil der Juden an der Entwicklung der modernen Wertpapiere gefunden habe. Es weist gewiß noch viele Lücken auf und wird sich durch manchen neuen Zug ergänzen lassen, den die spätere Forschung hineinzuzeichnen berufen ist. Immerhin denke ich, kann schon jetzt der Gesamteindruck nur der sein, daß an der Versachlichung der Kreditverhältnisse in sehr beträchtlichem Umfange jüdische Männer beteiligt gewesen sind. Dieser Ein- druck wird nun noch ganz erheblich verstärkt, wenn wir in Rück- sicht ziehen, daß diejenige Einrichtung, die jenen Versach- lichungsprozeß recht eigentlich herbeigeführt oder doch ermög- licht und jedenfalls ganz wesentlich beschleunigt hat, aller Wahr- scheinlichkeit nach jüdischen Ursprungs ist; ich meine die Rechtsform des Inhaberpapiers.

Daß das Streben des Schuldverhältnisses nach Versach- lichung erst im Inhaberpapier seinen reinen Ausdruck findet, kann nicht zweifelhaft sein. Erst im Inhaberpapier ist der Ver- pflichtungswille von seiner persönlichen Quelle ganz frei gemacht. Erst im Inhaberpapier wird die Loslösbarkeit des Rechts\v'illens durch Fixierung in einer Skriptur vollständig anerkannt. Das Inhaberpapier bedeutet, wie ein geistvolle!' Gelehrter es aus- gedrückt hat, die ,, Befreiung des menschlichen Geistes von den unmittelbar gegebenen Naturbezügen (oratio, verba)" ^'^ und ist eben darum das geeignete Mittel, ein Verpflichtungsverhältnis zu „entpersönlichen", zu versachlichen. Das Bedeutsame am Inhaber- papier für den Juristen ist naturgemäß die eigentümliche Beweis- kraft, die es besitzt: daß aus ihm der Berechtigte ein durchaus selbständiges, durch Einreden aus der Person des ersten Nehmers oder der andern Vordermänner an sich nicht zerstörbares Recht hat. Auch damit ist der Zustand rein sachlicher Beziehungen anerkannt: Diese Skripturrechtspapiere sind damit ,, Papiere öffentlichen Glaubens" (Brunner) geworden, in denen der letzte Rest persönlicher Kreditbeziehungen ausgelöscht ist.

Bekannt ist, daß sich die Inhaberpapiere zu dieser reinen Form langsam entwickelt haben, bekannt aber auch, daß wir einstweilen noch ziemlich wenig von dieser Entwicklung deutlich zu erkennen vermögen. Soviel ich sehe, schheßen die bisherigen Forschungsergebnisse, soweit sie einwandfrei sind, die Richtig- keit der hier verfochtenen These jedenfalls nicht aus, die im

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Gegenteil, wie mir scheinen will, durch eine so große Reihe stichhaltiger Argumente gestützt wird, wie sie keine der andern Hypothesen auch nur entfernt aufzuweisen vermag.

Inhaberpapiere hat es seit dem frühen Mittelalter in den europäischen Ländern (außer Großbritannien) gegeben. Der Rechtsverkehr schon der fränkischen Zeit und dann des deutschen und französischen Mittelalters kannte Schuldbriefe mit Ordre- und Inhaberklausel. Die Inhaberklausel muß ziemlich häufig an- gewandt sein, denn in den Rechtsbüchern wird sie oft, in der Rechtsprechung manchmal erwähnt i'^.

Dann kommt eine Zeit des Niederganges dieses Instituts, die seit der Rezeption des römischen Rechts ihren Anfang nimmt. Das römische Recht und die romanistische Jurisprudenz zersetzen allmählich das Recht des Inhaberpapiers. Ende des 16. Jahr- hunderts kommt diese Zersetzung zum Abschluß: der Inhaber muß sich durch Vollmacht, oder wenn er im eigenen Namen klagen will, durch den Zessionsbeweis legitimieren. ,,Der starke romanische Luftzug, wie er sich unter dem Einfluß von Cujas und Dumoulin in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts bei der Revision der Coutumes und in der Praxis geltend machte, hat dem Rechtsinstitut des Inhaberpapiers die Seele ausgeblasen, indem er das Inhaberpapier zum schlichten Namenpapier degra- dierte" (Brunner).

Damals tauchte nun ,, plötzlich" eine neue Form von Schuld- briefen auf: die ,,promesses en blanc", ,,billets en blanc", welche die Stelle, wo der Name des Gläubigers stehen sollte, leer ließen ^^^, also Blankopapiere, während gleichzeitig die Indossabilität des Ordrepapiers Fortschritte machte.

Dann beginnt seit dem Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts, nament- lich im 17. Jahrhundert, das Inhaberpapier sich ,, wieder" zu entwickeln, und namentlich in Holland finden wir es während des 17. Jahrhunderts schon ziemlich verbreitet: für Staatspapiere, für die Obligationen der Ostindischen Kompagnie (die Aktien lauteten noch, wie wir sahen, auf den Namen), für Versicherungs- policen und für Lombardzettel ^^^.

Von Holland nimmt es dann seinen Weg überallhin; zunächst nach Deutschland, wo es uns im 17. Jahrhundert bei den Aktien der brandenburgischen Handelskompagnie, im 18. Jahrhundert bei den sächsischen Staatsschuldscheinen begegnet; dann nach

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Österreich, wo wir es ebenfalls unter Maria Theresia bei der Finanzverwaltung in Aufnahme kommen sahen; später nach Frankreich, wo es das ganze 17. und einen Teil des 18. Jahr- hunderts hindurch von der Gesetzgebung verboten ist; zuletzt nach England.

Welchem Rechtskreise sind nun die Inhaberpapiere ent- sprossen? In welchem Interessenkreise sind sie zur Entwicklung gelangt?

Nach den einen sind die Inhaberpapiere hellenischen Ursprungs. Das ist die Hypothese, die namentlich G o 1 d - Schmidt vertreten hat ^^^. Soviel ich sehe, hat Goldschmidt nicht viele Anhänger gefunden. Gegen die Richtigkeit seiner Hypothese sprechen die neueren Ergebnisse namentlich auch auf dem Gebiete der Papyrosforschung. „Schuldscheine, welche unsern Wechseln gleichkämen, lassen sich in den Papyri nicht nachweisen. Auch Inhaber- und Ordrepapieren begegnen wir nicht . . . Eine Vergleichung mit den inschriftlich uns erhaltenen griechischen Urkunden von Orchomenos und Amorges führt zur Bestätigung dieser Auffassung. Nicht minder stark spricht zu ihren Gunsten ein Fragment eines gortynischen Gesetzes", so spricht sich die neueste Arbeit auf dem Forschungsgebiete der hellenischen Rechtsgeschichte aus ^^. Nehmen wir immerhin an, das Vorkommen des Inhaberpapiers im griechischen Recht sei ,, kontrovers" (die von Goldschmidt beigebrachten Stellen lassen ja erhebliche Zweifel zu), so müßte man doch, wie es Brunner getan hat ^^, gegen die Ableitung der modernen Inhaberpapiere aus denen in Griechenland das Bedenken erheben, daß zwischen den hellenischen und den fränkischen Urkunden ein Zeitraum von 800 Jahren liegt und daß zwischen ihnen ein rechtsgeschichtlicher Zusammenhang irgend welcher Art sich nicht nachweisen läßt.

Dem gegenüber nimmt die (wohl herrschende) Auffassung, zumal nach den Brunnerschen Forschungen, unbesehens an, daß die modernen Inhaberpapiere eine unmittelbare Fortsetzung der deutschrechtlichen Schuldscheine mit Inhaberklausel sinu, an denen, wie wir sahen, schon das Mittelalter reich ist. Gegen die Richtigkeit dieser Auffassung sprechen doch aber auch ge- wichtige Gründe. Auch zwischen den mittelalterlichen Urkunden und denen des 17. Jahrhunderts läßt sich wohl kaum eine lücken- lose Kontinuität nachweisen, nachdem das römische Recht, wie

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wir sahen, mit den alten Inhaberschuldscheinen germanistischer' Herkunft so gründlich aufgeräumt hatte. Aber was mir immer die größten Bedenken verursacht hat, ist dieses: daß innerUch, dem Wesen nach, zwischen dem alten und den modernen Inhaber- papieren doch nicht der geringste Zusammenhang besteht. Ge- w'iß: ,,qui dabit hanc cartam" ist wörtlich die lateinische Über- setzung der Wendung: ,,dem Einlieferer dieser Banknote." Aber es hat doch geradezu etwas Komisches, wenn wir uns das 13. Jahrhundert mit ,, Inhaberpapieren" in dem Sinne, den wir dem Worte beilegen, erfüllt denken. Ich komme auf die allem Wesen eines modernen Inhaberpapiers ganz und gar entgegen- gesetzte Grundauffassung des deutschen Vertragsrechts noch zurück. Hier sei nur darauf hingewiesen, daß man ja ganz genau weiß — und es ist ein Verdienst Brunners, diesen Tatbestand gegen alle Einwände sicher gestellt zu haben — , welchen Sinn die Inhaber- oder Ordreklausel im alten deutschen Rechte hatte: sie sollte dazu dienen, die mangelnde Zessibilität der Forderung zu ersetzen, sollte die prozessuale Stellvertretung des Gläubigers möglich machen ^^^. Ein Gedanke, der offenbar mit der unserm Inhaberpapier zugrunde liegenden Idee der Versachlichung eines Schuldverhältnisses auch nicht das allergeringste zu tun hat.

Angesichts dieser doch mindestens nicht völligen Einwands- freiheit der herrschenden Auffassung muß es statthaft sein, eine dritte Hypothese zu vertreten, die meines Wissens bisher nur einmal von K u n t z e flüchtig geäußert, von Goldschmidt ^^^, S a 1 V i o 1 i 1^" u. a. mit wenigen Worten als falsch verworfen worden ist, die aber niemand bisher ernstlich zu begründen gewagt hat: die Hypothese, daß das moderne Inhaberpapiei wesentlich jüdisch-rechtlichen Ursprungs sei.

Daß diese Ableitung möglich ist, kann keinem Zweifel unterliegen, wenn wir uns der wesentlich gewohnheitsrechtlichen Entstehung der modernen ,,Skripturobligation" erinnern: eine in Kaufmannskreisen, die stark mit jüdischen Elementen durchsetzt waren, in Übung gekommene Form der Schuldverschreibung kann sehr wohl in der Rechtsprechung und von da aus in dem statu- tarischen Rechte etwa der niederländischen Städte zur Anerkennung gebracht sein (auf die bedeutsamen Antwerpener Costumes von 1582 komme ich noch zu sprechen).

Fragt sich nur, ob die Ableitung des modernen Inhaber-

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papiers aus dem talmudisch-rabbinischen Recht auch wahr- scheinlich ist. Ich stelle im folgenden die Gründe zusammen, die, meiner Meinung nach, dafür sprechen.

1. Bibel und Talmud kennen das „Inhaberpapier", und zwar in völlig einwandfreier Form.

Die Stelle in der Bibel findet sich in Tobias und lautet (in De Wettescher Übersetzung) wie folgt:

4, 20. „Und nun zeige ich dir die 10 Talente Silbers, die ich niedergelegt

habe bei Gabael, dem (Bruder) Gabrias zu Rages in Medien. ."

5, 1. „Und Tobia antwortete und sprach: Vater, ich will alles tun, was

Du mir geboten;

2. Aber wie werde ich können das Geld in Empfang nehmen, da ich ihn nicht kenne?

3. Da gab er ihm die Handschrift und sprach zu ihm: Suche Dir einen Mann, der mit Dir ziehe, und ich will ihm Lohn geben, während ich lebe, und so gehe hin, und nimm das Geld in Empfang."

9, 1. ,,Und Tobia rief Raphael und sprach zu ihm: ..ziehe nach Rages in Medien zu Gabael und hole mir das Geld." 5. „Da zog Raphael hin und kehrte bei Gabael ein und übergab ihm die Handschrift. Er aber brachte die Beutel mit den Siegeln und gab sie ihm."

Die bekannteste Stelle im Talmud (Baba batra Fo. 172) lautet (in Goldschmidtscher Übersetzung 6, 1398) so:

„Einst Avurde in einem Gerichtskollegium R. Honas ein Schein vor- gelegt, in welchem es hieß: Ich N., Sohn des N., habe von dir eine Mine geborgt. Da entschied R. Hona: Von Dir, auch vom Exiliarchen, von Dir, auch vom König Sapor."

Die Anmerkung, die Goldschmidt dazu macht: „d. h. der Inhaber des Schuldscheins kann nicht nachweisen, daß er der Gläubiger ist und er braucht daher nicht bezahlt zu werden" verkehrt den Tatbestand genau in sein Gegenteil; wie Gold- schmidt zu dieser seltsamen Auslegung kommt, die aller talmudisch- rabbinischen Jurisprudenz widerspricht, ist nicht einzusehen. Denn es ist gar nicht zweifelhaft, daß die Rabbiner während des ganzen Mittelalters die Rechtsform der Inhaberpapiere ge- kannt und aus der zitierten Talmudstelle abgeleitet haben. Damit berühre ich einen Punkt, den ich als zweites Argument für die Richtigkeit meiner Hypothese anführe:

2. Die Kontinuität der Rechtsentwicklung, die zweifellos für das jüdische Inhaberpapier besteht. Sowohl die nicht unter-

Sombart, Die Juden 6

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brochene Geschäftspraxis der Juden spricht dafür als auch die ebenso ununterbrochene Talmudexegese. Für jene bedarf es keines besonderen Nachweises, für diese führe ich folgende Rabbiner an, die sich mit dem Inhaberpapier beschäftigt haben und die ohne Zweifel ein lebendiges Recht aus der Talmudstelle herausgedeutet haben i^:

Vor allem R'. Ascher (1250 — 1327), dessen Bedeutung für die Praxis bekannt ist, und der Resp. 68, 6 und 68, 8 vom Inhaberpapier spricht. ,,Wenn einer sich zweien verpflichtet und in einer Klausel vermerkt: ,,,zahlbar dem Inhaber des Schuld- scheins von diesen beiden'", so darf nur diesem gezahlt werden, denn ein solcher Schtar ist eben ein Inhaberpapier" (Resp. 68, 6).

R'. Josef Karo (16. sc.) im Choschen Mischpat: ,,Wenn in einer Verschreibung der Name des Verleihers nicht benannt ist, sondern sie lautet auf ,,Inhaber dieses", so wird ein jeder bezahlt, der solche vorzeigt" 61, 10; zu vergleichen sind 50; 61, 4. 10; 71, 23.

R'. Schabatai Cohen (17. sc.) im Schach (dem Kom- mentar Sziphe Cohen zum Ch, M.) 50, 7; 71, 54 (nach Auerbach).

3. Vielleicht ganz unabhängig vom talmudisch-rabbinischen Recht haben die Juden aus der Geschäftspraxis heraus ein Wert- papier entwickelt, das an Unpersönlichkeit alle früheren und späteren Schuldbriefe übertroffen hat: den M a m r e (Mamram, Mamran) ^^^. Der Mamre soll während des 16. Jahrhunderts (oder noch früher) im Gebiete des polnischen Judentums ent- standen sein. Es war eine Blankourkunde: der Raum, auf den der Name des Gläubigers (zuweilen sogar auch der Betrag der Schuld) geschrieben werden sollte, wurde freigelassen und dann kam das Papier in den Verkehr. Die Zeugnisse der Rechts- gelehrten, zum Teil auch richterlichen Entscheidungen lassen keinen Zweifel darüber, daß der Mamre während dreier Jahrhunderte ein sehr behebtes Geschäftspapier gewesen ist, das auch im Ver- kehr zwischen Juden und Christen zur Anwendung gelangte. Das Bedeutsame ist, daß die Rechtsmerkmale des vollentwickelten, modernen Inhaberpapiers im Mamre schon vereinigt sind, nämlich:

a) der Inhaber handelt im eigenen Namen;

b) Einreden aus den persönlichen Beziehungen des Schuldners zu den Vorinhabern sind unzulässig;

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c) der Schuldner kann keinen Nachweis der Zession oder Indossierung verlangen;

d) wenn der Schuldner ohne Vorzeigung des Mamre schon bezahlt hat, deliberiert er sich nicht;

e) die heutigen Formen der Nichtigkeitserklärung sind schon in Anwendung (im Falle des Verlustes oder Diebstahls teilt der Inhaber dies dem Schuldner mit; eine Bekanntmachung wird vier Wochen lang an der Synagoge angeschlagen, worin der jetzige Inhaber ersucht wird, sich zu melden; nach Ablauf dieser Frist macht der Anzeiger seine Forderung geltend).

4, An mehreren w^ichtigen Punkten scheint sich auch äußer- lich eine Beeinflussung der Rechtsentwicklung durch jüdische Elemente nachweisen zu lassen. Ich denke vornehmlich an folgendes:

a) als ,, plötzlich" (kein Mensch weiß woher) während des

16. Jahrhunderts an verschiedenen Stellen Europas Blanko- papiere auftauchten: stammten sie nicht vielleicht aus den Kreisen der jüdischen Geschäftsleute, die sie nach Art des Mamre gewiß schon längere Zeit im Gebrauch hatten? Wir begegnen ihnen in den Niederlanden ^9", in Frank- reich 1^1, in Italien ^^^. In den Niederlanden tauchten sie Anfang des 16, Jahrhunderts auf den Antwerpener Messen auf, als dort die Juden eine größere Rolle zu spielen be- gannen. Eine Verordnung Karls V. vom Jahre 1536 berichtet ausdrücklich: die Waren wurden auf den Messen zu Antwerpen gegen Inhaberschuldscheine verkauft; diese konnten vor Verfall ohne besondere Zession an Dritte in Zahlung gegeben werden. Die Fassung des Textes belehrt uns, daß jene Gewohnheit, Schuldscheine in Zahlung zu geben, sich erst seit kurzem eingebürgert hatte. Die Ver- ordnung erklärte übrigens diese Inhaberschuldscheine für eine Formalobligation nach Art des Wechsels. Was waren das für seltsame Papiere? Christianisierte Mamrem? Noch jüdischer muten uns die Blankopapiere an, denen wir im

17. Jahrhundert in Italien begegnen. Ich denke an das erste uns bekannte Blanko-Indossament, das die jüdische Wechslerfirma Giudetti in Mailand ausstellte. Die Campsores Giudetti in Mailand hatten einen Wechsel über 500 Scudi

6*

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ausgestellt, zahlbar durch Joh. Bapt. Germanus auf den nächsten nundinae Sanctorum in Novi all' ordine senza pro- cura di Marco Studendolo in Venezia; die Valutaklausel lautete per la valuta conta. Studendolus übersandte den Wechsel an die Gebrüder de Zagnoni in Bologna, und zwar „cum subscriptione ipsius Studendoli relicto spatio sufficienti in albo ad finem illud replendi pro ea girata et ad favorem illius cui Zagnoni solutionem fieri maluissent." Der uns diesen Fall mitteilt ^^-, bemerkt dazu: ,,Kaum würde der italienische Verkehr auf einen solchen Ausweg gekommen sein, wenn er nicht anderswo ein Vorbild dafür gehabt hätte. Und ein solches bot sich ihm im — französischen Recht, wo seit Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts Blankopapiere in voller Verkehrsübung waren." Der erste Satz mag zu Recht bestehen. Zum zweiten ist man versucht, anmerkend zu fragen: woher kam die Übung in Frankreich? Doch wohl aus den Niederlanden? Übrigens kann auch in Italien marranischer Einfluß direkt mitgespielt haben. Studendolo (?) in Venedig! Giudetti in Mailand!

b) Bahnbrechend für die Entwicklung des Rechts der modernen Inhaberpapiere wird die Antwerpener Costume von 1582, in der dem Inhaber zum ersten Male ein Klagerecht zu- erkannt wird 1^3. Von Antwerpen verbreitet sich diese Rechtsauffassung rasch nach Holland weiter: ungefähr so rasch wie die aus Belgien nach Holland auswandernden Familien sich in dem neuen Lande verbreiten ^^^.

c) In Deutschland drangen (wie schon erwähnt wurde) die Inhaberpapiere in die Staatsschuldenverwaltung von Sachsen her ein. Hier war die 1748 auf dem Landtage bewilligte Anleihe zum ersten Male auf Inhaberpapiere gestellt. In der Motivierung heißt es: ,,Weil auch aus bisheriger Observanz sich zutage geleget, daß durch Einrichtung der Steuerscheine auf Briefes Inhaber alle weitläufigen gerichtlichen Cessiones und Transactiones, dem Kredit und Creditoribus zum besten abgekürzet worden, so hat es dabei ferner sein Verbleiben." Im Jahre 1747 hatte ein Abenteurer Bischopfield dem Minister den Plan einer ,,Leib- und Familien-Renten-Negotiation" vorgelegt: ,, Bischop- field stand, wie es scheint, mit holländischen Juden in

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Verbindung" ^^^. Gegen die Spekulation der holländischen Juden in sächsischen Staatspapieren richtet sich das Mandat vom 20. September 1751. Und während auf der einen Seite die holländischen Juden Sachsens Finanzwesen be- einflußten, kamen von der andern Seite die Einflüsse der polnischen Juden durch die Verbindung des kursächsischen Fürstenhauses mit Polen. Diese notorische Mitwirkung der jüdischen Finanzmänner und Kaufleute bei der Moder- nisierung der sächsischen Finanzen war es, die K u n t z e zu der Vermutung kommen ließ, ,,daß (für die Anwendung des Inhaberpapiers) der Gebrauch des Mamre als Anhalt und Muster gedient habe" ^^^. d) Zu den ersten Papieren, bei denen die Inhaberklausel in neuerer Zeit wieder angewendet wurde, gehörten die See- versicherungspolicen, „quas vocant caricamenti." Es wird uns nun ausdrücklich berichtet, daß es die jüdischen Kaufleute aus Alexandrien waren, die sich zuerst der Formeln ,,o quäl si voglia altera persona", ,,et quaevis alia persona", ,,sive quamlibet aliam personam" be- dienten 1^'. Diese Feststellung erscheint mir nun aber noch aus einem andern Grunde wichtig: weil wir nämlich bei dieser Gelegenheit gleichzeitig über die Gründe unterrichtet werden, die ,,die jüdischen Kaufleute aus Alexandrien" veranlaßten, sich der Rechtsform der Inhaberpapiere zu bedienen. Und damit berühre ich einen Punkt, auf dessen Hervorkehrung ich das allergrößte Gewicht lege. Viel bedeutsamer als alle Nachweise eines äußer- lich wahrnehmbaren Zusammenhangs zwischen Juden und In- haberpapier (die sich sicher noch vermehren lassen) erscheint mir der Umstand, daß wir die Vaterschaft der Juden für die In- haberpapiere aus zwingenden inneren Gründen annehmen müssen. Denn so unmodern diese Auffassung ist, ich wage sie d och mit allem Nachdruck immer wieder zu vertreten: die geringste Ratio eines Ereignisses gilt mir ebensoviel wie die ,, quellenmäßigen" Nachweise aus tausend Urkunden.

Die inneren Gründe aber, die die Ableitung der modernen Inhaberpapiere aus dem jüdischen Recht (oder der jüdischen Praxis) nahe legen, sind

5. das Interesse, das die Juden in besonders hohem

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Maße und in mancher Beziehung nur die Juden an der Rechts- form des Inhaberpapiers hatten.

Was bewog denn „die jüdischen Kaufleute aus Alexandrien" dazu, die Inhaberklausel in ihre Policen aufzunehmen? Straccha (a, a. 0.) teilt es uns mit: die Angst um ihre Schiffsladungen. Diese nämlich schwebten in der Gefahr, von den christlichen Piraten, von dem Navarch und Präfekten der katholischen kgl. Flotte ge- kapert zu werden, da die Waren der Hebräer und Türken von ihnen als Freibeute angesehen wurden. ,,Die jüdischen Kauf- leute aus Alexandrien" setzten nun in die Police einen beliebig erdichteten christlichen Namen, z. B. Paulus oder Scipio, ein und nahmen doch die Waren in Empfang — dank der hinzugefügten Inhaberklausel.

Wie oft aber, während des ganzen Mittelalters und noch in der neueren Zeit, muß dieses Motiv bei den Juden: durch irgend eine Vornahme sich als den eigentlichen Empfänger einer Sendung, einer Schuld usw. zu verbergen, wirksam gewesen sein! Und da bot sich die Form des Inhaberpapiers als das will- kommene Mittel dar, jene Verborgenheit zu bewirken. Die In- haberpapiere gewährten die Möglichkeit, Vermögen verschwinden zu lassen, bis eine Verfolgungswelle über die Judenschaft eines Ortes hinweggegangen war. Die Inhaberpapiere gestatteten den Juden, ihr Geld beliebig wo anzulegen und im Augenblick, da es gefährdet wurde, durch einen Strohmann beheben zu lassen oder ihre Forderungen zu übertragen, ohne die geringste Spur ihres früheren Besitzes zu hinterlassen. (Nebenbei bemerkt: die schier unerklärliche Tatsache, daß den Juden während des Mittel- alters alle Augenblicke ihr ,, ganzes Vermögen" abgenommen wurde, und daß sie nach ganz kurzer Zeit wieder reiche Leute waren, wird ihre Aufhellung gewiß zum Teil von der Seite der hier erörterten Probleme finden: es wurde eben den Juden nie ihr ganzes Vermögen abgenommen, ein beträchtlicher Teil war auf einen Strohmann übertragen worden.) Es ist, wie mir scheint, mit Recht darauf hingewiesen ^^^ worden, daß diese Ver- bergungszwecke allerdings die Form des reinen Inhaberpapiers erheischten, aber auch nur sie, während alle übrigen Zwecke, die man im Mittelalter mit der Inhaberklausel verband (also vor allem die Erleichterung der Stellvertretung vor Gericht), ebenso gut oder besser durch die alternative Inhaberklausel erreicht wurden.

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Ein wesentliches Interesse an der Ausbildung des Inhaber- papiers (richtiger: an seiner Verbreitung, denn in ihren Kreisen bestand es ja von jeher) gewannen die Juden, seit sie (wie wir noch genauer verfolgen werden) die börsenmäßige Spekulation in Waren und Effekten zu entwickeln begannen.

In welch raffinierter Weise die Rechtsform des Inhaber- papiers zur Durchführung von Warentermingeschäften schon im 17. Jahrhundert ausgenutzt wurde, zeigt uns ein Amsterdamer Gutachten vom Jahre 1670 (es handelt sich um eine ä la hausse- Spekulation in Walfischbarten, die der Spekulant durch Ein- schiebung von Strohmännern zu cachieren versucht ^^).

Und dann mußte natürlich der Spekulationshandel in Effekten die Einbürgerung des Inhaberpapiers ungemein begünstigen. Ins- besondere, seit die Juden anfingen, sich mit der Emittierung von Effekten gewerbsmäßig zu befassen, mußte ihr ganzes Sinnen darauf gerichtet sein, dem Inhaberpapier immer weitere Ver- breitung zu verschaffen. Es ist einleuchtend, daß die Unter- bringung kleiner Schuldbeträge bei einer großen Anzahl von Per- sonen, namentlich bei öffentlichen Schuldverschreibungen, ohne die Erleichterungen und Vereinfachungen, die das Inhaberpapier gewährte, fast ein Ding der Unmöglichkeit war. Man bringt des- halb auch mit Recht die Entwicklung der gewerbsmäßigen Emissionstätigkeit und die der Inhaberpapiere in einen ursäch- lichen Zusammenhang -"".

Wie sehr das geschäftliche Interesse, genauer: der Wunsch, den börsenmäßigen Handel in Effekten zu erleichtern und zu fördern, bei den Juden maßgebend bei der Ausbildung und Hand- habung des Inhaberpapiers war, erkennen wir auch aus gelegent- lichen Äußerungen der Rabbiner. So lautet eine sehr lehrreiche Stelle bei R'. Schabbatai Cohen (Schach 50, 7) (nach der Übersetzung bei Auerbach, 281) wie folgt:

,,Der Käufer des Inhaberpapiers hat gegen den Schuldner ehie Forderung auf Schadenersatz, wenn der Schuldner gegen eine chirographische Quittung oder gar ohne diese, so daß eine Publizität der Zahlung nicht hervorgebracht wurde, zahlte, um nicht den Handel mit solchen Papieren zu gefährden. Wenn auch R'. Ascher und Konsorten von Schtarot jede Verordnung, die die Piabbiner überhaupt zur Ausbreitung des Handels ein- geführt hatten (!), fernhalten, weil ein Handel mit Schuldscheinen ihrer um- ständlichen Übertragung wegen nicht stark sein kann, so sprechen diese Autoren es nur für Schtarot (resp. Chirographien) als Rektapapiere aus, bei Inhaber-

— 8S —

papieren hingegen, deren Umsatz in jetziger Zeit — also im 17. Jahrhundert — ein bedeutend größerer ist als der Umsatz von Mobilien, sind alle Verordnungen der Rabbiner für eine Ausdehnung des Handels sehr zu berücksichtige n."

Und damit habe ich schon wieder einen neuen Punkt be- rührt, dessen Hervorhebung mir abermals wichtig erscheint. Ich meine nämUch, daß aus diesen Worten des Rabbi ein ganz be- stimmter ,, Geist", ein sehr klarer ,, Rechtswille" spricht, und ich glaube, daß diese Äußerung keine vereinzelte ist. Wenn wir nämlich das jüdische Recht der Inhaberpapiere in seiner Ganz- heit überblicken und in seiner Eigentümlichkeit zu erfassen trachten, so bemerken wir unzweifelhaft (und damit mache ich den allertriftigsten Grund geltend, der für die Richtigkeit meiner Hypothese spricht), daß

6. die Idee des Inhaberpapiers sich zwanglos aus dem innersten Wesen, aus dem ,, Geiste des jüdischen Rechtes" ab- leiten läßt; daß die Rechtsform des Inhaberpapiers dem jüdischen Rechte ebenso gemäß ist, wie sie dem römischen und dem germanischen Rechte ihrer innerster Natur nach fremd sein mußte, ^Yeil sie ein unpersönHches Schuldverhältnis begründet.

Daß die spezifische Auffassung des römischen Rechtes von der Obligation eine ganz und gar persönliche Färbung trug, ist bekannt: die Obligatio war eine Rindung zwischen den Personen und demzufolge auch zwischen ganz bestimmten Personen. Die Bestimmung für ihr Zustandekommen: daß zwei oder mehr Per- sonen ,,ex diversis animi motibus in unum consentiunt, id est in unam sententiam decurrunt" (Ulp. L. I, § 3 D. de pact. 2, 14). Die Konsequenz dieser Auffassung war dann die, daß der Gläubiger seine Forderung eigentlich überhaupt nicht übertragen konnte, und wenn er es doch tun wollte, er es nur unter sehr schweren Redingungen tun konnte. Wenn auch im späteren römischen Rechte durch die Ausbildung der Delegations-, Novations- und insbesondere der Zessionslehre die Forderungen etwas freier übertragbar wurden: an dem persönlichen Charakter der Obligation ist dem inneren Wesen nach nichts geändert. Vor allem behielt der Schuldschein seinen ursprünglichen Charakter bei: er war nur akzessorisches Beweismittel. Trotz seiner konnten allerhand Einreden gegen eine aus ihm folgende Zahlungs-

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pflicht erhoben werden, Einreden aus den persönlichen Verhält- nissen zum ersten Gläubiger oder einem seiner Nachfolger.

Aber diesen grundpersönlichen Zug trug doch das deutsche Vertragsrecht wohl auch. Ja bis zu einem gewissen Grade war er in ihm stärker ausgeprägt als im römischen. Das germanische Recht hatte den Grundsatz, daß der Schuldner keinem andern zu leisten verpflichtet sei, als demjenigen, welchem zu leisten er versprochen hatte. Die Forderung war überhaupt nicht über- tragbar (wie denn das englische Recht bis 1873 an der Unüber- tragbarkeit der Forderung grundsätzlich festgehalten hat). Erst mit der Rezeption des römischen Rechts dringt die Ubertragbar- keit der Forderungen in Deutschland ein. Und eben wegen dieses starr persönlichen Charakters, um die mangelnde Zessi- bilität der Forderungen zu umgehen, behalf man sich ja (wie wir sahen) mit der Eselsbrücke der Ordre- und Inhaberklausel. Ich meine doch: damit ist deutlich genug ausgedrückt, daß das In- haberpapier als ,, Verkörperung" eines rein unpersönlichen Schuld- verhältnisses ganz und gar außerhalb des Ideenkreises des deutschen Rechtes gelegen war: gerade das Vorkommen der In- haberklausel beweist das.

Jenen Rechtsgedanken, der den modernen Ordre-Inhaber- und Blankopapieren zugrunde liegt: ,,daß nämlich die Urkunde auch in der Hand jedes folgenden (sukzessive) z. B. der ersten Be- gabung noch völlig unbestimmten Nehmers Träger des beurkunde- ten Rechts ist", hat ,, weder das Altertum noch auch nur das Mittelalter voll entwickelt" -°^

Diese Auffassung ist zweifellos richtig, wenn man eine Ein- schränkung hinzufügt: sow'eit nicht das jüdische Recht in Betracht gezogen wird. Denn daß dieses jenes, durch das moderne In- haberpapier ausgedrückte, ,, sachliche" Schuldverhältnis kannte, dürfte sich unschwer nachweisen lassen -°-.

Die Grundidee des jüdischen Obligationenrechts ist die: es gibt auch Verpflichtungen gegen unbestimmte Personen; man kann auch mit Herrn Omnis Geschäfte abschließen. Dieser Grund- gedanke ist in den einzelnen Lehren wie folgt verankert:

Das jüdische Recht kennt kein Wort für Obligation, sondern nur eins für Schuld (Chow), eines für Forderung (Thwia). Forderung und Schuld werden im jüdischen Recht als selb- ständige Gegenstände angesehen. Ein sehr charakteristischer

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Beleg für die Rechtsidentität einer Forderung und Verpflichtung an sich mit einer körperlichen Sache ist die Entstehung eines Forderungsrechtes durch das Erwerbssymbol. Selbstverständlich ist demnach, daß gegen die Übertragung von Forderungen und gegen die Stellvertretung zur Abschließung eines Vertrages kein gesetzliches Hindernis besteht. Die Person, gegen welche eine Forderung oder Verpflichtung vorhanden ist, braucht daher nicht an sich bestimmt zu sein, sondern sie kann auch ihre Be- stimmung durch den Besitz gewisser Sachen und Eigenschaften erlangen, sodaß sich die Forderung oder Verpflichtung eigentlich gegen die Sache oder Eigenschaft richtet, und nur, um den persönlichen Charakter des obligatorischen Verhältnisses zu wahren, direkt auf den Inhaber dieser Gegenstände oder Eigen- schaften sich beziehen muß.

Das obligatorische Rechtsverhältnis geht zwar von seinen Subjekten aus, aber es wird, sobald es entstanden ist, in seinen beiden Faktoren, Forderung und Verpflichtung (siehe oben Dar- gelegtes), zu einer in sich begründeten, absoluten, von jeder Individualität getrennten Substanz, deren Kräfte und Eigen- schaften sich sinnlich in den Handlungen beliebiger Personen darstellen. Daher eben die Auffassung: daß eine Verpflichtung ebenso wie gegen einen bestimmten Gläubiger, auch gegen die Gesamtheit aller Menschen, gegen die Allgemeinheit entstehen kann. Demnach findet eine Übertragung der Obligation durch bloße Überlieferung des Papiers statt, da ja das Geschäft, das vermittels des Papiers mit dem Publikum eingegangen ist, sich ebenso auf den Zessionar wie auf den Zedenten bezieht. Der Inhaber des Papiers ist also gleichsam. Mitglied einer Gesamt- gläubigerschaft (dies ist die juristische Konstruktion Auerbachs).

Es liegt also (wie man denselben Gedanken mit anderer Wendung ausdrücken kann) im jüdischen Recht keine Nötigung vor, unter den Subjekten einer Obligation Personen zu denken. Auch Eigenschaften oder Sachen können durch ihre natürlichen Vertreter eine Obligation bilden. Der Wille des Herrn kann auf eine Sache übertragen werden, wodurch dem leblosen Gegen- stande die einem Rechtssubjekt notwendige Willensmanifestation, also ein Tatbestand, der durchaus nicht in der Natur des Rechts- subjekts eine Begründung zu haben braucht, zugesprochen werden soll. Beim Inhaberpapier kann denn auch der Inhaber als

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Gläubiger nur insoweit als Gläubiger erklärt werden, als er das Papier inne hat: der übrige Teil seiner Persönlichkeit tritt gar nicht in den Schuldnexus und das Verpflichtungsverhältnis ein. Also ändert sich auch mit der Übertragung des Papiers im Grunde der Gläubiger gar nicht, da von dem neuen Inhaber wieder nur gleichsam eine Abstraktion, nämlich nur derjenige Teil von allen seinen individuellen Eigenschaften in die Gläubiger- schaft eintritt, der ihn als den Besitzer des Papiers kenn- zeichnet. Die Rechtssubjekte sind die bestimmten Eigenschaften an Personen, die tätigen Personen an sich sind die Träger, die Vertreter jener Rechtssubjekte.

Eine gewiß kühne Konstruktion, die zum Teil deutlich subjek- tive Färbung trägt. Was aber aus einer vorurteilsfreien Prüfung des von Auerbach beigebrachten Materials sich wohl für jeden ergibt, ist die so sehr viel abstraktere Grundrichtung des jüdischen Rechts, die einer unpersönlichen, ,, sachlichen" Auf- fassung vom Rechtsverhältnis im schroffen Gegensatz zum römischen und altgermanischen Rechte die Wege ebnet. Daß aber aus einem solchen ,, Geiste" ein Rechtsinstitut, wie das moderne Inhaberpapier, wie von selbst herauswachsen mußte, scheint mir keine übermäßig gewagte Annahme zu sein. Sodaß zu allen äußeren Gründen noch dieser tief innerliche Grund einer Übereinstimmung der Wesenheit des Inhaberpapiers mit der Wesenheit der gesamten jüdischen Rechtsauffassung hinzukommt, um die von mir aufgestellte Hypothese zu stützen: daß das Rechts- (und Verkehrs!-) Institut des modernen Inhaberpapiers in der Hauptsache (natürlich werden andere Einflüsse mitgewirkt haben) jüdischen Ursprungs ist.

II. Der Handel mit Wertpapieren 1. Die Ausbildung des Verkehrsreclüs In den modernen Wertpapieren, die wir Effekten nennen, kommt der kommerzialistische Zug unseres Wirtschaftslebens am deutlichsten zum Ausdruck. Das Effekt ist seinem inneren Wesen nach dazu bestimmt, ,,in den Verkehr" zu kommen. Es hat seinen Beruf verfehlt, wenn es nicht gehandelt wird. Man könnte zwar einwenden, daß ein sehr großer Teil der Effekten ein geruh- sames Dasein in dem Geldschrank des Rentners führt und von seinem Besitzer nur als Renteninstrument, nicht als Handels-

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Objekt betrachtet wird, das er behalten, nicht verkaufen will Aber als solches Besitzobjekt im ruhenden Zustande funktioniert das Wertpapier gar nicht als Effekt, es brauchte um diese Rolle zu spielen, gar nicht es selber zu sein: eine irgendwelche persön- liche Schuldurkunde könnte denselben Dienst leisten. Spezifisch ist ihm nur seine leichte Verkäuflichkeit und nur um derentwillen mußte jener mühsame Prozeß der Versachlichung vollzogen werden. Alle Eigenart, die unser Wirtschaftsleben durch die Ausbildung der Effekten erfährt, beruht ausschließlich in deren Beweghchkeit, die sie zum raschen Besitzwechsel geeignet machen. Das sind ja Selbstverständhchkeiten, die ich nur um des Zu- sammenhanges willen hier aussprechen mußte.

Ist aber der Lebensberuf des Effekts der, leicht und mühelos von Hand zu Hand zu gleiten, so sind für die Entwicklung des Effektenwesens alle diejenigen Einrichtungen von entscheidender Bedeutung, die den Besitzwechsel dieser Vermögenswerte er- leichtern. Zu diesen Einrichtungen gehört in erster Linie ein passendes Recht. Passend für den gedachten Zweck ist aber ein Recht dann, wenn es eine rasche Entstehung neuer Be- ziehungen zweier Personen zueinander oder einer Person zu einer Sache möghch macht.

Beruhen die Lebensbedingungen einer Gesellschaft darin, daß jedes Ding der Regel nach in den Händen eines und des- selben Eigentümers verbleibt — wie etwa in einer eigenwirt- schaftlich organisierten Volksgemeinschaft — , so wird das Recht alles aufbieten, um die Beziehungen zwischen Person und Sache so fest wie möglich zu gestalten, während umgekehrt, wenn die Bevölkerung auf dem unausgesetzten Neuerwerbe von Gütern ihr Dasein aufbaut, das Recht grundsätzlich auf Sicherung des Ver- kehrs ausgerichtet sein wird. Wiederum Selbstverständlichkeiten, deren Erwähnung uns nun aber mitten in das hier zur Erörterung stehende Problem hineingeführt hat.

Und zwar so: unser reges Verkehrsleben, vor allem aber der Handel mit Wertpapieren, heischt namentlich ein Besitz- recht, das die Vernichtung alter und die Entstehung neuer Rechtsbeziehungen nach Möglichkeit erleichtert, also gerade das Gegenteil von dem bestimmt, was etwa das deutsche und das römische Recht anstrebten. Diese beiden erschwerten den Eigentumsübergang in jeder Hinsicht und versuchten, die Eigen.

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tumsbeziehungen vor allem auch dadurch zu festigen, daß sie dem Eigentümer eine weitreichende Vindikationsbefugnis ver- liehen. Insbesondere konnte nach römischem und älterem •deutschen Recht der Eigentümer ein ihm unrechtmäßig ab- handen gekommenes Gut auch vom gutgläubigen Besitzer ohne Entschädigung zurückfordern. Dem gegenüber steht der in das moderne Recht fast durchgängig übergegangene Satz, daß die Ausheferung nur gegen Erstattung der Summe zu erfolgen braucht, die der jetzige Besitzer gezahlt hat, wenn nicht etwa überhaupt keine Verpflichtung des gutgläubigen Erwerbers besteht, die Sache dem früheren Eigentümer herauszugeben.

Woher nun dieser den älteren Rechten fremde Grundsatz unserer modernen Gesetzgebungen? Antwort: aller Wahr- scheinlichkeit nach aus dem jüdischen Rechtskreise, in dem von jeher das verkehrsfreundliche Recht gegolten hat.

Den Schutz des gutgläubigen Erwerbers finden wir schon im Talmud ausgesprochen. Die Mischna in B. Q, 114 b, 115 a lautet also: ,,Wenn jemand seine Geräte oder seine Bücher im Besitze eines anderen erkennt, so soll, falls ein bei ihm verübter Diebstahl in der Stadt bekannt geworden ist, der Käufer schwören, wieviel er dafür bezahlt hat und«sein Geld erhalten, wenn aber nicht, so ist er dazu nicht berechtigt, denn man nehme an, daß er sie an jemand verkauft und dieser sie von jemand gekauft hat" (Übersetzung Goldschmidt 6, 430). Also auf jeden Fall kann der gutgläubige Erwerber Schadenersatz verlangen; unter bestimmten Umständen kann er die Sache ohne weiteres behalten. Die Gemara schwankt zwar; aber im allgemeinen kommt sie doch auch zu dem Entscheide: dem gutgläubigen Erwerber muß „Marktschutz" gewährt werden; der Eigentümer muß ihm den gezahlten Preis ersetzen.

Diese verkehrsfreundliche Auffassung des Talmud haben dann die Juden während des ganzen Mittelalters in ihrem Rechte beibehalten und — was das Wichtigste ist — sie haben schon frühzeitig durchgesetzt, daß sie auch in der Rechtsprechung christlicher Gerichte zur Anwendung gelange. Für den Erwerb beweglicher Sachen durch Juden hat Jahrhunderte lang ein be- sonderes Judenrecht in Geltung gestanden; es hat seine erste Anerkennung in dem Privileg gefunden, das König Heinrich IV. im Jahre 1090 den Juden Speiers erteilt: ,,Wird bei einem Juden

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eine gestohlene Sache gefunden und behauptet der Jude, sie gekauft zu haben, so darf er mit dem Eide nach seinem Gesetze erhärten, für welche Summe er sie gekauft habe; zahlt ihm dann soviel der Eigentümer, so soll er sie diesem dafür herausgeben." Dieses besondere jüdische Recht finden wir nicht nur in Deutsch- land, sondern auch in anderen Ländern (in Frankreich schon Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts) in Anwendung ^^^. Im Sachsen- spiegel ist es III, 7, § 4 aufgenommen. Es scheint, daß der wichtige Rechtsgrundsatz dann durch die neueren Kodifikationen zu allgemeiner Geltung erhoben worden ist. Goldschmidt, der ,,den Ausschluß der Vindikation sogar gestohlenen Gutes in dritter Hand" ebenfalls auf jüdisch-rechtlichen Ursprung zurück- führt, nimmt einen Einfluß der jüdischen Rechtsauffassung vor allem auf das Handels gewohn heits recht ^o* an (obwohl er im allgemeinen die Bedeutung der Juden für die Entwicklung des Handels und des Handelsrechts zu verkleinern, wenn nicht überhaupt zu leugnen krampfhaft bemüht ist. Es gibt nämlich im Grunde gar keine Juden!).

2. Die Börse

Aber die Hauptsache war natürlich, daß für die Wertpapiere ein ihnen angemessener Markt geschaffen wurde. Und das war die Börse.

Wie die Gegenstände, die man in den Handel bringen wollte, versachlichte Forderungsrechte waren, so wurde in der Börse der Handel damit ebenfalls seiner persönlichen Färbung entkleidet. Denn das ist das Wesen der Börse und unterscheidet sie von anderen Märkten. Die Verträge, die hier abgeschlossen werden, sind nicht mehr in ihren einzelnen Bestandteilen der Ausfluß persönlicher Bewertung und persönlichen Befundes, sondern kommen durch das Zusammenwirken untereinander fremder Personen zustande. Nicht das Vertrauen, das der einzelne Ge- schäftsmann bei seinen Geschäftsfreunden auf Grund persönlichen Umgangs genießt, befähigt ihn mehr, wie ehedem, Geschäfte einzugehen, sondern eine allgemeine, abstrakte Bewertung seiner Kreditwürdigkeit, die ditta di Borsa, genügt nun, wie Ehren- b e r g hervorgehoben hat, um Verträge abzuschließen. Nicht ein individueller Preis, der durch gegenseitige Aussprache zweier oder auch mehrerer Käufer und Verkäufer zustande kam, liegt

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mehr den Abmachungen zugrunde, sondern ein aus tausend Einzelpreisen mechanisch gebildeter, abstrakter Durchschnittspreis. Und der spezifisch börsenmäßige Handel selbst ist ein aller persön- licher Beimischung entkleideter, versachlichter, automatisierter Vorgang geworden.

Man nennt jetzt mit Recht die Börse einen Markt für fun- gible (vertretbare) Tauschgüter oder Werte (Weber, Ehrenberg, Bernhard); aber man muß sich klar machen, daß der Handel selbst auf der Börse, wie man im übertragenen Sinne sagen könnte, ebenfalls ,, fungibel" geworden, besser: versachlicht ist, wie die Objekte, auf die er sich bezieht (denn auch die Standardisierung der Waren, die eine Voraussetzung des börsenmäßigen Handels in Sachgütern ist, läuft auf nichts anderes hinaus, als auf eine ,, Entpersönlichung" der Ware, die nicht mehr in ihrer individuellen, sondern nur noch in ihrer generellen Eigenart bewertet wird).

Es erübrigt sich, hier den Nachweis zu führen, daß die Ver- marktung der Wertpapiere an die Existenz eines börsenmäßigen Handels geknüpft war. Nur ein Wort möchte ich noch sagen über die besondere Rolle, die in meiner Auffassung innerhalb des Börsenhandels die ,, Spekulation" spielt, weil hier jeder Schriftsteller seine eigene Terminologie und seine eigene An- sicht hat.

Eine allgemein anerkannte Begriffsbestimmung für die „Spekulation", wie wir sie in der obengenannten Definition für die Börse besitzen, gibt es heute noch nicht. Die meisten Autoren fassen den Begriff ganz allgemein, in dem Sinne von ,, Wagen und Gewinnen" etwa, und zwar dann wieder schwankend, bald als eine bestimmte Tätigkeit, bald als eine bestimmte Art von Geschäften. Daß dabei eine Erscheinung nicht bestimmt wird, die sich ganz deuthch innerhalb jenes weiten Rahmens als „Spekulation" im engeren Sinne abhebt, ist zweifellos. Auch diese hat man zu fassen versucht: Ehrenberg, indem er Handel und Spekulation gegenüberstellt, jenen sich in der Ausnutzung örtlicher, diese zeitlicher Preisunterschiede erschöpfen sieht. Aber dann fällt unter den Begriff Spekulation ganz gewiß noch eine ganze Menge von Geschäften, die man auch im kauf- männischen Sprachgebrauch nie und nimmer als „Spekulation" bezeichnen würde: im effektiven Warenhandel kommt es doch immer auch auf eine Ausnutzung zeitlicher Preisunterschiede an

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(Handel mit Ernteerzeugnissen!) und kein Mensch wird einen Kaufmann, der Weizen nach der Ernte kauft, weil er auf ein Steigen im Frühjahr rechnet, einen Spekulanten nennen. Eher ließe sich schon diese Begriffsbestimmung verwerten, wenn wir (mit Max Weber) die Beschränkung auf den Handel mit börsen- gängiger Ware hinzufügen. Nur möchte ich dann auch gleich den Begriff noch ein wenig enger (und damit präziser) fassen, indem ich Spekulation in einen Gegensatz zum Effektivgeschäft setze, also darunter alle nicht auf effektive Lieferung der Ware oder (was dem in der Sphäre des Effektenhandels gleichkommt) nicht auf den Erwerb von Anlagepapieren abzielenden Käufe verstehe (die ja damit von selbst in den Nexus der Börsenusance und des durch diese geschaffenen Geschäftsmechanismus ein- geschlossen sind).

Jedenfalls wird man den Begriff Spekulation in diesem engen Sinne verstehen müssen, wenn man von der Bedeutung der Spekulation für den börsenmäßigen Handel spricht, da man ja alsdann diese beiden Begriffe in einen Gegensatz zueinander bringt. Dieser Gegensatz kann aber dann nur der sein zwischen effektivem Geschäft und Differenzgeschäft (in dem oben um- schriebenen, weiteren Sinne), innerhalb dessen man dann wieder- um als wichtigste Form der Spekulation das Differenzgeschäft im engeren (eigentlichen) Sinne unterscheiden kann. Daß dieses in der Tat für das effektive Geschäft die Bedeutung mindestens des Schrittmachers habe, ist heute wohl allgemein anerkannt. Insbesondere für den Effektenmarkt bleibt es außer Zweifel, daß die ,, Spekulation" den Markt der Spekulationspapiere vergrößert und die Sicherheit, effektive Geschäfte machen zu können, steigert. Die Gründe (die die Verteidiger dieser Ansicht nicht immer mit der wünschbaren Deutlichkeit anführen, wie denn überhaupt die Markt bildende Funktion der Spekulation gegenüber ihrer preis- ausgleichenden Wirkung, obwohl sie mindestens ebenso bedeut- sam ist — hier übrigens allein in Betracht kommt — immer stiefmütterlich behandelt wird), hat in mustergültiger Weise schon Isaac de Pinto wie folgt zusammengestellt ^°^, dessen Ausführungen ich hier im Wortlaut wiedergebe, weil es immer reizvoll ist, zu vernehmen, wie zuerst bestimmte Wahrheiten erkannt und ausgesprochen sind:

1. La facilite de vendre son fonds ä terme et de donner

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et prendre des primes sur ce meme fonds, engage d'abord beau- coup de gens ä placer leur argent qui ne placeraient pas sans ces avantages;

2. il y a un grand nombre de gens pecunieux, tant en Angle- terre qu'en Hollande, qui ne veulent pas placer definitivement leur argent dans les nouveaux fonds pour ne point en courri les risques pendent la guerre. Mais que font-ils? Ils placent cepen- dent pour 10, 15 ou 20 milles livres Sterling en annuites, qu'ils vendent ä termes aux agioteurs: au moyen de quoi ils ont un gros interet de leur argent, sans etre sujets aux variantes, qui sont pour le compte de l'agioteur; ce manege ce continue pour desannees; et cela s'est fait pour des millions . . .

De Sorte que le Gouvernement d'Angeleterre a, par ce jeu-lä, balaye non seulement l'argent de ceux qui voulaient de ces fonds, mais encore tout 1' argent de ceux meme qui n'en voulaient pa s."

Und dann:

„. . . la circulation, que le jeu procure est prodigieuse; on ne peut imaginer combien il facilite les moyens de se defaire ä tout moment et ä toute heure de ces fonds et cela pour des sommes considerables. C'est ä cette facilite que les particuliers ont ä se defaire de ces fonds, que l'Angleterre est redevable en partie de celle qu'elle a eu de faire ces enormes emprunts."

Nicht zu vergessen der Tendenz zur Nivellierung und Unifizierung des Effektenwesens, durch deren Entfaltung die Spekulation ebenfalls unzweifelhaft marktbildend wirkt, weil sie den Besitzwechsel der einzelnen Stücke, die dann auch im Termine gehandelt werden können, natürlich erleichtert: ich denke an Vereinheitlichung der Zinssätze, der Zinstermine, Ab- lösung von der einzelnen Kasse usw.^"*.

Dann wäre aber auch noch festzustellen, daß das, was man die ,, Berufsspekulation" nennt, diesen Namen nur zum Teil ver- dient. Jene 1000 oder 2000 Personen an den großen Börsen, die, wie man sagt, ,,die Spekulation" gewerbsmäßig betreiben, betreiben in Wirklichkeit und genau gesprochen den Effekten- handel gewerbsmäßig und zwar teilweise als Effektiv-, teilweise als Differenzhandel und ersetzen in gewissem Sinne den dealer der Londoner Stock Exchange. Im Jobber schneiden sich also die beiden Kreise: Effektivhandel und Spekulationshandel, sodaß

Sombart, Die Juden 7

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wir folgende Kategorien börsenmäßigen Handels zu unterscheiden haben:

1. gelegentlichen Effektivhandel (Handel des anlagesuchenden Publiku*ms oder seiner Beauftragten);

2. gelegentlichen Spekulationshandel (Spekulation der nicht „berufsmäßigen" Spekulanten, die wieder Spekulation von Insiders (die Großspekulation) und Outsiders ist);

3. berufsmäßigen Effektivhandel | das Gewerbe des

4. berufsmäßigen Spekulationshandel j „Jobbers".

Will man nun die Entwicklung der „Börse" verfolgen, so wird man (von der allmählichen Herausbildung der äußeren Organisation abgesehen) nachzugehen haben:

1. der Entwicklung eines berufsmäßigen Effektenhandels;

2. der Entwicklung der Spekulations-(Terminhandels-)Technik. Um diese beiden Entwicklungsreihen ranken sich oder in sie

fügen sich ein alle andern Erscheinungen, die zusammen mit jenen beiden die ,, Börse" ausmachen.

Daß uns bis heute eine Entwicklungsgeschichte der Börse fehlt, ist ein nicht genug zu beklagender Ubelstand. Ich muß deshalb, da ich natürlich in diesem Zusammenhange jene Riesen- lücke auch nicht einmal oberflächlich stopfen kann, mich damit begnügen, um die Paar Flicken, auf deren Aufzeigung es mir ankommt, auch nur befestigen zu können, notdürftig ein bißchen Hintergrund herzurichten, auf dem sich die besonderen Tat- sachen, über die ich zu berichten habe — und das ist ja der Anteil der Juden an der Herausbildung der Effektenbörse (die Produktenbörse muß ich einstweilen mangels jeglichen Materials unberücksichtigt lassen) — so gut wie möglich abheben.

• *

Die Geschichte der Börse zerfällt in zwei große Perioden: in die Zeit seit ihren Anfängen im 16. Jahrhundert bis etwa um die Wende des 19. Jahrhunderts: die Periode des inneren Wachstums, während welcher sich alle Einrichtungen der Börse zur Reife entwickeln, ohne daß sie selbst schon einen organi- schen Bestandteil des Wirtschaftslebens bildete, und in die Zeit seit dem Beginne des 19. Jahrhunderts bis heute: die Periode, in der nach und nach alle Teile der Volkswirtschaft vom Börsen- wesen durchdrungen werden.

I

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Unser Augenmerk wird sich natürlich vornehmlich wieder auf die erste Periode zu richten haben: die Zeit der intensiven Entwicklung, des stillen Reifens.

Daß wir den Ursprung der modernen Effekten- börse im Wechselhandel oder wenn man den Begriff mehr im äußerlichen Sinne fassen will: in der Vereinigung der Wechselhändler zu suchen haben, darf jetzt wohl als sicher gelten ^o^; die Plätze, an denen im 16. und dann namentlich im 17. Jahrhundert namhafte Börsen entstehen, sind sämtlich vorher Mittelpunkte eines regeren Wechselverkehrs gewesen.

Nun können wir aber deutlich wahrnehmen, daß in der Zeit, in der die Börsen emporblühen, die Juden den Wechselmarkt fast ausschließlich beherrschten. Das Wechselgeschäft gilt im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, zum Teil noch später, vielerorts geradezu als eine Domäne der Juden.

Für Venedig (im 16. Jahrhundert) habe ich in anderem Zu- sammenhange die Belege schon beigebracht-^.

In Amsterdam begegnen wir ihnen gleichfalls als hervor- ragende Wechsel- und Geldsortenhändler, ausdrücklich erwähnt freilich erst für das Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts ^o^; es liegt aber kein Grund vor, anzunehmen, daß sie es vorher nicht gewesen wären.

Gleichsam eine Filiale von Amsterdam war im 17. Jahr- hundert Frankfurt a. M. Nun: schon im 16. Jahrhundert berichtet uns Stephanus ^i» von den Juden, welche der Messe zwar ,, nicht zur Zierde, wohl aber zum Vorteil gereichten, besonders im Wechselgeschäft". Im Jahre 1685 klagen die christlichen Kauf- leute Frankfurts, daß die Juden das ganze Wechselgeschäft und die Maklertätigkeit an sich gezogen hätten ^n. Freunde der Glückel von Hameln haben ,, Handel mit Wechseln und sonstigem, wie es bei Juden Brauch ist," geführt 212.

In Hamburg bürgern die Juden das Wechsel - und Bank- geschäft erst ein. Ein Jahrhundert nachher (1733) äußert sich ein Gutachten bei den Senatsakten über die Bedeutung der Juden als Wechselhändler dahin, daß im Wechselgeschäft . . die Juden ,,fast gantz Meister" seien, ,,die Unsrigen überflügelt" hätten 213. Noch gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts waren die Juden in Ham- burg fast die einzigen regelmäßigen Wechselkäufer.

Von deutschen Städten wird uns noch von Fürth ausdrück-

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lieh bestätigt, daß der Wechselhandel (während des 18. Jahr- hunderts) „größten Teils in ihren Händen" lag^i^.

Über die Zustände in Wien, das bekanntlich seit dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts sich als Börsenplatz eine hervorragende Stellung eroberte, berichtet der Staatskanzler Ludewig aus der Regierungszeit Leopolds l.^^^: ,,Praesertim Viennae ab opera et fide Judaeorum res saepius pendent maximi momenti. Gambia praesertim et negotia primi ordinis nundinatorum".

Von den Juden in Bordeaux heißt es^^®: ,,leur principal commerce est de prendre les lettres de change et d'introduire l'or et l'argent dans le royaume".

Daß die Juden in Stockholm im Anfang des 19, Jahrhunderts den Wechselmarkt beherrschten, erfahren wir aus einem Gut- achten des Abgeordneten Wegelin (1815)2i",

Wurden die Juden als die Beherrscher des Wechselhandels die Begründer der modernen Effektenbörse, so müssen wir doch nun aber als die viel bedeutsamere Tatsache feststellen, daß sie der Börse und dem Börsenhandel auch ihr eigenartiges Gepräge aufgedrückt haben. Dies aber dadurch, daß sie offenbar die „Väter des Termingeschäfts", die Schöpfer der Technik des börsenmäßigen Handels, wenn man will, also auch die Väter der Börsenspekulation gewesen sind.

In welche Zeit wir die Anfänge der Effektenspekulation verlegen sollen, können wir im Augenblick noch nicht mit Be- stimmtheit sagen. Die Italianisten möchten gern auch für diese Er- scheinung des modernen Wirtschaftslebens die Priorität Italiens gewahrt sehen. Wenn 's nach S i e v e k i n g ginge, hätten wir im 13. oder doch spätestens im 14. Jahrhundert in Genua schon alle Arten von Stockjobberei in höchster Blüte. Er meint darüber ^^^r „Die Anteile an der Staatsschuld waren veräußerlich . . Die schwankenden Kurse gaben Anlaß zu einem lebhaften Handel mit Schuldanteilen, wie wir ihn in Genua schon im 13. Jahr- hundert verfolgen können. Ja aus den Akten des Genueser Handelsgerichts und aus Venedig lassen sich um 1400 Speku- lationsgeschäfte in solchen loca nachweisen, die die Form von Termin- und Differenzgeschäften trugen". Was er selbst aber bisher aus diesen Akten mitgeteilt hat, rechtfertigt dieses Urteil nicht 219. Im Notfall könnte man für Venedig im 15. Jahrhundert Spuren des Differenzgeschäftes nachweisen — wie denn dort

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auch schon im Jahre 1421 ein Verbot gegen den Handel mit Bankierscheinen erlassen wurde. Die Beispiele jedoch, die wir für den Verkehr mit loca in Genua kennen lernen, ganz sicher die aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, aber wie mir scheint, auch die aus dem 15. Jahrhundert, entbehren jeden ,, spekulativen" Charakters, auch wenn man den Begriff Spekulation recht weit faßt. Es sind alles Effektivgeschäfte, die von Privatpersonen, nicht einmal von berufsmäßigen Stockhändlern, abgeschlossen werden.

Will man nicht völlig in die Irre gehen und sich durch irgend eine gelegentlich auftauchende Erscheinung in den Sumpf locken lassen, so muß man immer die allgemeine Stimmung, die Wirt- schaftsgesinnung, wie ich es nenne, zu Rate ziehen. Da sehen wir denn nun in unserem Falle, daß noch im 16. Jahrhundert alles, was nach Blankoverkauf aussah, strengstens verpönt war, nicht etwa nur in der konservativen Menge oder in den Regie- rungsstuben, sondern bei den allerfortgeschrittensten Leuten, wie es beispielsweise Sera via della Galle unstreitig war. Der schreibt denn nun aber in seinen ,, Institutionen": ,,e molto piu malvagio mercato quello che fanno coloro che vendono una cosa prima che la comprino" ~^.

Ich denke daher, es wird einstweilen sein Bewenden haben bei dem Urteile Ehrenbergs, das dahin lautet -i: Das Termin- geschäft kommt zwar im 16. Jahrhundert schon vor, ist aber nirgends schon als Hauptwerkzeug der Spekulation erwähnt.

Nicht im 13. Jahrhundert in Genua, sondern im 17. Jahr- hundert in Amsterdam haben wir die Anfänge der modernen Börsenspekulation zu suchen. Und zwar, wie ziemlich deut- lich sich erkennen läßt, sind es die Aktien der ostindischen Kompagnie gewesen, an denen sich die Stockjobberei empor- gerankt hat.

Die große Masse gleichartiger Papiere, die plötzlich in Um- lauf kamen, die stark verbreitete Spielsucht, das starke Interesse, das man an dem Unternehmen von Anfang an genommen hatte, die schwankenden Erträge und die sich daran knüpfenden Stimmungsschwankungen: alles dies wirkte offenbar zusammen, um auf dem wohlvorbereiteten Boden der x\msterdamer Börse die Spekulation in Aktien rasch zur Blüte zu bringen -2^. In der kurzen Zeit von acht Jahren war sie schon so allgemein verbreitet und wurde sie schon so eifrig betrieben, daß sie von

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der öffentlichen Gewalt als Ubelstand empfunden wurde, den es galt, durch Gesetze aus der Welt zu schaffen: das Plakat der Generalstaaten vom 26. 2. 1610 verbot bereits, mehr Aktien zu verkaufen, als man wirklich besaß. (Diesem Verbot sind dann — natürlich ohne daß sie den geringsten Erfolg gehabt hätten — noch viele gefolgt: 1621, 1623, 1677, 1700 usw.)

Würde man fragen, wer in Aktien spekulierte, so würde die Antwort lauten müssen: jeder, der das Geld dazu aufbringen konnte. Vor allem wohl die reichen Besucher der Börse, wahr- scheinlich ohne Unterschied der Konfession.

Trotzdem aber werden wir annehmen dürfen, daß die Juden bei dieser' Entwicklung der ersten Börsenspekulation eine hervor- ragende Rolle vor den andern Beteiligten gespielt haben. Was, wie es scheint, ihr eigenstes Werk dabei war, war die Aus- bildung eines berufsmäßigen Effektenhandels einerseits, der Technik des Termingeschäfts anderseits. Wir haben einige Zeugnisse, die die Richtigkeit dieser Annahme ausdrücklich be- stätigen. Gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts galt es als aus- gemacht, daß die Juden den Aktienhandel ,, erfunden" hätten ^23, Das ist natürlich noch kein Beweis dafür, daß die behauptete Tatsache wahr sei. Immerhin ist eine derartige allgemein ver- breitete Ansicht, auch wenn sie in späterer Zeit ausgesprochen ist, nicht ohne weiteres als belanglos von der Hand zu weisen, zumal wenn sie in ihrer Richtigkeit durch andere Indizien be- stätigt wird. Zunächst dies: die Ansicht beweist, daß man die Juden für besonders geeignet hielt, jene Erfindung gemacht zu haben. Sie waren also jedenfalls in jener Zeit die Haupt- beteiligten. Das wird uns auch von anderer Seite bestätigt. Sogar (was wichtig ist) für eine erheblich frühere Zeit: die zweite Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts durch den schon genannten Nie. Muys van Holy. Was wir ferner als verbürgt ansehen können, ist der Umstand, daß die Juden am Aktienbesitz bei beiden indischen Kompagnien stark beteiligt waren. Für die ostindische haben wir dafür das zuverlässige Zeugnis de Pintos -2'*; für die westindische, deren Aktien ein noch wilderes Spekulations- fieber entfachten, den Brief der Direktoren an Stuyvesant ^25, in dem sie ihn anweisen: die Juden in Neu-Amsterdam zuzu- lassen ,,also because of the large amount of capital which they have invested in shares in this Company"; für beide Kom-

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pagnien den Bericht Manasseh ben Israels an Cromwell ^^, in dem der Verfasser bemerkt „that the Jews were enjoying a good part of the (Dutch) East and West India Company."

Besonderen Wert lege ich aber auf die Tatsache, daß am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts ein portugiesischer Jude in Amster- dam dasjenige Buch schrieb, das zum ersten Male den börsen- mäßigen Handel in allen seinen Verzweigungen erschöpfend behandelte, und zwar, wie uns ein gewiegter Kenner versichert, in einer Weise, daß es ,,bis zum heutigen Tage nach Form und Inhalt die beste Darstellung des Fondsverkehrs gebheben" ist. Ich meine Don Jos. delaVegas Confusion de confusiones usw., die 1688 erschien 227, Daß also ein Jude der erste „Theoretiker" des Terminhandels war, ist durch das Dasein dieser Schrift ver- bürgt. De la Vega war aber selbst Kaufmann und seine Dar- stellung ist offenbar nichts anderes als der Niederschlag der geistigen Atmosphäre, in der er lebte. Bringen wir diese schrift- stellerische Leistung in Zusammenhang mit allem übrigen, was wir von der Wirksamkeit der Juden an der Amsterdamer Börse in Erfahrung gebracht haben, angefangen von ihrer Tätigkeit als Wechselhändler, ziehen wir in Betracht die Anschauungen, die im 18. Jahrhundert über die Rolle, die sie bei der Entstehung des Aktienhandels gspielt haben, allgemein verbreitet waren, so wird, da doch immerhin einige rationale Erwägungen unsere Schlüsse in gleicher Richtung bestimmen werden, das Gesamt- urteil tatsächhch, denke ich, in dem oben genannten Sinne dahin lauten müssen: mindestens, daß die Juden bei der Genesis des modernen Börsenhandels in entscheidender Weise mitgewirkt haben, wenn nicht: daß sie seine Väter sind.

Möchte aber noch immer jemand an der Richtigkeit dieser Ansicht zweifeln, so bin ich in der glückhchen Lage, jenem Indizienbeweis noch einen unmittelbaren Zeugenbeweis beifügen zu können, von dem ich selbst erst (dank einem Hinweise meines Freundes Andre E. Sayous in Paris) Kenntnis erhalten habe, nachdem ich jene Zeilen niedergeschrieben (und an anderer Stelle veröffenthcht) hatte.

Wir besitzen nämhch einen Bericht, wahrscheinlich des französischen Gesandten im Haag an seine Regierung, aus dem Jahre 1698, in dem khpp und klar ausgesprochen ist, daß die Juden den Börsenhandel in Wertpapieren in ihrer

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Hand haben und nacli ihrem Gutdünken gestalten. Die wichtigsten Stellen dieses Berichtes lauten wie folgt 228;

„Dans cet fitat (Holland) les Juifs fönt une grosse partie; et c'est sur les pronostics de ces prötendus sp^culateurs politiques, trds vacillants eux- m^mes, que les prix de ces actions sont dans des variations si continuelles qu'elles donnent lieu plusieurs fois le jour ä des nögociations qui meriteraint niicux le nom de jeu ou de pari, et d'autant mieux que les Juifs, q u i e n sontlesressorts,y joignent des artifices qui lui fönt toujours de nou- velles dupes mgme de gens du premicr ordre." (Also schon künstliche Be- einflussung der Börse!)

„...leurs courtiers et agents juifs, les hommes les plus adroits en ce genre qu'il y ait au monde..." ,,change et actions, dans tous lesquels genres de choses ayant toujours entre eux de grosses niasses et pro- visions. . ."

Also ZU deutsch etwa:

„In diesem Staat (Holland) spielen die Juden eine große Rolle, und nach den Prognostiken dieser vorgeblich politischen Spekulanten, die selbst oft in Ungewißheit sind, sind die Preise dieser Aktien in so beständigem Schwanken, daß sie mehrere Male des Tages Handelsgeschäfte verursachen, welche eher den Namen eines Spieles oder einer Wette verdienten, um so mehr, als die Juden, welche die Triebfedern dieses Gebarens sind, Kunststückchen dabei ausüben, welche die Leute immer wieder aufs neue foppen und zum besten halten, selbst wenn es die tüchtigsten sind."

„...ihre jüdischen Makler und Agenten, die geschicktesten Leute dieser Art, die es auf der Welt gibt,..." „Wechsel und Aktien, in welcher Art von Dingen sie immer große Summen und Vorräte halten."

Der mit allen Geheimnissen der Börsenmache vertraute Ver- fasser berichtet uns sehr ausführlich, wodurch vornehmlich es den Juden gelang, jene beherrschende Stellung an der Amster- damer Börse einzunehmen. Ich komme darauf in anderem Zu- sammenhange noch zu sprechen.

Helles Licht fällt aber auch auf die Zustände an der Amster- damer Börse, wenn wir die anderen Börsen jener Zeit in ihrer Entwicklung verfolgen.

Wir wenden uns zunächst nach London, demjenigen Platze, der vom 18. Jahrhundert ab Amsterdam den Rang ab- lief und sich, wie bekannt, zum bei weitem ersten Börsenplatze entwickelte. In London ist aber der Einfluß der Juden auf die Effektenbörse vielleicht noch deutücher wahrzunehmen als in Amsterdam. Und es läßt sich außerdem mit einiger Sicherheit nachweisen, daß die große Förderung, die die Börsenspekulation in London gegen Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts erfuhr, auf die

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Tätigkeit Amsterdamer Juden zurückzuführen ist, die damals nach London übersiedelten. Dadurch aber wird die Geschichte der Londoner Börse zu einem neuen Beleg für die Richtigkeit der Ansicht, daß die Ausbildung des börsenmäßigen Handels in Amsterdam vornehmUch das Werk der Juden gewesen ist. Denn offenbar waren sie dann so erfahren in diesen Dingen, daß sie zu Lehrmeistern an einer doch immerhin schon recht bedeutenden Stätte kaufmännischen Lebens werden konnten.

Über die einzelnen Etappen, in denen die Juden die Londoner Börse eroberten, wissen wir folgendes.

Im Jahre 1657 muß Sol. Dormido seine Aufnahme in die Royal Exchange erst noch beantragen, denn die Juden sind offiziell von dem Besuch der Börse ausgeschlossen. Das Gesetz, das diese Ausschließung bestimmt, scheint aber ganz und gar in Vergessenheit geraten zu sein. Jedenfalls finden wir gegen Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts die Börse (seit 1698 'Change Alley) schon voller Juden. Ihre Zahl war so groß, daß ein besonderer Teil des Gebäudes als Jews Walk bezeichnet wurde. ,,Die Börse ist gedrängt voll von Juden" („the Alley throngs with Jews") schreibt ein Zeitgenosse -2^. Hing die Auswanderung nach 'Change Alley mit der wachsenden Beteihgung der in der Royal Exchange mißUebig bemerkten Juden zusammen? Mit dem Exodus beginnt jedenfalls die Fondsspekulation in England ^°.

Woher diese plötzliche Überflutung? Wir wissen es genau. Sie rührte von den zahlreichen Juden her, die im Gefolge Wilhelms III. von Amsterdam herübergekommen waren. Und diese brachten nun, wie schon erwähnt, die ausgebildete Technik des Börsenhandels mit nach London. Daß die Darstellung ,die John Francis von diesen Vorgängen gibt, der Wirküchkeit durchaus entspricht, wird durch zahlreiche Zeugnisse, die erst in neuerer Zeit namentlich von den Judaisten beigebracht sind, bestätigt:

Die Börse erschien wie Minerva: sie sprang völlig gerüstet hervor; die Hauptnegozianten der ersten englischen Anleihe waren Juden; sie standen dem Oranier Wilhelm III. mit ihren Ratschlägen zur Seite und einer von ihnen, der reiche Medina, war Marlboroughs Bankier, zahlte ihm jährlich 6000 ^ Pension und erntete dafür die Erstlinge der Kampagnenachrichten. Die Siegestage des englischen Heeres waren für ihn ebenso

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gewinnabwerfend als für Englands Waffen ruhmreich. Alle Kunstgriffe der Hausse und Baisse, die falschen Nachrichten vom Kriegsschauplatz, die angebüch angekommenen Kuriere, die ge- heimen Börsenkoterien, das ganze geheime Räderwerk des Mammons war den ersten Vätern der Börse bekannt und ward auch von ihnen gehörig ausgebeutet.

Neben Sir Solomon Medina, the Jew Medina, wie er hieß, den man als den Begründer der Fondsspekulation in England ansehen darf, kennen wir noch eine ganze Reihe anderer großer jüdischer Geldleute aus der Zeit der Königin Anna, die im großen Stile an der Börse spekulierten. Manasseh Lopez, wissen wir, gewann ein großes Vermögen dadurch, daß er eine (infolge falschen Alarms: die Königin sei tot, entstandene) Panik aus- nutzte und alle Regierungsfonds, die rasch im Preise fielen, auf- kaufte. Ähnhches wird aus einer späteren Zeit von Sampson Gideon berichtet, der als „the Great Jew broker" unter den ,,Gentile" bekannt war 231, Um die finanzielle Stärke der Juden im damahgen London zu ermessen, muß man bedenken, daß man im Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts die Anzahl der jüdischen Familien mit 1000—2000 £ Jahreseinkommen auf 100, die mit 300 '£ auf 1000 schätzte (Picciotto), während einzelne Juden, wie die Mendes da Costa, Moses Hart, Aaron Francks, Baron d'Aguilar, Moses Lopez Pereira, Moses oder Anthony da Costa (der Ende des 17. Jahr- hunderts Direktor der Bank of England war) u. a. zu den reichsten Kaufleuten Londons gehörten.

Aber fast noch bedeutsamer als diese Kreierung der groß- zügigen Börsenspekulation durch große Geldleute erscheint mir der Umstand, daß offenbar auch der berufsmäßige Effektenhandel und damit die sogenannte ,, Berufsspekulation" an der Londoner Börse durch Juden eingeführt sind. Diese beiden Erscheinungen sind während der ersten Hälfte des 18, Jahrhunderts ebenfalls erst aufgetaucht, und zwar sind sie allem Anschein nach von den Brokers ins Leben gerufen. Der Broker hat also seinen schroffen Widerpart: den Jobber selbst erzeugt.

Dieser Vorgang ist, soviel ich sehe, bisher nicht bemerkt worden. Er läßt sich aber mit aller nur wünschbaren Deutlich- keit an der Hand der zeitgenössischen Quellen verfolgen.

Postlethwayt, der in allen diesen Dingen ein durchaus zuverlässiger Gewährsmann ist, berichtet uns darüber wie folgt 2^2;

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„Stock Jobbing . . was at first only the simple occasionai transferring of interest and shares from one to another as persons alienated their estates; but by the industry of the stock-brokers, who got the busincss into their hands, it became a trade; and one, perhaps, which has been managed with the greatest intrigue, artifice and trick that every any thing which appeared with a face of honesty could be handled with; for, while the brokers held the box, the made the whole exchange the gamesters, and raised and lowered the prices of Stocks as they pleased and always has both buyers and sellers, who stood ready, innocently to commit their money to the mercy of their mercenary tongues" usw.

Nun wissen wir aber aus anderen Berichten, daß die Juden an dem Stande der Brokers einen ganz besonders starken Anteil hatten. Schon 1697 wurden an der Londoner Börse von ins- gesamt 100 vereidigten Brokers 20 auf Fremde und Juden ge- rechnet 229. Und wir dürfen annehmen, daß sich in den folgen- den Jahrzehnten ihre Anzahl noch vermehrte. ,,The Hebrews flocked to 'Change Alley from every quarter under heaven", urteilt Francis an der Hand zeitgenössischer Quellen. Jedenfalls er- fahren wir von einem sehr gewissenhaften Beobachter aus den 1730er Jahren (also ein Menschenalter nach ihrem Einbruch in die Londoner Börse), daß es zu viel jüdische Makler gab, um sie alle als Makler zu beschäftigen und daß diese Übersetzung des Gewerbes die Veranlassung bot, mehr als die Hälfte von ihnen in den (berufsmäßigen) Effektenhandel zu drängen, sie also aus brokers in Jobbers zu verwandeln: ihre Überzahl, schreibt unser Gewährsmann ^ ,,has occasion'd almost on Half of the Jew Brokers to run into Stock-jobbing". Nach demselben Gewährs- mann sollen im damaligen London schon 6000 Juden ansässig gewesen sein.

Diese Entstehung der Stock-jobberei aus dem Maklertum, wie wir sie hier für die Londoner Börse deuthch aus den zeit- genössischen Berichten ablesen können, scheint übrigens nicht auf London beschränkt zu sein. Auch in Frankfurt a. M. dürfte sich die Entwicklung ähnUch vollzogen haben. Jedenfalls wissen wir, daß dort gegen Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts die Juden zu- nächst auch das Mak'ergewerbe ganz in ihre Hände gebracht hatten 2**, von welcher Stellung aus sie dann wahrscheinlich sich

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dort ebenfalls den berufsmäßigen Fonds Handel (und die damit verbundene „Berufsspekulation") erobert haben.

Auch in Hamburg haben die Portugiesen schon 1617 4 Makler, spater 20-=^.

Ziehen wir nun noch in Betracht, daß die allgemeine Meinung den Juden auch die Ausbildung des Arbitragegeschäfts an der Londoner Börse zuschrieb ^^, ferner, daß bei der gleich zu besprechenden grandiosen Ausgestaltung, die die Fondsspeku- lation seit dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts zunächst in London erfährt, die Juden ebenfalls stark beteihgt sind, so werden wir kaum umhin können, dem Urteil, zu dem ein anderer Forscher auf Grund eingehender Studien gelangt ist^^^^ beizupflichten: daß London, wenn es heute der Mittelpunkt des Geldverkehrs der ganzen Erde ist, es dies vornehmlich den Juden verdankt.

Hinter Amsterdam und London treten alle anderen Effekten- börsen während der ganzen frühkapitalistischen Epoche weit zurück. Auch in Paris erwacht doch erst gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts ein regeres Leben. Den ersten Spuren der Fondsspekulation oder Agiotage, wie sie bekanntlich in Frankreich heißt, begegnen wir dort im Anfange des 18. Jahrhunderts. Ranke-^ findet das Wort ,,Agioteur" zum ersten Male erwähnt in einem Schreiben der Ehs. Charlotte vom 18. Jänner 1711. Die Schreiberin meint, der Ausdruck stamme von den Billets de monnaye: früher habe man nichts davon gewußt. Die Law- Periode hinterUeß offenbar keine dauernden Spuren. Denn noch in den 1730er Jahren empfindet man den Abstand gegenüber den kapitalistisch fortgeschrittenen oder doch wenigstens börsen- mäßig schon stärker bewegten Nachbarländern Holland und Eng- land in Frankreich sehr. Melon äußert sich darüber also^^S; „La circulation des fonds est une des plus grandes richesses de nos voisins; leur banque, leurs annuites, leurs actions, tout est en commerce chez eux". Also in Frankreich noch nicht. Und noch im Jahre 1785 sagt ein Edikt (vom 7. August): „le roi est informe, que depuis quelque temps il s'est introduit dans la Capitale un genre de marche" etc., nämlich der Terminhandel in Effekten.

Dieser niedrige Stand, den die Entwicklung des Börsen- handels in Frankreich während des 18, Jahrhunderts noch auf- wies, ist der deutliche Ausdruck der verhältnismäßig geringen

I

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Bedeutung, die die Juden für das französische, in Sonderheit Pariser Wirtschaftsleben in jener Zeit hatten. Da die Orte, wo sie schon damals auch in Frankreich eine größere Holle spielten, wie Lyon und Bordeaux, doch wohl als Pflanz- und Pflegestätten des Effektenhandels nicht geeignet waren. (In Lyon war die kurze, in ihren Ursachen noch nicht genügend aufgedeckte Blüte- zeit, während welcher der Platz Mittelpunkt eines regeren Effektenverkehrs während des 16. Jahrhunderts gewesen war ^°, doch ohne Nachwirkung gebheben.)

Das wenige immerhin, was Paris während des 18. Jahr- hunderts an Börsenspekulation und berufsmäßigem Effekten- handel besaß, verdankte es doch wohl auch den Juden. Der Sitz der Fondsspekulation in Paris, wo auch die erste Agio- tage mit den ,,billets de monnaye" sich abspielte, war (und blieb lange Zeit hindurch) die durch den Law-Schwindel später so bekannt gewordene Rue Quincampoix. Hier aber wohnten, wie uns ein etwas später schreibender Gewährsmann be- richtet -^^ ,, viele Juden". Der Mann aber, an dessen Namen sich diese erste Fondsspekulation recht eigentlich knüpfte, ein großer Meister der Agiotage vor Law, war der bekannte Finanz- mann Ludwigs XIV., Samuel Bernard. Nach ihm heißen die Billets de monnaye, als sie nachher entwertet waren, ,, Bernar- dines" 242. Was aber John Law außer seinem Phantasmus an börsentechnischen Kenntnissen besaß, hatte er in Amsterdam ge- lernt 243. Ob Law selbst Jude war (Law = Levy), wie be- hauptet wird -^, habe ich nicht feststellen können. Mögüch ist es. Sein Vater war bekannthch ,, Goldschmied" (und Bankier). Daß er ,, reformiert" war, ist natürüch kein Hinderungsgrund. Für sein Judentum spricht das jüdische Aussehen des Mannes auf manchen Bildern (zum Beispiel auf dem in der deutschen Aus- gabe seiner ,, Gedanken vom Waren- und Geldhandel" usw. aus dem Jahre 1720). Dagegen eigenthch der Grundzug seines Wesens, der doch ein seltsames Gemisch von Seigneurialismus und Abenteurertum war.

In Deutschland gelangten während des 17. und 18. Jahr- hunderts nur die Börsen von Frankfurts. M, und Hamburg, also der beiden Judenstädte par excellence, zu einiger Bedeutung. Wie deuthch sich der Einfluß der Juden auf diese beiden Börsen nachweisen läßt, wurde an anderer Stelle schon gezeigt.

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Als eine wesentlich jüdische Institution ist aber auch die Berlin erBörse von vornherein ins Leben getreten. Im Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts schon, noch ehe die Juden die Freiheit er- langten (1812), ragten sie selbst ziifermäßig hervor: von den vier „Vorstehern der Börse" waren zwei (!) Juden; das „Börsen- Committe" aber bildeten folgende Personen:

1. die Herren Börsenvorsteher 4

2. die Ältesten der beiden Gilden 10

3. von der Elbschiffergilde 1

4. von den Kaufleuten jüdischer Nation dazu erwählt . 8

23

Also von 23 MitgUedern waren 10 (NB. anerkannte!) Juden; wieviel außerdem getaufte und Kryptojuden, läßt sich nicht feststellen.

Wiederum sehen wir sie auch in Berlin stark im Makler- gewerbe vertreten: von sechs vereidigten Wechselmaklern sind drei Juden (von den zwei vereideten Warenmaklern der Tuch- und Seidenhandlung ist einer Jude, und der Substitut ist auch Jude; also von drei im ganzen sind zwei jüdischer Konfession) 2«.

Fondshandel und Fondsspekulation hat es in Deutschland während des 18. Jahrhunderts wohl nur in Hamburg und Frank- furt a. M. gegeben. Von Hamburg wissen wir, daß schon im Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts der Aktienhandel verboten wurde. Ein Mandat des Hamburger Rats vom 19. JuU 1720 läßt sich also vernehmen: ,, Demnach E. E. Rath mit großer Befrem- dung und Mißfallen vernommen, welcher Gestalt einige Privati, unter dem Prätext einer Assecuranze-Compagnie sich eigen- mächtig unternommen, einen sog. Actien-Handel zu veranlassen und anzufangen; daraus aber gar viel gefährüche und dem Pubhco sowohl als Privatis höchst nachtheilige Folgen zu be- sorgen" usw. In dem Hamburger Münz- und Medaillen- vergnügen (1753), Seite 143, Nr. 4 findet sich eine auf den Aktien- handel geprägte Denkmünze. Auch Raumburger klagt in der Vorrede zu seiner Justitia selecta Gent. Eur. in Cambiis etc. über den ,,so heillosen und verderblichen fatalen Papier- und Aktienhandel".

Juden die Väter? Wenigstens das mag festgestellt werden: Die Anregung zum „Aktienhandel" stammte aus den Kreisen

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der Assecuradeurs, wie aus dem Mandat des Jahres 1720 hervor- geht. Wir wissen aber, daß bei der Seeversicherung in Ham- burg die Juden eine hervorragende Rolle spielten ^*^. Im übrigen erfahren wir durch die genannten Zeugnisse über den Börsen- handel in Hamburg nicht sehr viel und gar nichts Genaues; ebenso können wir für Frankfurt a. M. nur Vermutungen an- stellen. Auf die erste ganz sichere Spur stoßen wir in Augs- burg im Jahre 1817. Wir kennen das Urteil des dortigen Wechselgerichts vom 14. Februar 1817, worin eine Klage auf Zahlung eines Differenzgewinnes mit der Begründung abgelehnt wird, daß solche Geschäfte ,,Hazardspiel" seien. Es hatte sich um eine Kursdifferenz von 17 630 fl. gehandelt, die aus einem Kauf auf Lieferung von 90 000 fl. in Bayrischen Lotterielosen entstanden war. Der Kläger hieß Heymann, der Beklagte H. E. Ulimann! Das ist der erste sicher verbürgte Fall einer Effektenspekulation in Deutschland -*'.

Damit haben wir nun aber schon in eine Zeit hinüber- gegriffen, die ich von der eben betrachteten als eine neue Periode der Börsenspekulation abgehoben wissen wollte. Wodurch kennzeichnet sie sich? Was verleiht ihr das eigenartige Gepräge, das wir immer nur mit dem schrecküchen Worte ,, modern" bezeichnen können?

Daß die Börse heute eine grundandere Stellung einnimmt als noch vor hundert Jahren, erkennt man am deutlichsten an der Beurteilung, die sie in den maßgebenden Kreisen damals erfuhr und heute erfährt.

Bis tief in das 18. Jahrhundert hinein will man auch in kapitaüstisch interessierten Kreisen von Fondsspekulation gar nichts wissen. Die großen Handbücher und Lexika der Kauf- mannschaft, die wir in englischer, französischer, itaUenischer, deutscher Sprache aus der Mitte und der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts besitzen, erwähnen entweder (in den ökonomisch „rückständigen" Ländern) den Fondshandel und die Fonds- spekulation gar nicht; oder — wenn sie davon sprechen, wie Postlethwayt — können sie sich gar nicht genug tun in Ent- rüstung diesen unerhörten Veiirrungen gegenüber. Wie heute der Kleinbürger oder der Agrarier über ,,die Börse", das heißt eben die Börsenspekulation urteilt, so urteilte im 18. Jahrhundert auch der solide Großkaufmann. Als man im Jahre 1733 die Sir

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John Bernards Act im englischen Parlament beriet, waren sich alle Redner einig in der Verurteilung der „infamous practice of stockjobbing." Und dieselbe scharfe Ausdrucksweise finden wir noch ein halbes Menschenalter später bei Postlethwayt, der von „those mountebanks, we very properly call stock-brokers" spricht. Stock-jobbing nennt er ein „pubUc grievance", das „scan- dalous to the nation" geworden sei 2*8.

Kein Wunder, wenn bei dieser allgemeinen Verurteilung der Fondsspekulation alle Gesetzgebungen noch das ganze 18. Jahr- hundert hindurch sie strengstens verbieten.

Aber die Mißstimmung gegen die ,, Börse" reichte noch tiefer. Sie reichte bis zu den Grundlagen, auf denen sie aufgebaut war: sie richtete sich gegen das Effektenwesen selbst. Hier natürhch trat das Interesse der Staatsgewalt auf Seite derer, die es ver- teidigten. Aber Fürst und Jobber standen in voller Einsamkeit allein gegenüber der geschlossenen Masse aller übrigen Leute, die sich überhaupt ein Urteil bildeten (die Privaten, die sich gern Schuldtitel kauften, kann man natürlich nicht mit- rechnen). Das öffentliche Schuldenwesen galt als eine partie honteuse der Staaten. Die besten Männer erblickten in der fort- schreitenden Verschuldung einen der schwersten Übelstände, den man mit allen Mitteln zu beseitigen trachtete. Praktiker und Theoretiker waren darin einig. Man denkt in den Kreisen der Kaufmannschaft ernstlich daran, wie man die Staatsschulden kassieren könnte; und erörtert den Gedanken: ob nicht der frei- wiUige Staatsbankerott als letzte Rettung zu erstreben sei. Und das in England in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts ^^sj Die Theoretiker urteilten nicht milder. DavidHume nennt die Staatsanleihen ,,a practice . . ruinous beyond all controversy" ^^o. Und Adam Smith braucht auch, wie bekannt, die stärksten Ausdrücke, um seinem Unwillen über die immer mehr anwachsende Verschuldung der Staaten Luft zu machen: ,,the ruinous practice of funding" . . . ,,the ruinous expedient of perpetual funding" . . . ,,has gradually enfaibled every state which has adopted it" . . . ,,(the progress of) the enormous debts, which at present oppress and will in the long-run probably ruin all the great nations of Europe" ^^.

Adam Smith ist wie in jeder Hinsicht auch hier der Spiegel, in dem sich das Wirtschaftsleben seiner Zeit ruhig und klar

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widerspiegelt. Nichts besser kann die eigentümliche Gestaltung der damaUgen Volkswirtschaft — die ausgebildete frühkapita- listische Wirtschaft — im Gegensatz zu der unsrigen kenn- zeichnen, als die Tatsache, daß in dem grandiosen Lehrgebäude des Adam Smith kein einziges Kämmerlein für die Lehre von den Effekten oder von der Börse und dem börsenmäßigen Handel übrig ist. Ein vollendetes System der Nationalökonomie, in der der Börse auch nicht mit einem Worte Erwähnung getan wird!

Und fast um dieselbe Zeit war ein Buch erschienen (dessen übrigens auch Adam Smith gedenkt, ohne den Verfasser mit Namen zu nennen: „one author" hat eine verrückte Meinung geäußert, sagte er einmal bei Gelegenheit), in dem nur vom Kredit und seinen Segnungen, von der Börse und ihrer Be- deutung die Rede war; ein Buch, das man recht eigenthch das hohe Lied des öffentUchen Schuldenwesens und des Effekten- handels nennen kann; ein Buch, das ebensosehr mit seinem vollen Gesichte in die Zukunft schaute, wie der Wealth of Nations (als Theorie) der Vergangenheit zugewandt ist. Ich meine natürlich den Traite du credit et de la circulation, der 1771 erschien, und dessen Verfasser Josef de Pinto hieß und — deshalb diese Worte — portugiesischer Jude war. In Pintos Buch ist haarklein und genau alles enthalten, was im 19. Jahr- hundert zur Verteidigung des öffentlichen Kredits (wie überhaupt der Versachlichung der Kreditverhältnisse) sowie zur Recht- fertigung des berufsmäßigen Effektenhandels, der Fondsspekula- tion usw. dann vorgebracht worden ist. Ebenso wie Adam Smith die Epoche der börsenschwachen Volkswirtschaft mit seinem System beschließt, ebenso leitet Pinto die moderne Zeit mit seiner Kredittheorie ein, die Zeit, in der nun die Fondsspekulation zum Mittelpunkte des wirtschafthchen Geschehens, die Börse zum „Herzen des Wirtschaftskörpers" wurde.

Leise, aber unaufhaltsam senkte sich von nun ab die Wage der öffenthchen Meinung zugunsten der Kredit- und Börsen- wirtschaft in dem Maße, wie diese selbst sich ausbreitete und vertiefte. Allmählich folgte die Gesetzgebung, und als die Napoleonischen Kriege zu Ende geführt waren, als Ruhe im Lande herrschte, da fing nun auch die Börse an — unbehindert von den lästigen Fesseln einer börsenfeindlichen Gesetzgebung — mächtig emporzublühen.

Sombart, Die Juden 8

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Welches waren nun aber die tatsächlichen Veränderungen, die Effektenwesen und Fondsspekulation in dieser Zeit erfuhren; worin erweist sich in der wirkUchen Gestaltung der Dinge (nicht nur in ihrem „ideologischen" Widerschein) die UnterschiedUch- keit gegen früher, derentwegen wir von einer neuen Epoche des Börsenverkehrs reden können; und — natürhch unsere Haupt- frage —: was hatten die Juden dabei zu tun?

Die Technik der Börsengeschäfte erlebte in der neuen Zeit keine irgendwie wesenthchen Veränderungen. Sie stand im Jahre 1688, als de la Veja sein Buch erscheinen ließ, vollendet da. Daß noch diese oder jene Nebengeschäftsform hinzuwuchs, ver- steht sich von selbst. Auch hier werden wir immer auf Juden stoßen, wenn wir etwa die Recherche de la paternite anstellen. So fand ich^^ zum Beispiel als Begründer des Assekuranz- geschäfts (in Deutschland) W. Z. Wertheimer in Frankfurt a. M., ebenso als Begründer des sog. Heuergeschäfts (zu dessen Betrieb sich in Berlin im Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts eine eigene Gesell- schaft unter der Firma ,,Promessen-Komite" gebildet hatte) Juden.

Aber der Schwerpunkt der Entwicklung liegt doch nicht hier in dieser Weiterbildung der Geschäftsformen; er liegt vielmehr, wenn ich es in einem Schlagwort ausdrücken darf, in der extensiven und intensiven Steigerung des Fondsverkehrs.

Wie rasch sich seit der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts, dann aber noch in viel reißenderem Tempo seit dem Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts die Anzahl und Menge der öffentlichen Schuld- verschreibungen vermehrt, ist ja bekannt. Damit natürhch dehnt sich in gleichem (oder noch größerem) Maße die Fondsspekulation aus. Diese hatte bis in die zweite Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts selbst in Amsterdam und London doch eigentlich nur geplänkelt, und zwar mit Vorhebe im Aktienhandel. Den ersten großen Vor- stoß gegen die öffenthchen Anleihen datiert ein zuverlässiger Gewährsmann für Amsterdam (und damit für die damalige Börse überhaupt) vom Jahre 1763: er berichtet, daß bis dahin vor- nehmhch in Aktien spekuliert sei; ,,mais depuis la derniere guerre on s'est jette dans le vaste Ocean des annuites" ^^^. Die an der Amsterdamer Börse notierten Effekten bezifferten sich noch Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts auf nur 44; darunter waren 25 Sorten inländische Staats- und Provinzialobhgationen und

— 115 —

6 deutsche Anleihesorten. Bis zum Ende des Jahrhunderts war die Zahl der inländischen Papiere schon auf 80, die der deutschen auf 30 gestiegen 2^. Aber wie rasch wuchs nun der Fondsmarkt während und namentlich nach den Napoleonischen Kriegen an! Waren bis 1770 an der Amsterdamer Börse seit ihrem Bestehen für 250 Mill. Gulden Anleihen aufgenommen worden, so emittierte ein einziges Londoner Haus in nur 14 Jahren (von 1818 — 1832) für mehr als jene Summe, nämüch für 440 Mill. Mark, öffentUche Schuld- anweisungen. Das sind alles bekannte Dinge. Aber man weiß auch, wer ,,das einzige Londoner Haus" nur sein kann, das in einem Jahrzehnt für eine halbe Milliarde Mark Papiere auf den Markt brachte. Und mit der Erwähnung „dieses einzigen Hauses" und seiner vier Brüderhäuser habe ich auch schon den Zu- sammenhang hergestellt zwischen dieser allgemeinen Betrachtung der Fondsentwicklung und der Spezialfrage, die wir aufgeworfen hatten.

Ausdehnung des Effektenmarktes von 1800 bis 1850 heißt die Ausbreitung des Hauses Rothschild und was da drum und dran hing. Denn der Name Rothschild bedeutet mehr als die Firma, die er deckt. Er bedeutet die gesamte Juden- schaft, soweit sie an der Börse tätig war. Denn allein mit ihrer Hilfe konnten die Rothschilds die alles überragende Machtstellung, ja man kann getrost sagen: die Alleinherrschaft an der Fondsbörse erobern, die wir sie während eines halben Jahrhunderts einnehmen sehen. Es ist gewiß keine Übertreibung, wenn man gesagt hat, daß (übrigens gilt das für manche Länder bis über die Mitte des Jahrhunderts hinaus) ein Finanzminister, der sich dieses Welt- haus entfremdete und mit ihm nicht paktieren wollte, geradezu seine Bureaus schUeßen mußte. ,,Es gibt nur eine Macht in Europa", heißt es um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, ,,und das ist Rothschild; seine Trabanten sind ein Dutzend anderer Bank- häuser und seine Soldaten, seine Knappen sind alle ehrUchen Handelsleute und Arbeiter und sein Schwert ist die Spekulation" (A. Weil). Bekannt sind die vielen witzigen Bemerkungen, die Heine über die Rothschilds gemacht hat und in denen sich sicher besser als in langen Zahlenreihen die einzige Bedeutung dieses seltsamen Phänomens widerspiegelt. ,,Herr von Roth- schild ist in der Tat der beste politische Thermometer, ich will nicht sagen Wetterfrosch, weil das Wort nicht hinlänglich respekt-

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voll klänge". „Jenes Privatkabinett ist in der Tat ein merk- würdiger Ort, welcher erhabene Gedanken und Gefühle erregt, wie der Anbhck des Weltmeers oder des gestirnten Himmels: wir sehen hier klar, wie klein der Mensch und wie groß Gott ist" usw.

Es kann mir nun nichts ferner hegen, als die Absicht, die Geschichte des Hauses Rothschild hier auch nur in den Grund- zügen zu schreiben. Jedermann kann sich über die welt- geschichthche Bedeutung dieses Hauses leicht aus der zum Teil recht guten, jedenfalls sehr umfangreichen Rothschildhteratur ^^ unterrichten. Was ich nur gern möchte, ist dies: ein paar der be- sonders charakteristischen Züge hervorzuheben, die die Rothschilds der Börse und dem Börsenverkehr eingeprägt haben, um so zu zeigen, daß nicht nur in quantitativer, sondern auch in quaU- tativer Hinsicht die moderne Börse Rothschildsch (also jüdisch) ist.

Das erste kennzeichnende Merkmal, das die Börse seit den Zeiten der Rothschilds trägt (und das sie ihr deutUch auf- gedrückt haben), ist ihre Internationalität. Diese war, wie nicht erst nachgewiesen zu werden braucht, die notwendige Voraus- setzung für die gewaltige Ausdehnung des Effektenwesens, das zu seiner Entwicklung des Zusammenstroms der ,, Kapitalien" aus allen Ecken und Enden der bewohnten Erde nach den Zentren des Leiheverkehrs, den großen Weltbörsen, bedurfte. Was uns heute als selbstverständlich erscheint: die Internationalität des Kreditverkehrs, war für den Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts noch etwas, das die größte Bewunderung erregte, wo man es bemerkte. Daß Nathan Rothschild 1808 im Kriege Englands mit Spanien es übernahm, von London aus die Zahlungen für die britische Armee in Spanien auszuführen, galt als eine ungeheure Leistung und begründete recht eigentlich seinen großen Einfluß. Bis 1798 hatte nur das Frankfurter Haus bestanden; 1798 wurde in London, 1812 in Paris, 1816 in Wien, 1820 in Neapel von je einem Sohne des alten Mayer Amschel, wie bekannt, eine Zweig- niederlassung begründet. Damit war die Möglichkeit gegeben, die Anleihe jedes fremden Landes wie eine inländische zu behandeln, und damit bürgerte sich beim Pubhkum die Gewohnheit erst recht ein, sein Geld auch in fremden Papieren anzulegen, weil deren Zinsen und Dividenden nun im Heimatlande in einheimischer Münze bezahlt wurden. Die Schriftsteller aus dem Anfang des-

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19, Jahrhunderts berichten als über eine außerordentlich weit- tragende Neuerung, daß „jeder Besitzer von Staatspapieren . . die Zinsen nach seiner Bequemlichkeit an mehreren Orten ohne alle Bemühungen erheben (kann): das Haus Rothschild in Frankfurt bezahlt die Zinsen für mehrere Staatsregierungen, das Pariser Haus Rothschild bezahlt die Zinsen der österreichischen Metalli- ques, die neapolitanischen Renten, die Zinsen der enghsch- neapolitanischen Obligationen nach Beheben in London, Neapel oder Paris" -^^.

Wurde auf diese Weise der Kreis der Geldgeber räumlich erweitert, so sorgten andere Maßnahmen der Rothschilds dafür, daß nun auch der letzte Groschen aus der Bevölkerung allerorts herausgepumpt wurde. Das geschah durch eine geschickte Be- nutzung der Börse zu Emissionszwecken.

Nach allem, was wir aus den Berichten der Zeitgenossen herauslesen -^', hat die Ausgabe der österreichischen Rothschild- lose im Jahre 1820/21 sowohl für das Anleihewesen, wie für den Börsenverkehr Epoche gemacht. Zum ersten Male wurden hier alle Register der wildesten Fondsspekulation gezogen, um „Stimmung" für das Papier zu machen, und von dieser Anleihe datiert (wenigstens auf dem Festlande) recht eigentlich erst die Effektenspekulation; man kann sie , .füglich als das . . Signal zum lebhaften und weithin ausgebreiteten Handel mit Staats- papieren betrachten" (Bender).

Stimmung machen war die Parole, die von nun an den Börsenv